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PRINCETON.     N.     J.  "' 


s  I  I   / 


BX    4917     .G4    1870    v.l 
Gillett,    E.    H.    1823-1875. 
The   life   and   times   of   John 
Shelf Huss 


THE 


LIFE    AND    TIMES 


JOHN     HUSS; 


OR,      THE 


obcmiaix  Reformation 


IHE   FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 

E .     H .     GILLETT, 

rttOTKSSOR   OF   TOL1TICAL    SCIKNCE   IN  THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   THE   CITV   OK  NEW    TOUK. 

IN    TWO     VOLUMES. 
VOL.     I. 


NEW  EDITION,  CAREFULLY  REVISED,  WITH  IMPORTANT 
ADDITIONS  AND  AN  APPENDIX. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PRESBYTERIAN   BOARD   OF   PUBLICATION, 

1334    CHESTNUT    STREET. 


Euteted  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1861, 

15  y    E .    H .    GILLETT, 

In  the  Clerk's  (Mice  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  tor  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


n-  - 


PREFACE  TO  THE  THIRD  EDITION. 


In  bringing  out  a  new  edition  of  this  work,  I  cannot 
but  express  my  grateful  appreciation  of  the  general  and 
emphatic  commendation  with  which  the  previous  editions 
have  been  received.  I  feel  under  special  obligation  to 
the  critical  review  of  it  in  the  Moravian,  the  Editor  of 
which,  Eev.  Edmund  De  Schweinitz,  now  at  the  head  of 
the  Theological  School  of  the  Moravian  Church  in  this 
country,  has  made  the  period  and  the  subjects  embraced 
in  my  work  his  special  study.  To  him  I  am  indebted 
not  only  for  many  corrections  and  suggestions,  but  for 
the  loan  of  several  rare  works,  including  extracts  from 
unpublished  manuscripts,  of  which  I  have  availed  myself 
in  preparing  this  new  edition. 

For  a  similar  favor  I  am  indebted  also  to  the  Rev. 
William  E.  "Williams,  D.  D.,  of  this  city,  and  through  his 
kind  assistance  I  was  enabled  to  secure  the  means  of 
preparing  the  article  on  "  The  Sermons  of  John  Huss," 
which  appeared  in  the  J\Teio  Englander  for  1864. 


IV  PRE  F  ACE. 

Bnt  the  most  important  help  in  preparing  this  new 
edition  for  the  press,  has  been  derived  from  Palacky's 
"Documenta  Magistri  J.  Eus,"  a  large  octavo  volume  of 
over  7i»i)  pages,  laboriously  compiled  by  an  enthusiastic 
historical  student  and  a  warm  admirer  of  his  own  coun- 
tryman, the  Bohemian  Reformer.  His  "  Geschiclite  des 
Bohmens"  is  a  monument  of  patient  and  persevering  la- 
bor, and  I  have  derived  much  advantage  from  its  careful 
perusal,  but  his  "Documenta,"  upon  which  he  has  be- 
stowed great  care  and  study,  is  especially  valuable,  not 
only  for  its  revision  of  documents  already  accessible, 
which  are  now  chronologically  arranged  with  much  more 
reliable  exactness  than  was  possible  heretofore;  but  as 
embodying  much  fresh  material  that  has  been  gathered 
from  various  and  hitherto  unexplored  sources. 

This  compilation  was  published  during  last  year  at 
Prague,  and  the  examination  of  it  has  enabled  me  to  re- 
view my  own  work  in  the  light  of  the  latest  results  of 
historical  investigation.  I  have  found  far  less  than  I 
might  have  anticipated  in  the  text  which  required  to  be 
changed,  and  such  changes  and  additions  as  have  been 
introduced  in  the  body  of  the  work,  have  been  derived 
very  largely  from  Palacky's  History,  and  such  authorities 
as  I  have  been  favored  with  by  the  Rev.  E.  De  Schwein- 
itz.  The  note-  in  the  Appendix  have  been  derived 
xevy  largely,  although  not  exclusively,  from  the  "Docu- 
menta," and  can  be  referred  to  by  the  aid  of  the  num- 
bers which  will  be  met  with  at  the  points  in  the  text 
where  the  nolo  should  be  consulted. 

Changes  have  been    made   !n    several  instances  in  the 


PREFACE.  V 

stereotype  plates,  and  additions  have  been  made,  some- 
times in  the  form  of  notes,  and  sometimes  to  the  text, 
at  the  end  of  the  chapters.  It  is  the  more  important 
that  this  should  be  stated,  as  I  have  not  thought  it  ad- 
visable to  make  any  change  in  the  index,  especially  as 
scarce  any  modification  would  be  called  for,  except  by 
way  of  additions. 

The  labor  of  revision,  confined  mainly  to  the  first 
volume,  has  been  scarcely  less  than  would  have  sufficed 
to  re-write  it.  JBut  the  memory  of  the  Reformer,  and 
the  claims  of  liistorical  accuracy  demand  that  nothing 
should  be  spared  which  can  serve  to  present  the  subject 
in  the  clearest  light.  The  world  has  a  right  to  know 
all  the  material  facts  in  the  career  of  one  of  the  noblest 
and  purest  of  the  martyrs,  whose  life  is  so  identified  with 
that  earlier  reformation  which  ante-dated,  as  an  earnest 
and  a  pledge,  the  great  movement  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. The  name  and  memory  of  Huss  are  not  the  heri- 
tage of  Bohemia  alone,  where  an  interest  unprecedented 
for  centuries,  begins  to  be  felt  in  his  career,  but  they 
belong  to  the  whole  Christian  world,  and  awaken  enthu- 
siastic admiration  wherever  they  are  known.  To  linger 
over  them  —  to  note  their  vindication  by  the  results  of 
historical  investigation  —  to  gather  up  and  present  these 
results  in  a  proper  form  for  the  public  eye  —  all  this 
is  a  self -rewarding  task,  and  I  trust  that  it  will  be  ap- 
preciated also  by  all  who  can  discern  the  real  worth  and 
the  true  greatness  of  the  man,  who  in  the  sphere  of 
evangelical  reform  was  a  leading  pioneer  of  these  last 
centuries. 


VI  PREFACE. 

After  the  labors  of  bo  enthusiastic  and  diligent  an  investi- 
gator  as    Palacky,  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  considerable 

materia]  will  be  gathered  from  the  field  which  he  has  now 
gleaned,  that  will  add  to  our  knowledge  of  the  character  and 
career  of  the  Bohemian  reformer. 

E.  H.   GILLETT. 
New  York,  Nov.  15,  1870. 


EXTRACTS 


FROM     THE 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 

The  sources  from  which  the  materials  of  the  present 
work  have  been  drawn  are  many  and  various.  First  in 
importance  and  value  is  the  compilation  of  Von  der  Hardt, 
designed  to  illustrate  the  history  of  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance, and  which  comprises  three  large  folio  volumes  of 
from  1200  to  1600  pages  each.  Here  are  to  be  found, 
also,  treatises  of  Gerson,  D'Ailly,  Clemengis,  Ullerston,  Ja- 
cobel,  and  others,  the  histories  of  Nieni  and  De  Trie, 
various  sermons  and  other  documents  of  historical  impor- 
tance, beside  a  minute  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
council.  Second  only  in  importance  to  this,  is  the  work, 
in  two  large  folios,  entitled  "  Johannis  Hus,  et  Hieronomi 
Pragensis,   Confessorum    Christi,   Historia    et    Monumenta." 


PREFACE.  \rii 

In  this   we  have    the    sermons,   letters,   commentaries,   con- 
troversial   and    other    treatises    of   Huss,    beside    narratives 
of   his   controversy  at    Prague   and  his   trial  at   Constance. 
Quite  full  accounts  of  the  arrest  and  trial  of  Jerome,  and 
several   works   of  Matthias  of  Janow,   are   also  included  in 
these  volumes.      The  "History  of  the  Hussites,"  by  Coch- 
laeus,  an  inveterate  and  prejudiced  opponent;   the  "History 
of   Bohemia,"   by  iEneas    Sylvius,   afterward  raised  to  the 
popedom;   and  the  "Diarium  Belli  Hussitici,"  by  Laurence 
Bezezyna,    a    Calixtine,    and    Chancellor    of    New    Prague, 
furnish    some    invaluable    materials.       Mansi's    "History   of 
the    Councils"    is    a    work    of   the    highest    authority,   and 
has  enabled  me  to  verify  many  important  points.     Schmidt's 
"Geschichte  der  Deutschen,"  though  by  a  Roman  Catholic,  is 
a  work   written  in  an  impartial  and  liberal   spirit,  and  its 
third    and    fourth  volumes    have    been   of   material    aid    in 
throwing  light   on  the   condition    and    mutual  relations    of 
Bohemia    and    the    German    empire.       The    general   church 
histories   of  Fleury,  Godeau    (Germ.  Edit.),   Schrockh,  Gies- 
eler,   Neander,    Natalis    Alexander,   and    others,   have    been 
carefully  consulted,   and    have  been   of   service.       Spittler's 
"  History  of  the  Cup,"  Monstrelet's  "  Chronicles,"  the  works 
of   Gerson  in  five  folio   volumes,   the    letters   and  treatises 
of  Clemengis,  Crevier's  "  History  of  the   University  of  Par- 
is,"  and   L'Enfant's  histories   of  the   councils  of  Pisa,  Con- 
stance,  and    Basle,   have   all   yielded   valuable    materials    in 
the   composition  of  the  work.       Something  has   been   gath- 
ered  from  the    histories   of   the    popes,   by   Cormenin    and 
Bower,   while    Kohler's    "Huss    und    Seine   Zeit,"   Helfert's 
"Life  of  Huss,"  Becker's  "Life  of  Huss,"  Richerius'  "His- 
tory of  the  Councils,"  Oudin's  "  Commentary  on  the  Old  Church 


yiii  PREFACE. 

Writers,"   and   Morcri's  large   work   have   been   carefully  con- 
sulted. 

I  have  endeavored  to  write  with  historical  impartiality, 
yet  I  have  not  wished  to  suppress  my  judgment  of  the 
facta  presented,  or  of  the  career  and  proceedings  of  the 
principal  characters  that  are  passed  in  review.  Nearly 
all  the  statements  contained  in  the  work  rest  upon  the 
authority  of  Roman  Catholic  authors,  and  where  the  same 
facts  are  given  by  writers  of  opposite  sympathies,  the 
marginal  references  are  to  those  who  would  be  least  sus- 
pected  of   partiality  to  the  cause   or   doctrines   of   Huss. 

The  task  which  I  have  endeavored  to  perform  has  been 
a  labor  of  love.  A  field  of  investigation  has  been  opened 
and  explored,  where  it  was  a  pleasure  to  linger.  If,  in 
the  graveyard  of  History,  the  lettering  on  the  tombstones 
of  men  whom  the  world  should  hold  in  grateful  remem- 
brance has  been  chiselled  afresh,  and  shall  be  read  with 
the  veneration  due  to  the  memory  of  those  whose  career 
they  record,  I  shall  feel  that  my  labors  have  not  been  in 
vain. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

FOHEMIA  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY.     PREDE- 
CESSORS OF  HUSS.    1347-1394 

CONDITION  OP  BOHEMIA  —  NATIONAL  FEELING  —  THE  INTRODUCTION  OP  THE  USAGES  OP 
THE  ROMAN  CHURCH  —  THE  WALDENSE9 —  PREDECESSORS  OF  HUSS  —  CONRAD  WALD- 
HAUSER  —  MILICZ  OP  KREMSIER  —  MATTHIAS  OP  JANOW — PETER  OF  DRESDEN  — 
FLOURISHING  CONDITION  OF  BOHEMIA — THOMAS  OF  STITNY —  DEATH  OF  ANNE  OP 
LUXEMBOURG,  QUEEN  OF  ENGLAND, 1 

CHAPTER    II. 

YOUTH  OF  HUSS.     UNIVERSITY  LIFE.     WICKLIFFE.     1373-1398. 

3IRTH  AND  EDUCATION  OP  HUSS — HIS  PARENTAGE  —  DEATH  OP  HIS  FATHER — STUDIES 
AT    PRACHATITZ — GOES    TO    THE     UNIVERSITY    OF     PRAGUE  —  ACCOMPANIED     BY    HIS 

MOTHER — HIS  POVERTY  —  STATE  OP  THE  UNIVERSITY  —  FOUNDED  BY  CHARLES  IV. 

MODELLED  AFTER  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS — SEASONABLY  FOUNDED  —  THRONGED 
WITH  STUDENTS  —  ITS  TEACHERS  —  FAVOR  SHOWN  TO  LEARNING  BY  THE  EMPEROE 
CHARLES  IV.  — PROGRESS  OF  HUSS  —  HIS  ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  JACOBEL  —  ACQUAINT- 
ANCE WITH  JEROME — MARTYROLOGY  THE  FAVORITE  READING  OF  HUSS  —  AFFECTED 
BY  THE  VICES  OF  THE  AGE — APPROVES  THE  SENTIMENTS  OF  WICKLIFFE  ON  CHRISTIAN 

REFORM WICKLIFFE — SUPPORTED    BY   THE    DUKE    OF    LANCASTER  —  HIS  CAREER 

OCCASION  OP  HIS  FIRST  WORK  —  IT  EXPRESSES  THE  TONE  OP  HIS  LIFE  —  THE  MENDI- 
CANT ORDERS  ATTACKED  BY  WICKLIFFE  —  HIS  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  BIBLE — HIS 
WRITINGS  —  HIS  OPINIONS — THEIR  PURITANIC  CAST  —  THEIR  PREVALENCE  AND 
SPREAD  —  VAINLY  CONDEMNED   AT   LONDON, .43 

CHAPTER    III. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  DOCTRINES  AT  PRAGUE.     1399-1407. 

WICKLIFFE'S  DOCTRINES  DISSEMINATED  AT  PRAGUE  —  CHARACTER  AND  COURSE  OP 
JEROME  —  WICKLIFFE'S  BOOKS  CIRCULATED — THEY  ARE  CONDEMNED  BY  THE  UNIVER- 
SITY—  PART  TAKEN  BY  HUSS  —  HIS  POSITION  AND  INFLUENCE  —  HESITATION  IN 
RECEIVING    THE    DOCTRINES    OF   WICKLIFFE — BETHLEHEM    CHAPEL    FOUNDED — HCS3 


I  CONTENTS. 

APPOINTED  PREACnER —  THE  TWO  ENGLISHMEN  —  THEIR  PICTURED  SERMON  —  PATRI- 
OTIC FEELING  OF  THE  BOHEMIANS  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY — THEIR  OPPOSITION  TO  THE 
CLAIMS  AND  PRIVILEGES  OK  THE  GERMANS  —  HUSS  AND  WICKLIFFE —  LUTHEIl'3  LAN- 
l.l  v«.  I  IN  REGARD  Til  HISS — CORRUPTION  OF  THE  CHURCH — GENERAL  TESTIMONY  — 
PROGRESS  OF  HUSS  IN  APPROVING  WICKLIFFE — OTHERS  UNITE  WITH  DIM — TEMPTA- 
TION RESISTED  —  THE  MIRACLE  AT  WILSNACK — HUSS  EXPOSES  IT  —  THE  PAPACT 
DURING  THE  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY — ORIGIN  OF  THE  SCniSM  —  ARCHBISHOP  SBYNCO 
—  HE  ADHERES  TO  GREGORY  XII., 67 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE    COUNCIL   OF    PISA.      1407-1409. 

8TATE  OF  EUROPE  —  ANARCHY  AND  VIOLENCE — ECCLESIASTICAL  ABUSES  —  EFFORTS 
FOR  UNION  —  AMBITION  AND  CRAFT  OF  BENEDICT — FRANCE  WITHDRAWS  HER  AL- 
LEGIANCE —  PROPOSED      CONFERENCE     OF      THE     POPES  —  GREGORY'S     PROTESTATION 

—  BENEDICT'S     STRATEGY GREGORY'S      CARDINALS      DISSATISFIED  —  THEY      DESERT 

HIM — THEIR  APPEAL  —  CIRCUMSTANCES  OF  BENEDICT — ROYAL  LETTER  —  CARDI- 
NALS OF  GREGORY  AND  BENEDICT  UNITE  —  GREGORY  SUMMONED  BY  HIS  CARDI- 
NALS TO  LUCCA  —  COUNCIL  SUMMONED — REGARDED  WITH  GENERAL  FAVOR  —  VIEWS 
PREVALENT  IN  BOHEMIA  —  THE  KING'S  DECISION  —  OPPOSITION  OF  THE  UNIVERSI- 
TY—  INFLUENCES  ARRAYED  AGAINST  THE  COUNCIL — BENEDICT  AND  HIS  ADHER- 
ENTS—  BENEDICT  APPOINTS  A  COUNCIL — GREGORY  DOES  THE  SAME— THE  TnREB 
PARTIES  —  THE  COUNCIL  IN  GERMANY  —  TERRIBLE  CONFLICT  AT  LIEGE  —  GENERAL 
ALARM  —  BENEDICT'S  COUNCIL — ITS  FUTILE  ISSUE  —  COUNCIL  OF  PISA  —  POSITION 
OF  TnE  CITY MEMBERS  IN  ATTENDANCE  —  OPENING  OF  THE  COUNCIL OBJEC- 
TIONS IN  THE  COUNCIL  TO  ITS  PROCEEDINGS  —  GERSON's  VINDICATION  —  AMBASSA- 
DORS OF  ROBERT — LADISLAUS  —  SENTENCE  AGAINST  THE  ANTI-POPES  —  THE  CON- 
CLAVE—  ALEXANDER     V.     ELECTED  —  HIS     LIFE     AND     CHARACTER CORONATION 

CLOSE  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  PISA  —  GREGORY'S  COUNCIL  AT  FRIULI  —  DANGER  OF 
HIS  ARREST — HIS  CHAMBERLAIN  SEIZED  —  GREGORY  ESCAPES  —  ALEXANDER'S  ELEC- 
TION FAVORABLY  RECEIVED  —  BOHEMIA — DISAPPOINTMENT  IN  THE  RESULTS  OF  TUB 
COUNCIL  —  VIEWS  OF  CLEMENGIS  —  OF  BONIFACE  OF  FERRARA — LACK  OF  GEN- 
ERAL ENTHUSIASM  —  THEODORE  DE  VRIE — RELATIVE  AUTHORITY  OF  POPES  AND 
COUNCILS  —  PETER  D'AILLY  —  ALEXANDER  V.  AND  THE  MENDICANTS  —  THEIR  PRIVI- 
LEGES AND  ARROGANCE  —  SPREAD  AND  POWER  OF  THE  ORDER  —  DIFFICULTIES  AT 
PARIS  —  GERSON'S  SERMON  ON  THE  SUBJECT  —  UNPOPULARITY  OF  ALEXANDER  — 
POSITION   OF   SBYNCO   AT   PRAGUE, 95 


CHAPTER    V. 

IIUSS    AND   THE   ARCHBISHOP.     1409-1411. 

MARTIAL  OPERATIONS    OF    BBTHCO  —  HIS    SYNOD  —  P  VTI'K    WMSUGNED — BOHEMIANS    Olf 
WICKLIFFE — PRIEST    ABRAHAM  —  SBYNCO     SATISFIED — WENZEL's    DECISION    IN    RB- 


CONTENTS.  XI 

GARD  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY  —  THE  FOREIGN  NATIONS  REFUSE  TO  OBEY  —  COMMAND 
OF  THE  KING  — THE  SECESSION  OF  THE  NATIONS  —  HUSS  CHOSEN  RECTOR  —  CHAR- 
ACTER  AND    LIFE    OF    WENZEL  —  SBYNCO  —  TRANSUBSTANTIATION     TO    BE     PREACHED 

HUSS     IN     HIS      PULPIT SUBSTANCE      OF      HIS      PREACHING  —  ORDINANCE     AIMED 

AT  HUSS  —  SBYNCO  FORCED  TO  BE  RECONCILED  WITH  ALEXANDER  V.  —  HUSS 
CIRCULATES  WICKLIFFE's  WRITINGS  —  BRODA's  LETTER  OF  COMPLAINT  TO  THE 
ARCHBISHOP  —  MEASURES  TAKEN — THE  UNIVERSITY  —  THE  FIVE  STUDENTS  —  THE 
ARCHBISHOP  CONDEMNED  BY  A  PAPAL  COMMISSION  —  SUBMITS  TO  ALEXANDER  V. 
—  THE  PAPAL  BULL  —  ITS  RECEPTION  —  OPPOSITION  TO  IT  —  COURSE  OF  HUSS  — 
HIS  APPEAL  —  THE  BURNING  OF  THE  BOOKS  — PUBLIC  INDIGNATION  —  KNOWLEDGE 
OF  THE  SCRIPTURES  —  SERMON  OF  HUSS  —  CONTINUES  TO  PREACH  —  WICKLIFFE  DE- 
FENDED—  SERMON    OF   HUSS, 129 


CHAPTER    VI. 

HUSS  EXCOMMUNICATED.     THE  COMPROMISE.     1411. 

CASE  OF  HUSS  AT  ROME  —  CARDINAL  COLONNA  —  HIS  DECISION  —  ITS  RECEPTION  AT 
PRAGUE  —  ROYAL  EMBASSY  TO  THE  POPE,  PRAYING  THAT  HUSS  MAY  BE  RELEASED 
FROM  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE  AT  ROME — PROCURATORS  OF  HUSS  —  THEIR  TREAT- 
MENT—  SENTENCE  OF  EXCOMMUNICATION  —  PUBLISHED  AT  PRAGUE  —  HUSS  JUSTIFIES 
HIMSELF  IN  PREACHING  —  INTERDICT  —  THE  KING  INTERPOSES  —  A  COMMISSION  — 
COMPROMISE  —  LETTER  OF  SBYNCO  —  ITS  FUTILITY  —  SBYNCO's  CONFERENCE  WITH 
HUSS  — HUSS  PREACHES  ON  THE  SUBJECT  —  DISGRACE  OF  SBYNCO  —  HE  LEAVES 
PRAGUE  —  HIS   LETTER  TO   THE   KING  —  HIS   DEATH, 165 


CHAPTER    VII. 

HUSS   AND   THE   PAPAL  POLICY.      SEPT.,  1411-JAN,  1412. 


ARCHBISHOP  ALBIC  —  HIS  INFAMOUS  CHARACTER  —  CRUSADE  AGAINST  LADISLAUS,  A 
NEW  FIREBRAND  —  NEW  POSITION  OF  HUSS  —  CANNOT  DEPEND  ON  WENZEL  FOR 
SUPPORT — HIS  DECISION  —  LADISLAUS  AND  ALEXANDER  V. — SUCCESSION  OFBAL- 
THASAR  COSSA  TO  THE  PONTIFICATE  —  HIS  EDUCATION  —  HIS  INFAMOUS  LIFE — EX- 
COMMUNICATED    BY     GREGORY  —  PROMOTES     THE     COUNCIL    OF    PISA    IN     REVENGE 

RULES   THE    COUNCIL  —  HIS     NOTORIOUS    CHARACTER HIS     CORONATION  —  HIS     PRO- 
CEEDINGS— GENERAL    ACQUIESCENCE    IN  THE    DECISIONS    OF  THE   COUNCIL    OF    PISA 

DEATH   OF   THE    EMPEROR   ROBERT  —  PLANS    OF   JOHN    XXIII. — -SEEKS    THE    ALLIANCE 

OF    SIGISMUND CRUSADE    PROCLAIMED    AGAINST    LADISLAUS  —  HUSS    OPPOSES    IT  — 

CONDITION   OF   LADISLAUS  —  HIS  ATTACK   ON   ROME  —  CRUSADE   PUBLISHED,    .         178 


XU  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

BULL  FOR  TIIE  CRUSADE  AT  PRAGUE.    JAN.,  1412-JULY,  1412. 

THE  CONSTANCY  OP  HUSS  TRIED  —  HIS  PROCURATORS  —  HIS  PETITION  FOR  RELEASE 
FROM  THE  SUMMONS  TO  APPEAR  IN  PERSON  AT  ROME —  THE  CRUSADE  —  CONTRO- 
VERSY WITH  JOHN  STOKES  —  AFFAIRS  AT  PRAGUE  —  DISPUTATION  AT  THE  UNIVER- 
SITY—  DEAN  OF  PASSAU  AND  BULLS  OF  INDULGENCES — DECISION  OF  THE  THEO- 
LOGICAL FACULTY —  HUSS'  VIEW  OF  THE  CRUSADE  —  WENZEL  TOLERATES  THE 
PROCLAMATION  —  PREACHING  OF  HUSS  —  MEETING  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL  —  AD- 
MONITION OF  THE  ARCHBISHOP  —  NOTICE  OF  THE  PROPOSED  DISPUTE  AFFIXED 
TO  TIIE  DOORS  OF  THE  CHURCHES  —  THE  DISCUSSION  —  JEROME'S  SPEECH  —  SECOND 
MEETING  OF  TIIE  UNIVERSITY — INDULGENCES  DERIDED:  A  PRACTICAL  JOKE — IN- 
TERRUPTION IN  THE  CHURCHES  —  THE  OFFENDERS  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL  —  HUSS 
INTERCEDES  FOR  THEM  —  REPLY  —  POPULAR  COMMOTION  —  THE  EXECUTION  —  THE 
FUNERAL  —  DEPRESSION  OF  HUSS — HE  IS  ENJOINED  SILENCE  —  A  TRYING  PERIOD 
—  ANXIETIES  OF  HUSS  —  CHANGE  IN  THE  VIEWS  OF  THE  KING — REASONS  OF  IT  — 
SIGISMUND'S  POSITION  —  HIS  ASPIRATIONS  FOR  THE  IMPERIAL  CROWN — HIS  ELEC- 
TION—  ANECDOTE  —  HIS  CHARACTER  —  HIS  AIMS — WENZEl's  EXCLUSION  FROM  THE 
IMPERIAL  THRONE  —  OTHER  REASONS   FOR   HIS   CHANGE  OF   POLICY,  .  .      202 


CHAPTER    IX. 

SECOND    EXCOMMUNICATION   OF   HUSS.      HE   WITHDRAWS 
FROM    PRAGUE.     JULY,  1412-MAY,  1413. 

EXCOMMUNICATION  OF  HUSS —  HOW  HE  WAS  TO  BE  DEALT  WITH —  BETHLEHEM 
CHAPEL  TO  BE  TORN  DOWN  —  THE  ATTEMPT  DEFEATED  — THE  CITY  COUNCIL  DI- 
VIDED—  TIIE  INTERDICT  —  ITS  LEGITIMATE  EFFECT  —  WENZEl's  DECREE  REQUIRING 
DIVINE  SERVICE  TO  BE  PERFORMED  AS  USUAL— THE  DIVISION  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY 
—  THEOLOGICAL  FACULTY  —  THE  EIGHT  DOCTORS — HUSS  STILL  PREACHES — LETTER 
FROM  ENGLAND  —  REPLY  OF  HUSS — HE  LEAVES  PRAGUE  —  HIS  APPEAL  TO  JESUS 
CHRIST— SUBSTANCE  OF  HIS  COMPLAINTS  —  MARTIN  V.  AND  THE  COUNCIL  OF  CON- 
STANCE—  GERSON  ON  APPEAL  FROM  THE  POPE — HUSS  PREACHES  IN  THE  CITIES 
AND  VILLAGES  IN  THE  OPEN  AIR  —  HIS  VINDICATION  —  AN  INTERRUPTION  —  LETTER 
TO    THE   CARDINALS  —  REASONS    FOR   LEAVING    PRAGUE  —  BUSY    WITH   HIS   PEN,        225 


CHAPTER    X. 

HUSS   IN   RETIREMENT.     MAY,  1413-SEPT,  1414. 

FOREIGN    PREJI  l»K n   AGAINST    nUSS  —  COUNCIL    OF    ROME  —  INCIDENT  OF   TnE   OWL  — 
COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  THE  ARCHBISHOP  —  FUTILITY  OF   THE    MEASURES  AGAINST  HUSS 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

—  HIS  WORK  ON  THE  CHURCH  —  QUESTION  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  VALIDITY  OF  THE  EX- 
COMMUNICATION OF  HUSS  —  JESSENITZ  —  THE  ROYAL  COURT  OF  FRANCE  —  VIEWS  OP 
GERSON  —  VIEWS  OF  D'AILLY  —  APPEAL  TO  SCRIPTURE  —  DISTURBANCES  —  DERISIVE 
SONGS  —  CONTEMPTUOUS    TREATMENT    OF    THE   MONKS  —  THE   FRIAR  AND   HIS   RELICS 

—  JEROME  AND  THE  PAPAL  INDULGENCES  —  THE  PROVOCATION  GIVEN  —  THREE 
ANTAGONISTS  OF  HUSS  —  BRODA  —  STEPHEN  OF  DOLA  —  HIS  WORK  AGAINST  WICK- 
LIFFE  —  ITS  COVERT  ATTACK  ON  HUSS  —  LETTER  OF  HUSS  —  TREATISE  OF  STEPHEN, 
OR,  "  ANTI-HUSSUS  "  —  HIS  MOTIVES  —  CONRAD  AND  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS — ■ 
"COUNSEL"  OF  THE  LATTER  —  SYNOD  OF  PRAGUE  —  COUNTER  "COUNSEL"  OF 
HUSS  —  "COUNSEL"  OF  THE  DOCTORS — THE  THEOLOGICAL  FACULTY  —  CONRAD  CON- 
SULTS  THE    BISHOP    OF    LEITOMISCHEL  —  HIS    ANSWER — FUTILITY    OF     THE    SYNOD'S 

ACTION WENZEL     AND     HIS     MEASURES     OF     REFORM — THEIR     EFFECT     UPON     THE 

ENEMIES  OF  HUSS  —  HIS  ABSENCE  FROM  PRAGUE  —  HIS  LANGUAGE  ON  THE  HUMIL- 
IATION OF  HIS  ENEMIES  —  THE  CAUSE  OF  REFORM  ADVANCES  —  "THE  MISSIONARIES" 
OF   HUSS  —  DEMAND   IN   BOHEMIA  FOR  A  GENERAL  COUNCIL  —  OTHER  REASONS  FOR  IT 

—  THE  SCHISM  —  DOUBTS  OF  D'AILLY  —  THEIR  SOLUTION  BY  GERSON  —  CORRUPTION 
OF  THE  CHURCH  —  HUNGARY  AND  THE  TURKS  —  THE  TERROR  INSPIRED  BY  THEM  — 
A   COUNCIL  SUMMONED, 241 


CHAPTER    XI. 

SERMONS,  DOCTRINES,  AND  LETTERS   OF   HUSS.      1404-1414. 

OERSON'S  LETTER  —  SERMONS  OF  HUSS  —  A  LULL  OF  THE  STORM  —  CONFIDENCE  OF 
HUSS  —  HIS  INFLUENCE  —  HIS  ACTIVITY  DURING  THIS  PERIOD  —  HIS  WRITINGS  — ■ 
REPLY  TO  THE  EIGHT  DOCTORS  —  OTHER  WRITINGS  OF  HUSS  —  THEIR  EVANGELICAL 
CHARACTER  —  AUTHORITY  OF  SCRIPTURE  WITH   HUSS  —  THE  SECRET  OF  HIS  STRENGTH 

—  LETTERS  DURING  HIS  ABSENCE  FROM  PRAGUE  —  HIS  INDECISION  ABOUT  HIS  RE- 
TURN—  LETTERS  OF  SYMPATHY   FROM   ENGLAND  —  PERIOD   OF   TRIAL,    .  .         281 

CHAPTER    XII. 

THE  COUNCIL.      SEPT.,  1414-NOV.,  1414. 

ASSEMBLING  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE  —  SELECTION  OF  THE  PLACE  —  ITS  SITU- 
ATION—  ITS  PRESENT  CONDITION  —  MEMORIALS  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  THE  SUMMONS 
OF  THE  EMPEROR  AND  POPE  CALLING  IT — DEATH  OF  LADISLAUS  —  RELUCTANCE 
OF  THE  POPE  TO  GO  TO  CONSTANCE  —  THE  EMPEROR  YIELDS  TO  THE  DEMANDS  OF 
THE  POPE  —  THE  POPE  ON  HIS  JOURNEY  —  THE  PRINCES  —  SIGISMUND  AND  HIS 
POSITION    IN    REGARD    TO    THE    COUNCIL  —  HUSS    AT    PRAGUE  —  PREPARES    TO    LEAVE 

—  VINDICATIONS  OF  HIS  INNOCENCE  —  CHALLENGES  ACCUSATION  —  PARTING  OF  HUSS 
AND  JEROME  —  EMPEROR'S  LETTER  —  HUSS'  PROTECTORS  —  FAREWELL  LETTER  — ■ 
FOREBODINGS  OF   HUSS  —  HIS   FIRMNESS  —  LETTER  TO   MARTIN  —  THE  MARTYR  SPIRIT 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

—  THE  JOPRNEY  —  KINDLY  RECEPTIONS  OF  HCSS  —  LETTER  FROM  HUBSKBCBQ  — 
BEACHES  CONSTANCE  —  SCENES  IN  AND  WITHOUT  THE  CITY  —  THEIK  CONTRAST 
WITH    CHRISTIAN    SIMPLICITY —  LEARNING    REPRESENTED  AT    THE    COUNCIL — POGGIO 

—  j,lEM  —  ,t;NEAS  SYLVIUS  —  ZABARELLA  —  MANUEL  CHRYSOLORAS  —  GERSON  — 
D'AILLY  —  THE     UNIVERSITIES  —  HUMBLE    POSITION   OF    HUS3    AMID    THESE    SCENES, 

802 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

ARREST  AND  IMPRISONMENT  OF  HUSS.  NOV.  3,  1414-DEC.  6, 1414. 

JOHN  XXIII.  INFORMED  OF  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  HUSS  —  SENTENCE  OF  EXCOMMUNICATION" 
SUSPENDED  —  HUSS  PREPARES  TWO  DISCOURSES  —  THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THEM — HE 
IS  NOT  ALLOWED  TO  PREACH  —  PROCEEDINGS    OF    HIS    ENEMIES  —  MICHAEL  DE  CAUSIS 

—  THE  OTHER  CONSPIRATORS  —  THEIR  INFLUENCE  WITH  THE  CARDINALS  —  ARTS 
EMPLOYED  TO  KEEP  THE  PEOPLE  AWAY  FROM  HUSS  —  JOHN  XXIII.  FAVORED  BY  THE 
ABSENCE    OF    THE    EMPEROR — ANNOUNCEMENT    MADE    NOV.  1,  1414  —  ARRANGEMENTS 

—  NOV.  3,  1414  —  THANKSGIVING  FOR  THE  RECOVERY  OF  ROME  —  INTRIGUES  — 
DOINGS  OF  THE  CONGREGATION  OF  NOV.  12,  1414  —  SESSION  OF  NOV.  16 — THE 
POPE'S  SERMON  —  BULL  READ  BY  CARDINAL  ZABARELLA  —  CANON  OF  THE  COUNCIL 
OF  TOLEDO  —  OFFICERS  APPOINTED  —  OPPORTUNE  USE  OF  THE  HERESY  OF  HUSS  — 
INSIGNIA  OF  BENEDICT  AND  GREGORY  TORN  DOWN  — HUSS  CITED  TO  APPEAR  BEFORE 
TnE  CARDINALS  — REPLY  OF  HUSS  —  HIS  COMPLIANCE  —  CARDINAL  d'aILLT  —  THE 
CONFERENCE  —  INCIDENT  OF  THE  MINORITE  FRIAR,  DIDACUS  —  AFTERNOON  CONFER- 
ENCE—  ARTICLES  OF  ACCUSATION  —  OTHER  CHARGES  OF  CAUSIS — HUSS  KEPT  UNDER 
AEREST  —  INDIGNATION  OF  CHLUM  —  COMPLAINS  TO  THE  POPE  —  THE  LATTER  AP- 
POINTS A  JUDICIAL  COMMISSION  —  HUSS  IMPRISONED  — HIS  SICKNESS  —  CHLUM  VISITS 
THE  CARDINALS — THEIR  INDIFFERENCE — VAIN  APPEAL  TO  THE  PEOPLE — DETER- 
MINATION TO  APPLY  TO  THE  EMPEROR — ARRIVAL  OF  LATZEMBOCK — DESPATCH  TO 
BOHEMIA  —  THE  SAFE-CONDUCT  —  CHLUM  EXHIBITS  IT  —  PLACARDS  POSTED  —  COR- 
RESPONDENCE OF  THE  EMPEROR  AND  POPE  —  THE  MASK  TORN  OFF — MANDATE  OF 
SIGISMUND  —  HUSS  DENIED  AN  ADVOCATE  —  HIS  OTHER  GRIEVANCES  —  THE  COM- 
MISSION TO  EXAMINE  HIS  WRITINGS  —  THE  IMPERIAL  MANDATE  DISOBEYED  —  MOTIVES 


OF    THE    POPE, 


323 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

ANXIETIES    OF    THE    POPE.      THE    ENGLISH    AND    FRENCH 
DEPUTATIONS.      DEC.  1,  1414-DEC.  18,  1414. 

TROUBLESOME  QUESTIONS — MEMBERSHIP  OF  THE  COUNCIL — VOTING  BY  NATIONS  — 
PLAN  OF  UNION  —  THE  FRENCH  DEPUTATION  —  VIEWS  OF  GERSON  —  VIEWS  OF 
D'AILLY  —  VIEWS  OF  CARDINAL  ST.  MARK  —  THEY  PREVAIL  —  THE  ENGLISH  DEPU- 
TATION—  PERSECUTION  OF  THE   LOLLARDS  —  EICHARD  OF  LONDON  —  THOMAS  NETTEB 


CONTENTS.  XV 

■ —  SPIRIT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  NATION  —  ROBERT  HALLAM  —  ULLERSTON  —  HIS  WRIT- 
!XGS  —  DOCTOR  PAUL  —  JOHN  DORRE  —  WALTER  DYSSE —  HIS  POEM  —  THE  DEPU- 
TATION  ANTI-WICKLIFFE, 361 


CHAPTER    XV. 

PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE   COUNCIL.      HUSS   ABANDONED   BY 
THE   EMPEROR.      DEC.  25,  1414-FEB.  7,  1415. 

APPROACH    OF  THE    EMPEROR   TO   CONSTANCE  —  MASS    ON    HIS   ARRIVAL — THE    CERE- 
MONIAL—  CHARACTER    OF    THE    COUNCIL —  SIGISMUND'S    INFLUENCE  —  A    FIELD    FOR 

INTRIGUE— THE     EMPEROR'S     RULING     PURPOSE — DARK    PROSPECT    OF    HUSS CHLUM 

SEEKS  THE  EMPEROR  —  COLD  RECEPTION  —  HIS  LETTER  TO  JOHN  OF  LOMNITZ  — 
INDIGNATION  OF  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  THEIR  LETTERS  TO  SIGISMUND  —  THE  EMPEROR 
ILL  AT  EASE  —  HIS  LETTER  —  THE  CASUISTRY  OF  THE  FATHERS  —  SIGISMUND  AC- 
QUIESCES IN  IT  —  SERMON  OF  CARDINAL  D'AILLY — HIS  REMARKS  ON  THE  DUTIES 
OF  THE  POPE  AND  EMPEROR  —  THE  BEARING  OF  THEM  ON  THE  CASE  OF  HUSS  — 
CHLUM's  REMONSTRANCE  —  A  GENERAL  CONGREGATION  —  SERMONS  PREACHED  — 
BOLD  REPROOFS  —  SERMON  OF  MATTHEW  ROEDER  —  THE  NEW  YEAR  —  EMPEROR 
CONSULTS  WITH  THE  CARDINALS  —  THEIR  DEMAND  IN  REGARD  TO  HUSS  —  SAFE- 
CONDUCTS  GIVEN  —  THE  AMBASSADORS  OF  GREGORY  —  OPPOSITION    OF  JOHN    XXIII. 

PREJUDICE  AGAINST  HIM  —  CONCILIATORY  MEASURES  TOWARD  GREGORY  AND  BENEDICT 

—  CARDINAL  D'AILLY  ON  THE  INFALLIBILITY  OF  COUNCILS  —  LEGATES  OF  BENEDICT 

LEGATES  OF  GREGORY  —  PROPOSAL  OF  JOHN  XXIII. —  THE  WAY  OF  CESSION  —  ANSWER 

OF    JOHN    XXIII.  —  RESULTS    OF    HIS    OPPOSITION EXTREME    MEASURES    PROPOSED — ■ 

THESE  DISCOVERED  BY  THE  SPIES  OF  JOHN  XXIII.  —  CANONIZATION  OF  ST.  BRIDGET — ■ 
CARRIED  WITHOUT  OPPOSITION  —  GERSON  WRITES  HIS  TRACT  ON  TRYING  THE 
SPIRITS  —  BOLD  SUGGESTIONS  OF  THE  CARDINAL  OF  ST.  MARK  —  ABILITY  AND 
CHARACTER  OF  THE  DOCUMENT  DRAWN  UP  —  RAGE  OF  JOHN  XXIII.  —  REPLIES  OF 
HIS      PARTISANS  —  QUESTIONS     CONTAINED     IN     THE      FIRST —  REFUTATION      OF     THE 

CARDINAL   ST.    MARK    IN    THE   THIRD  —  CARDINAL    D'AILLY'S    REFUTATION CONFLICT 

OF   THE   MONARCHICAL   AND    REPUBLICAN    PRINCIPLES   IN   THE   CHURCH,     .  .      382 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE   COUNCIL,    UP  TO    THE   TIME    OF   THE   FLIGHT   OF   THE 
POPE.     JAN.  8,  1415-MARCH  21,  1415. 

MEMBERSHIP    IN    THE     COUNCIL  —  VIEWS    OF   THE    CARDINALS    ST.  MARK    AND    CAMBRAY 

VOTING    BY    NATIONS — REASONS    FOR    IT  —  INTERPOSITION     OF    THE     EMPEROR    IN 

ITS   FAVOR — THE    ORDER   OF    BUSINESS  ADOPTED  —  PROPOSED  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE 

PRIVATE    LIFE    OF    JOHN    XXIII. — HE     DISCOVERS     THEM HIS    ALARM  —  CONSULT3 

WITH    HIS    CARDINALS  —  THE   CHARGES  PRUDENTLY  RESERVED  —  METHOD    OF    CESSION 


XVI  CONTEXTS. 

ADOPTED  BY  TIIF.  NATIONS — TtlE  FORM  —  THE  CESSION  PROVISIONAL  —  MOEE  DEFI- 
NITE FORM  DEMANDED  —  EVASION  OF  JOHN  XXIII. — THIRD  FORM  DEMANDED  —  THE 
POPE  RESOLVES  ON  FLIGHT  —  HIS  DIFFICULTY  IN  ATTEMPTING  IT  —  PARISIAN  DEPUTA- 
TION—  JOHN  XXIII.  FEIGNS  ASSENT  TO  THE  DEMANDS  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  NEW  FORM 
OF  CESSION  PRESENTED  —  HE  ACCEPTS  IT  —  THE  FORM  —  HIS  HYPOCRISY  —  POSITIONS 
TAKEN  BY  THE  GERMANS  —  THE  SECOND  PUBLIC  SESSION  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  CERE- 
MONIAL OF  ABDICATION  —  HUSS  REMOVED  TO  ANOTHER  PRISON  —  CONGREGATION 
AT  THE  FRANCISCAN  MONASTERY — THE  POLICY  OF  THE  POPE  OPPOSED  TO  THAT 
OF  THE  EMPEROR  —  TnE  BULL  EXT  >RTED  FROM  THE  POPE  —  ITS  EVASIVE  CHAR- 
ACTER—  FURTHER  DEMAND  OF  TUB  POPE — HE  RESISTS  IT  —  GIFT  OF  THE  GOLDEN 
ROSE  —  STRANGE  PROPOSAL  TO  ELECT  A  NEW  POPE  —  JOHN  XXIII.  INDIGNANT  — 
DEVISES  MEANS  OF  FLIGHT  —  CARDINAL  ST.  ANGELO  ARRESTED  —  THE  POPE  COM- 
PLAINS—  THE  EMPEROR  VINDICATES  HIMSELF  —  THE  POPE'S  PROMISE  —  DISSENT  OF 
THE  FRENCH  NATION  —  INDIGNATION  AGAINST  THE  EMPEROR  —  DEMAND  CARRIED  TO 
HAVE  JOHN  XXIII.  APPOINT  ATTORNEYS  —  HIS  MEASURES  FOR  FLIGHT  —  HIS  EVAS1VB 
ANSWER  —  COMPLAINS  OF  THE  AIR  OF  CONSTANCE  —  SUGGESTIONS  OF  THE  BISHOP 
OF  SALISBURY  —  FLIGHT  OF    THE   POPE, 413 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

SUPREMACY  OF  THE  COUNCIL.  THE  POPE  SUSPENDED.  TREAT- 
MENT OF  HUSS.  ARREST  OF  JEROME.  MARCH  22,  1415- 
MAY   24,  1415. 

CONSTERNATION  AT  THE  POPE'S  FLIGHT  —  STEPS  TAKEN  BY  THE   EMPEROR  AND   COUNCIL 

—  DUKE   OF  AUSTRIA  —  GERSON's   DISCOURSE  —  THE    POPE'S    LETTERS  —  HIS  APOLOGY 

—  VAIN  ATTEMPT  TO  DISSOLVE  THE  COUNCIL  —  FOURTH  SESSION — DECREES  READ  — 
AN  OMISSION — DISSATISFACTION  —  PROTEST  OF  THE  POPE  —  HE  GOES  TO  LAU KEN- 
BURG —  A  NEW  SEAL  —  FIFTH  SESSION  —  DECREES  OF  THE  FORMER  SESSION  RESTORED 

—  WICKLIFFE'S  BOOKS  TO  BE  EXAMINED  —  MEASURES  FOR  BRINGING   BACK   THE    POPE 

—  THE  DUKE  OF  AUSTRIA  CITED — HIS  DISASTERS  —  JOHN  XXIII.  AT  FREIBURG  — 
LETTER  TO  THE  COUNCIL — WICKLIFFF.'s  DOCTRINES  CONDEMNED  —  CONTROVERSY 
OCCASIONED  BY  THE  FORM  OF  SENTENCE  —  CARDINAL  OF  CAMBRAY  AND  PATRIARCH 
OF  ANTIOCH —  DEMANDS  MADE  OF  JOHN  XXIII. — COMMISSION  —  PROPOSAL  TO  EX- 
CLUDE THE  CARDINALS — THE  POPE  AT  BREISACH  —  MISFORTUNES  OF  THE  OUKE  OF 
AUSTRIA  —  INCLINED  TO  SUBMIT — HIS  ADVICE  TO  THE  POPE — FRUITLESS  CONFER- 
ENCE—  COUNCIL  IRRITATED  —  CITATION  OF  JOHN  XXIII.  —  OF  JEROME  —  THE  I>!  H.K 
OF  AUSTRIA  RECONCILED  TO  THE  EMPEROR  —  THE  ARCHBISHOP  OF  METZ —  THE  POPE 
DESERTED  —  COMMISSION  TO  TAKE  TESTIMONY  —  FORCE  TO  BE  EMPLOYED — EVASION 
TENTH  SESSION — SUSPENSION  OF  THE  POPE  —  HERESY — Hl.'SS  NEGLECTED  —  BO- 
HEMIANS AND  SIGISMUND  —  PRISON  INTERVIEW — HUSS  AT  GOTTLIEBEN  —  JEROME 
AT   CONSTANCE  —  HIS    FLIGHT  —  DEMANDS  A  SAFE-CONDUCT  —  REPLY  —  HIS   CITATION 

—  LEAVES  FOR  PRAGUE  —  ARREST  AT  HIRSCHAU  —  TAKEN   TO   CONSTANCE  —  CHARGES 


CONTENTS.  XV11 

made  —  gerson  —  a  doctor  of  cologne  —  a  doctor  of  heidelbdrg  —  the 
bishop  of  saltzburg  —  confusion  —  peter  the  notary  finds  jerome  — 
Vitus  —  jerome's  cruel  imprisonment, 458 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE    COMMUNION   OF  THE    CUP.      THE    BOHEMIANS  AT 
CONSTANCE.     MAY  14,  1415-MAT  18,  1415. 

COMMUNION  OF  THE  CUP  —  MATTHIAS  OF  JANOW  —  ORIGIN  OF  THE  RESTORATION  OF 
THE  CUP  —  JACOBEL  AND  PETER  OF  DRESDEN  —  THESES  DISCUSSED  BEFORE  THE 
UNIVERSITY  —  PREVAILING  OPINION  IN  FAVOR  OF  THE  CUP  —  JACOBEL  DEFENDS  IT 
—  REPLY  TO  HIM  —  BRODA'S  TREATISE  —  JACOBEL's  REFUTATION  —  HIS  CONSTANT 
EEFERENCE  TO  SCRIPTURE  AUTHORITY  —  HIS  REPREHENSION  OF  APPEAL  TO  THE 
SECULAR  ARM  —  HIS  ELOQUENT  CONCLUSION  —  HUSS  CONSULTED  —  HE  SUSTAINS 
JACOBEL  —  THE  UNIVERSITY  VINDICATED  BY  JACOBEL — ALARM  AT  CONSTANCE  — 
JOHN  THE  IRON,  OF  LEITOMISCHEL —  HIS  ELECTION  AS  BISHOP  —  AN  ENEMY  OF 
HUSS  —  THE  BOHEMIANS  INDIGNANT  —  THE  BISHOP'S  WRITTEN  REPLY  —  ANSWER  TO 
THIS  AND  "THE  APOLOGY  FOR  THE  COUNCIL,"  BY  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  THE  SAFE- 
CONDUCT  OF  THE  EMPEROR — EVIDENCE  OF  JOHN  DE  CHLCM — CASE  OF  HUSS  — 
FALSEHOODS  CIRCULATED  IN  RESPECT  TO  HIS  COURSE  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  CITATION 
FROM  ROME  —  CLAIM  THAT  HIS  SAFE-CONDUCT  SHOULD  BE  REGARDED  AND  HE  BE 
FREELY  HEARD, 481° 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE  POPE  DEPOSED.      MAT  19,  1416-MAY  31,  1415. 

THE  DEPOSITION  OF  JOHN  XXIII.  A  NECESSITY  —  THE  EMPEROR'S  RESOLVE  —  THE 
CONTUMACY  OF  THE  POPE  DECLARED  —  EXCEPTION  OF  CARDINAL  ST.  MARK  — 
SITTING  OF  THE  COMMISSION  FOR  PROCURING  TESTIMONY  —  THE  WITNESSES  —  LIST 
OF  ACCUSATIONS  —  SUPPRESSED  ARTICLES  —  THE  FIFTY-FOUR  OTHERS  —  THE  ELEV- 
ENTH SESSION  —  REPORT  APPROVED  —  THE  RESULT  COMMUNICATED  TO  THE  POPE  — 
HIS  RECEPTION  OF  IT — HIS  REPLY  —  INFORMATION  SENT  TO  HIM  OF  HIS  PRO- 
POSED DEPOSITION  —  HIS  AFFECTED  SUBMISSION  —  HIS  LETTER  TO  THE  EMPEROR  — 
INCONSISTENCY  OF  THE  POPE  —  FREDERIC  GIVES  THE  POPE  UP  —  HE  IS  LEFT  GUARDED 
AT  RATOLFCELL  —  ABJECTNESS  OF  JOHN  XXIII.  IN  PRISON  —  ELEVENTH  SESSION  — 
REPORT   FROM   THE    POPE    TO  THE   COUNCIL  —  THE    SENTENCE   OF   DEPOSITION    READ 

—  UNANIMOUSLY   ASSENTED    TO  —  THE    CARDINAL    OF    FLORENCE    PUT    DOWN  —  THE 
SENTENCE  CARRIED  INTO  EXECUTION  —  PRECAUTIONS  IN  REGARD  TO  A  NEW  ELECTION 

—  THE    POPE    INFORMED   OF   HIS   DEPOSITION   BY  THE   COUNCIL,  .  .  .      504 


XV111  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER    XX. 

HUSS  AT  GOTTLIEBEN.    PRISON  EXAMINATION.    MAY  31,  1415- 
JUNE   1,  1416. 

CONDITION*    OF    HUSS   AT    GOTTLIEBEN  —  HIS    REMARKS    ON    THE    DEPOSITION   OP   JOHN 
XXIII. — ON    THE    PROFLIGACY   OF   THE   COUNCIL  —  VIEWS   OF   CLEMENGIS  —  OF  NIEM 

HUSS     CITES    THE     PROCEEDINGS     OF     HIS     ENEMIES    IN    HIS    OWN    JUSTIFICATION  — 

HIS  CHEERFUL  COURAGE — STRENGTH  OF  HIS  FAITH  —  HIS  LOVE  OF  TRUTH — niS 
HUMILITY  —  NEW  LIST   OF    ACCUSATIONS  —  CHARGED  WITH    THE    HERESY    OF    THE    CUP 

—  PETITION  OF   HUSS'  FRIENDS  —  HIS   PROTESTATION  —  FALSEHOOD   OF  THE   CHARGES 

—  DEMAND  THAT  HUSS  SHOULD  BE  SET  FREE  OR  HEARD — SIGISMUND  ENGAGES  TO 
SECURE  FOR  HUSS  A  PUBLIC  AUDIENCE  —  THE  ANSWER  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  ADVICE 
OF  CHLUM  — CONFIDENCE  OF  HUSS  —  HIS  MAIN  ANXIETY — HIS  VISIONS  —  ANXIETY 
OF  CHLUM  —  BITTER  MALICE  OF  PALETZ  AND  CAUSIS  —  JOHN  XXIII.  REMOVED  TO 
GOTTLIEBEN  —  FALSE  HONOR  DONE  HIM  —  STRANGE  JUXTAPOSITION  BY  THE  SIDE 
OF  HUSS  —  CONTRAST  OF  THE  TWO  MEN  —  LAMENT  OF  THE  POPE  —  JUST  RETRIBU- 
TION—  REMOVAL  OF  THE  POPE — HUSS  ON  THE  CUP — THE  FRIENDS  OF  nUSS  PRE- 
SENT THEIR  DOCUMENT  TO  THE  COUNCIL  —  FALSE  REPORT  —  PRISON  EXAMINATION  — 
ANXIETY  OF  HUSS'  FRIENDS  —  HIS  CONSTANCY  AND  ANSWER  —  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  EX- 
AMINATION—  WHAT  WAS   MEANT  BY  SUBMISSION EXPLAINED  BY  HIS   PROTESTATION 

GERSON  AND    D'AILLY THEIR  AGREEMENT  WITH    HUSS    ON    MANY    POINTS  —  THEIR 

NOMINATION  —  SCHOLASTIC  ANTAGONISMS  —  HUSS  LESS  TRAMMELLED  BY  SUCH 
PREJUDICES, 522 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

FIRST  AUDIENCE  OF  HUSS   BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL.     SECOND 
AUDIENCE.     JUNE  1,  1415-JUNE  1,  1415. 

REMOVAL  OF  HUSS  TO  CONSTANCE  —  COUNCIL  ASSEMBLED  TO  CONSIDER  HIS  CASE  IN 
HIS  ABSENCE  —  PETER,  THE  NOTARY  —  THE  EMPEROR  INFORMED  —  FORBIDS  ANY 
HASTY  DECISION  BY  THE  COUNCIL  —  THEIR  RELUCTANCE  TO  OBEY  —  BOOKS  OF  HUSS 
SENT  TO  THE  EMPEROR — FIRST  APPEARANCE  OF  HUSS  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL  — 
CHARGES  READ  —  CONFUSION  IN  THE  COUNCIL  —  HUSS  CANNOT  BE  HEARD — LUTHER'S 
DESCRIPTION  —  CALMNESS  OF  HUSS  —  CARDINAL  OP  OSTIA  —  COMPLAINT  OP  HCSS  — 
HE  IS  REQUIRED  TO  RECANT  —  CONFUSION  SUCH  THAT  THE  COUNCIL  ADJOURNS  — 
ASSEMBLY  OF  JUNE  7  —  ECLIPSE  —  SIGISMUND  PRESENT  —  HIS  WEAKNESS — ARTICLES 
READ — THE  CUP — TRNSUBSTANTIATION  —  THE  CARDINAL  D'AILLY  —  PHILOSOPHICAL 
SUBTLETIES  —  NOMINALISTS  AND  REALISTS — REPLY  OF  HUSS  —  THE  ENGLISH  DOCTORS 
—  HUSS  DISSENTS  FROM  WICKLIFFE  —  JOnN  STOKES — "REMARKS  OF  THE  CARDINAL 
OF  FLORENCE — NOBLE  REPLY  —  7.ABARELLA  REJOINS — NEW  ARTICLE  ON  APPROVAL 
OV  WICKLIFFE  —  WHETHER    TITHES    ARK   ALMS  —  STATEMENTS    OF    HUSS    AS    TO    HIS 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

COURSE  —  SBYNCO —  THE  BURNING  OP  THE  BOOKS  —  THE  APPEAL  OP  HUSS — HE 
JUSTIFIES  IT  —  ARTICLE  ON  APPEAL  TO  ARMS  —  ON  THE  DISCORD  PRODUCED  BT  HIS 
DOCTRINES  —  STATEMENTS  OF  HUSS  —  NASON  —  d'aILLY  —  THE  UNIVERSITY  — NA.- 
SON'S  REMARKS  —  PALETZ  CONFIRMS  THEM — COUNCIL  ADJOURNS  —  HUSS  CALLED 
BACK— D'AILLY  SEEKS  TO  PREJUDICE  THE  EMPEROR  —  HUSS  REPLIES  —  CHLUm's 
ANSWER  —  D'AILLY  URGES  SUBMISSION  —  SIGISMUND  ON  HIS  SAFE-CONDUCT  —  BIDS 
HUSS  SUBMIT — HIS  REPLY  —  CLEMENCY  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  LETTERS  OF  HUSS  — 
ANXIETY   ABOUT   HIS   DEBTS  —  FEW   FRIENDS  OF   HUSS   IN   THE   COUNCIL,  .      547 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

THIRD  AUDIENCE  OF  HUSS  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL.    ARTICLES 
OF  ACCUSATION.     JUNE   8,  1415. 

THIRD   AUDIENCE    OF   HUSS  —  THIRTY-NINE  ARTICLES  —  HOW   DRAWN    UP  —  LANGUAGE 
IN    REGARD  TO    HIS    RECANTING — CHARGED  WITH  WRITING    FALSEHOODS    TO  BOHEMIA 

—  THE  BOOK  "ON  THE  CHURCH  " — PREDESTINATION— NO  OUTWARD  BADGE  OR  OF- 
FICE MAKES  A  MAN  A  MEMBER  OF  THE  CHURCH  —  THE  REPROBATE  NEVER  A  MEMBER 
OF  THE  CHURCH  OF  CHRIST— JUDAS  NEVER  A  TRUE  DISCIPLE  —  THE  CHURCH  COMPOSED 
OF  THE  PREDESTINATE  ALONE  —  PETER  NEVER  THE  HEAD  OF  THE  CHURCH  CATHO- 
LIC—  the    pope  Christ's   or  antichrist's  vicar,  according    to  his    life  — 

SIMONISTS  AND  WICKED  PRIESTS  ERR  AS  TO  THE  SACRAMENTS — PAPAL  DIGNITY 
AN  IMPERIAL  GIFT  —  NO  ONE  WITHOUT  REVELATION  CAN  SAY  HE  IS  HEAD  OF  ANY 
PARTICULAR  CHURCH  —  NO  POPE,  UNLESS  PREDESTINATED,  THE  HEAD  OF  ANY 
CHURCH  —  THE  POPE'S  POWER  NULL  IF  HIS  LIFE  IS  VILE  —  HIS  HOLINESS  AND  HIS 
REVENUES  —  THE   CARDINALS   NO  SUCCESSORS   OF  THE  APOSTLES   EXCEPT  BY  HOLINESS 

—  HERETICS    NOT  TO   BE   GIVEN    UP   TO   THE    SECULAR  ARM  —  THE   CIVIL   AUTHORITY 

SHOULD    CONSTRAIN    THE     PRIESTHOOD    TO    DO   THIER    DUTY — ECCLESIASTICAL    NOT 

SCRIPTURAL  OBEDIENCE  —  APPEAL  TO  CHRIST  AGAINST  EXCOMMUNICATION — CARDI- 
NAL D'AILLY  —  EVIL  MEN  DO  EVIL  DEEDS  —  QUESTIONS  AND  REPLIES  —  THE  PRIESTS 
BOUND  TO  PREACH  —  CARDINAL  OF  FLORENCE  —  EXCOMMUNICATION  NO  EXCUSE 
FOR  SILENCE  —  ECCLESIASTICAL  CENSURES  ARE  OF  ANTICHRIST  —  INTERDICT  NOT  TO 
BE  IMPOSED 580 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

THIRD  AUDIENCE  CONTINUED.     JUNE  8,  1415. 

8EVEV  ARTICLES  FROM  THE  TREATISE  OF  HUSS  AGAINST  PALETZ  —  A  POPE  OR  PRELATE 
IN  DEADLY  SIN  IS,  ipSO  facto,  NO  POPE  OR  PRELATE  —  EMBARRASSING  SUBJECT  FOR 
THE  COUNCIL — THE  GRACE  OF  PREDESTINATION  UNITES  THE  CHURCH  AND  EACH  OF 
ITS   MEMBERS    TO    ITS    HEAD  —  A   WICKED    POPE   A  SON    OF    PERDITION  —  A   WICKED 


XX  CONTENTS. 

POPE  OR  PRELATE  IS  NO  PASTOR,  BUT  A  THIEF  AND  A  ROBBER  —  OBJECTIONS  — 
THE  POPE  NOT  "MOST  HOLT  "  —  A  POPE  LEGITIMATELY  ELECTED,  IF  OF  EVIL  LIFE, 
ENTERS  NOT  BY  THE  DOOR  —  PALETz's  REMARKS  —  REPLY  OF  HUSS — THE  CONDEM- 
NATION OF  TnE  FORTY-FIVE  ARTICLES  OF  WICKLIFFE  UNJUST  —  SIX  ARTICLES  FROM 
THE  TREATISE  AGAINST  STANISLAUS  —  A  MAJORITY  OF  ELECTORAL  VOTES  CANNOT  MAKE 

a  man   Christ's  vicar  —  a  reprobate  pope  is  not  the  head  of  tub  cnuRCH 

—  CHRIST  SUFFICIENT  TO  RULE  HIS  CHURCH — REMARKS  OF  HUSS  UPON  IT — PETER 
WAS    NOT    UNIVERSAL    PASTOR  —  THE  APOSTLES  RULED  THE  CHURCH  WITHOUT  A  POPE 

—  REMARK  OF  AN  ENGLISHMAN — HOW  TO  DEAL  WITH  HUSS  —  CONCLUSIONS  —  CAR- 
DINAL D'AILLY  ADDRESSES  HUSS  —  SOME   RELUCTANT   TO   DOOM    HUSS   TO   THE   FLAMES 

—  HE  IS  URGED  TO  SUBMIT  —  THE  ENGLISH  DEPUTATION  —  GERSON —  HUSS  STATES 
HIS  PURPOSE  AND  DESIRE — CARDINAL  D'AILLY  PERVERTS  ITS  MEANING  AND  DEMANDS 
SUBMISSION  —  REPLY  OF  HUSS  —  PLEADS  CONSCIENCE  —  THE  EMPEROR'S  ADVICE — ■ 
TERMS  OF  SUBMISSION  —  REPLY  OF  HUSS  —  DEMAND  REPEATED  —  THE  PRIEST  IN 
BILK  CASSOCK  —  REPLY  OF  HUSS  —  PALETZ  —  THE  OTHER  WORKS  OF  HUSS  —  HIS 
CONSCIENTIOUSNESS  —  INSISTS  ON  A  FURTHER  HEARING  —  SLANDEROUS  INTERPRETA- 
TION OF  A  SENTENCE  OF  THE  POPE  —  EXHAUSTION  OF  HUSS  —  FALSE  CHARGE  IN 
REGARD  TO  THE  THREE  MEN  BEHEADED  AT  PRAGUE  —  PALETZ  —  PALETZ  AND  NASON 
ON  THE  INFLAMMATORY  SERMONS  OF  HUSS  —  THE  OXFORD  LETTER  —  PAUSE  IN  THE 
PROCEEDINGS  —  PROTESTATION  OF  PALETZ  —  OF  CAUSIS  —  OF  HUSS  —  REMARK  OP 
CARDINAL  D'AILLY  —  DISPOSITION  OF  PALETZ  —  THE  COUNCIL  ADJOURNS  —  CHLUM 
CHEERS   HUSS  —  CONCLUSIONS   AND   POLICY   OF   THE   EMPEROR,  .  .  .      602 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUSS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BOHEMIA  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY. 
PREDECESSORS  OF  HUSS. 

Condition  op  Bohemia.  —  National  feeling.  —  The  Introduction  of  the  Usages 

of  the  eoman  chdech.  —  the  waldenses predecessors  of  huss.  —  con- 

rad  Waldhauser.  —  Milicz  of  Kremsier.  —  Matthias  of  Janow.  —  Peter  of 
Dresden.  —  Flourishing  Condition  of  Bohemia.  —  Thomas  of  Stitnt.  —  Death 
of  Anne  of  Luxembourg,  Queen  of  England. 

1347-1394. 

During  the  latter  half  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
(1350-1400,)  Bohemia  occupied  a  place  among  the 
nations  of  Europe  somewhat  correspondent  to  her 
local  position  in  the  heart  of  the  continent.  Her 
capital  was  the  residence  of  the  German  emperor. 
Her  university  at  Prague,  though  recently  founded, 
was  the  oldest  and  most  flourishing — indeed,  almost 
the  only  one — in  Eastern  Europe.  Her  churches, 
cloisters,  and  palaces  were  remarked  by  the' stranger 
with  surprise  and  admiration,  while  through  her  con- 
nection with  the  German  empire,  her  influence  was 
widely  felt.  Petrarch  could  scarce  resist  the  earnest 
and  pressing  invitation  of  Charles  IV.,  who  besought 

VOL.  I.  1 


2  LIFE   AND    Tigris    OF   JOHN   HT7SS.  [Cn.  L 

him  to  exchange  his  loved  Vaucluse  for  a  residence — 
in  external  beauty  fully  equal  to  any  which  his  own 
Italy  could  afford — on  the  banks  of  the  Moldau. 

But  if  Prague  lost  the  honor  of  sheltering  the 
Italian  poet  and  scholar,  she  was  yet  destined  to  be 
the  centre  of  a  movement  which  should  agitate  the 
entire  Christian  world.  The  cry  of  Reform  which 
was  to  be  heard  in  almost  every  country  of  Europe, 
demanding  the  removal  of  the  papal  schism,  and  a 
remedy  for  the  evils  of  the  church,  was  to  find  a 
memorable  echo  in  her  own  university.  In  her  bos- 
om she  was  fondly  to  cherish  one  of  her  own  sons, 
whose  influence  should  be  more  enduring  and  exten- 
sive than  that  of  Petrarch,  and  the  fundamental 
principle  of  whose  doctrines — the  sole  and  supreme 
authority  of  the  word  of  God — was  to  strike  the 
key-note  of  the  Great  Reformation  in  the  succeed- 
ing century.  She  was  yet  to  witness,  gathered  on 
her  surrounding  hills  and  along  her  valleys,  the  mus- 
tered hosts  of  Christendom,  whose  defeat  was  to  sig- 
nalize the  final  struggle  of  crusading  enthusiasm  with 
the  growing  light  and  energy  of  the  world's  free 
thought. 

As  the  capital  of  an  enterprising  nation,  the  resi- 
dence of  the  German  emperor,  and  the  home  of  re- 
viving art  and  literary  culture,  Prague  was  the  fore- 
most city  of  Eastern  Europe.  Her  situation  was  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  and  magnificent  in  the  world. 
Around  her  on  every  side  spread  a  broad  region 
vitalized  by  her  influence,  and  subsidiary  to  her  pros- 
perity and  growth.  Already  upon  that  soil  once 
possessed  by  barbarian  hordes — the  camping-ground 


Ch.  I.]  CONDITION    OF    BOHEMIA.  3 

of  hosts  which  imperial  Rome  had  regarded  with 
trembling  anxiety — a  land  of  wild  forests  and  streams 
and  mountains,  to  which  the  ancient  Boii  had  be- 
queathed their  name — there  had  sprung  up  those  in- 
stitutions of  law,  government,  and  religion,  which 
secured  for  Bohemia  a  fair  reputation  as  a  civilized 
and  Christian  state. 

Her  very  position  was  one  which  seemed  designed 
by  nature  to  favor  self-development.  Situated  in  the 
heart  of  the  European  continent — bounded  on  her 
four  sides  by  as  many  ranges  of  lofty  mountains, 
while  the  angles  of  this  gigantic  diagram  of  rock 
were  directed  to  the  four  points  of  the  compass — 
with  a  fertile  soil  and  a  genial  climate — with  rivers 
bursting  forth  on  every  side  from  her  mountain  bar- 
riers, and  meeting  like  rays  about  her  central  capital, 
thence  to  find  their  way  by  the  Elbe  to  Hamburg 
and  to  the  fourscore  towns  of  the  Hanseatic  league 
rapidly  rising  in  political  and  commercial  importance 
— Bohemia  seemed  fitted  by  her  location  and  gen- 
eral features  to  become  one  of  the  foremost  states  of 
Europe.  She  was  at  once  sheltered  and  accessible, 
guarded  from  invasion,  yet  connected  directly  with 
the  German  towns  by  means  of  the  Elbe,  the  great 
artery  of  European  commerce.  Her  resources  were 
sufficient  to  encourage  enterprise  and  self-reliance. 
She  was  accessible  enough  to  all  that  was  good,  use- 
ful, and  improving,  and  yet  so  far  secluded  by  nature 
as  to  encourage  the  patriotic  purpose  of  maintaining 
and  cherishing  her  own  proper  character,  customs, 
and  institutions. 

But  all  this  would  have  failed  to  give  Bohemia 


4  LIFE   AM)    TIMES    OF   JOHN'    HUBS.  [Cii.  I. 

that  important  influence  which  Bhe  was  destined  to 
exert  for  at  least  the  lifetime  of  a  generation  upon 
the  condition,  policy,  and  prosperity  of  Europe,  if  it 
had  not  been  for  other  causes  that  at  this  juncture 
began  to  operate.  The  time  had  come  when  the 
force  of  free  religious  thought  was  to  be  manifested 
on  a  broader  scale,  and  in  a  more  conspicuous  man- 
ner than  ever  before.  During  centuries  past,  the 
world  had  been  losing  faith  in  all  but  material  forces. 
The  German  empire  was  built  up  and  maintained  by 
physical  energy.  Soldiers  of  fortune — mercenary 
chieftains — had  become  again  and  again  the  arbiters 
of  national  destiny.  Faith  in  the  papacy — no  longer 
what  it  was  antecedent  to  the  "Babylonian  Captiv- 
ity"— had  been  sadly  shaken.  The  appeal  to  the 
sword  and  to  the  right  of  the  strongest  had  super- 
seded every  other.  Even  the  popes  had  shown  more 
faith  in  the  temporal  sword  which  they  invoked, 
than  in  their  own  interdicts.  Amid  the  clash  of 
arms — the  echoes  of  battle-fields  like  Poictiers  and 
Cressy — other  voices  were  drowned. 

But  the  empire  of  ideas  was  now  to  be  notably  en- 
larged, if  not  inaugurated  anew.  Superficial  observ- 
ers might  look  with  contempt  on  the  utterances  or 
writings  of  obscure  priests  or  preachers.  They  might 
hope  to  find  the  key  of  destiny  in  the  leaders  of  ar- 
mies, in  the  hands  of  king  or  emperor.  But  it  was 
Boon  to  be  seen  that,  on  the  great  chessboard  of  Eu- 
ropean history,  monarchs  might  be  merely  pawns, 
like  Wenzel  of  Bohemia,  or  Charles  VI.  of  France; 
while    the   real  kings    were   the    men   of   thought — 

pamphleteers,  like  Ullerston,  Gerson,  and  Clemenges, 


Oil  I.]  OEIGIN    OF   THE    EEFOEM   MOVEMENT.  5 

or  reformers,  like  Wickliffe,  Janow,  Jacobel,  and 
Huss. 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  great  reform  move- 
ment, of  which  Huss  was  the  leader,  was,  to  human 
view,  after  a  most  desperate  and  prolonged  struggle, 
crushed  out — not,  however,  without  leaving  behind 
it  most  important  results.  But  in  its  own  day,  it 
distinctly  revealed  the  comparative  impotence  of 
mere  material  forces,  employed  to  exterminate  an 
idea  that  had  become  rooted  in  a  nation's  heart. 
Army  after  army,  numbering  scores  of  thousands  of 
fierce  and  reckless  men,  was  dashed  to  fragments  in 
the  attempt  to  subdue  Bohemia  to  the  papal  obe- 
dience. The  attention  of  Europe — of  emperors, 
kings,  popes,  and  councils — was  riveted,  for  almost 
an  entire  generation,  upon  the  progress  and  prospects 
of  the  movement  originated  by  Huss  at  Prague. 
The  interest  of  European  history  for  this  period  cen- 
tres mainly  in  the  efforts  that  were  made,  by  the 
combined  forces  of  Christendom,  to  restore  the  old 
basis  of  things  shaken  and  overthrown  by  the  Huss- 
ite reform. 

It  is  interesting  and  instructive  to  trace  the  origin 
of  the  forces  from  which  this  sprang,  or  by  the  alli- 
ance of  which  it  was  furthered  and  sustained.  Huss 
himself  did  not  call  them  into  being.  Some  of  them 
he  found  ready  to  his  hand ;  of  others,  his  own  sa- 
gacity enabled  him  to  take  advantage.  The  patriotic 
spirit  of  the  Bohemian  people,  their  jealousy  of  for- 
eign innovations,  and  the  peculiar  advantages  which 
they  enjoyed  for  assuming  an  independent  position 
in  respect  to  the  usages  and  doctrines  of  the  church, 


G  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  L 

must  all  be  taken  into  account,  as  well  as  the  para- 
mount influence  of  the  novel  exhibition  and  enforce- 
ment of  scripture  truth. 

We  find,  indeed,  at  an  earlier  period  than  the  one 
which  we  are  about  to  consider,  the  development  of 
a  strong  feeling  of  nationality.  This  feeling,  in  reality, 
had  gained  a  remarkable  development  during  the 
closing  years  of  the  fourteenth  century — the  period 
immediately  preceding  the  entrance  of  Huss  upon 
his  public  career.  For  the  two  preceding  centuries 
it  had  been  kept  alive,  and  had  even  acquired 
strength  in  opposition  to  foreign  innovations.  The 
introduction  of  the  usages  of  the  Roinish  church,  and 
the  extended  jurisdiction  of  Roman  law,  had  not 
been  gained  without  a  struggle.  The  popular  litera- 
ture, meagre  as  it  was,  was  warmly  cherished,  and 
gave  place  but  slowly  to  Latin  learning. 

Still  the  policy  of  the  rulers  of  the  nation — espe- 
cially of  the  last  kings  of  the  Premysl  house — fa- 
vored innovation  and  immigration.1  The  old  juris- 
prudence was  modified  by  the  forced  introduction 
of  canon  law.  Artisans  and  merchants  from  abroad 
were  encouraged  to  take  up  their  residence  within 
the   kingdom.      Colonies   of  German   settlers  were 

O  

welcomed  in  the  cities  and  the  towns.  In  some 
cases  they  acquired  a  predominant  influence.  The 
nobility  gave  their  castles  German  names.  Li  many 
municipalities  the  German  element  was  in  the  as- 
cendant. The  city  records  of  Prague  were  written 
in  German.  Judicial  proceedings  were  in  the  Ger- 
man language.     German  preachers  occupied  the  pul- 

1  Helfert,  47,  48. 


Ch.  I.]  NATIONAL   FEELING.  7 

pits.  German  judges  presided  in  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice, and  the  highest  civil  offices  were  filled  by 
Germans.  German  manners  and  usages,  German 
names  and  phrases,  prevailed  in  social  circles.  The 
university  was  patronized  by  German  students,  who 
outnumbered  the  Bohemians  in  the  proportion  of 
five  to  one.  The  lucrative  benefices  of  the  church 
were  filled  by  German  priests  and  bishops ;  and  for  a 
time  it  seemed  as  if  Bohemia  was  to  become  a  Ger- 
man province. 

Charles  IV.  encouraged  the  introduction  of  the 
usages  of  the  Roniish  church,  as  well  as  German  im- 
migration. But  already  the  national  spirit  had  be- 
gun to  react  upon  the  innovations  by  which  it  was 
threatened  to  be  overwhelmed.  The  first  concession 
made  to  it  was  the  erection  of  the  archbishopric  of 
Prague — a  measure  which  the  emperor  successfully 
commended  to  the  pope,  on  the  ground  that  the 
Slavic  tongue,  peculiar  to  the  Bohemians  and  Mora- 
vians, was  strange  to  their  diocesan,  the  archbishop 
of  Mayence,  and  his  clergy.1  The  second  victory 
won  by  the  national  feeling  was  the  enactment  of  a 
law  that  none  should  fill  the  office  of  a  civil  judge 
who  could  not  understand  and  speak  the  Bohemian 
language. 

Meanwhile,  Bohemian  literature  had  begun  to  re- 
vive.(1)  The  scriptures  were  translated  into  Bohemian. 
The  venerable  Stitny — a  patriot  and  scholar,  to 
whom  we  shall  again  have  occasion  to  refer — wrote 
numerous  works  in  his  native  language,  and  labored 
in  various  ways  to  make  the  treasures  of  the  Latin 

1  Helfert,  50,  51. 

0)  Numbers  within  parenthesis  refer  to  Notes  at  the  close  of  the  volume. 


8  life  axd  HMZS   OF  JOHN  IIUSS.  [Co.  l 

language  accessible  to  his  countrymen.  "Before 
God,"  said  he,  "  the  Bohemian  is  just  as  good  as  the 
Latin.'1  With  much  opposition,  especially  from  the 
friends  of  "school-learning,"  he  maintained  his  patri- 
otic position,  and  endeared  his  name  to  every  true 
Bohemian. 

The  struggle  was  at  length  transferred  to  the  uni- 
versity. The  Bohemian  nation,  outvoted  by  the 
other  three,  had  seen  the  most  honorable  positions 
and  offices  held  by  strangers.  Their  first  resistance 
to  this  usurpation  of  numbers,  which  denied  them 
what  they  regarded  as  their  rights,  took  place  in 
1384-5,  under  the  rectorate  of  Konrad  Soltow.1  By 
the  favor  of  the  king  and  court,  the  archbishop  and 
the  native  clergy,  they  gained  their  point.  The  for- 
eign party  appealed  to  the  pope.  The  university 
was  filled  with  confusion  and  discord.  But  the 
Bohemians  won  the  victory,  and  at  length  (1399- 
1403)  the  "College  of  the  Bohemian  nation"  was 
established,  expressly  for  native  Bohemian-. 

As  we  have  already  remarked,  IIuss  commenced 
his  university  course  at  the  very  time  when  the 
struggle  of  patriotic  feeling  with  foreign  domination 
had  been  transferred  to  the  scenes  upon  which  he 
now  entered.  Bohemian  by  birth,  and  with  a  soul 
alive  to  the  most  generous  impulses,  he  showed  him- 
self from  the  first  a  zealous  champion  of  the  nation's 
rights.  From  feeling  and  from  principle,  he  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  popular  movement,  and 
his  influence  as  a  reformer  was  strengthened  by  his 
position  as  a  patriot.     In  the  latter  character  hid 

1  nelfert,  G3. 


Ch.  I.]        THE  PATRIOT  AKD    REFORMER.  9 

countrynieu  have  never  ceased  to  cherish  his  memory. 
In  their  eyes,  the  faults  of  the  heretic  are  lost  in  the 
virtues  of  the  patriot.  Many  a  locality  is  even  yet 
almost  sacred,  in  popular  esteem,  from  association 
with  his  name  and  memory.  In  the  royal  library  of 
the  great  college-building  at  Prague,  a  Hussite  hymn- 
book,  written  and  illustrated  with  singular  splendor, 
is  still  carefully  preserved.  This  book,  which  must 
have  cost  many  thousand  florins,  was  the  joint  pro- 
duction of  a  large  proportion  of  the  citizens.  Each 
guild  and  corporation  had  a  few  hymns  written,  and 
pictures  painted  to  accompany  them,  and  in  this 
work  they  were  joined  by  several  noble  families, 
each  family  or  guild  placing  its  own  pictured  arms 
or  crest  before  its  own  portion  of  the  book.  Most 
of  the  pictures  represent  events  in  Biblical  history, 
or  incidents  in  the  life  of  Huss.  Among  the  latter 
are  scenes  of  his  disputes  with  the  priests,  and  of  his 
martyrdom,  while  the  ecclesiastics  in  their  robes  are 
looking  coldly  on,  and  angels  hover  over  the  victim 
to  comfort  him  in  his  agony.1  Despite  his  heresyi 
the  name  of  Huss  is  now  spoken  with  veneration 
and  affection  even  by  those  who  would  still  feel  con- 
strained to  pronounce  him  a  heretic. 

The  same  influences  which  nurtured  a  national  and 
patriotic  spirit,  tended  to  counteract  the  aggrandizing 
and  grasping  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome.  It  was 
foreign,  anti-national,  and  odious.2  The  Bohemian 
noble  was,  moreover,  proud-spirited  and  independent. 
His  country  itself  lay  sheltered  in  that  deep  basin 
which  once  held  the  waters  of  a  primaBval  sea.     On 

1  Kohl's  Bohemia,  p.  35.       2  Schrockh  dwells  largely  on  this  point. 


10  LIFE   AXD   ZEROS    OF    JOHN    HUBS.  [Cn.  I 

every  side  rose  the  mountain  Malls  of  its  defence.  It 
was  indeed  itself  a  fortress,  and  mytliologic  fancy 
might  be  excused  if  it  ascribed  the  stupendous  bar- 
riers and  abutments  that  surrounded  it  to  the  hands 
of  primaeval  Titans.  The  tide  of  foreign  invasion 
broke  as  it  dashed  against  the  mountain  fastness,  and 
he  who  never  had  been  conquered  might  cherish  the 
pride  that  defied  attack.  A  freedom  of  thought, 
less  congenial  to  other  lands,  might  find  here  a 
secure  abode.  By  those  rivers  which  spread  like 
veins  and  arteries  all  over  the  land,  and  under  the 
shadows  of  those  forests  and  giant  mountains  which 
bouifded  the  horizon,  men  felt  but  little  awe  or  re- 
spect for  ecclesiastical  censure  or  persecuting  edicts. 
The  jests  of  the  rough  knights — often  too  much 
tainted,  doubtless,  with  the  vices  of  their  kings — 
showed  little  regard  for  the  assumed  authority  or 
sanctity  of  the  Papal  See.  In  the  general  assessment 
by  which  the  avarice  of  the  Roman  court  spread  its 
huge  dragnet  over  Europe,  Bohemia,  like  England, 
was  sheltered  by  her  isolated  situation.  And  be- 
sides all  this,  her  attachment  to  her  old  usages,  long 
cherished  by  the  patriotic  feeling  of  her  citizens, 
had  made  her  exceedingly  reluctant  to  conform  to 
the  Romish  ritual.  Former  sympathies  and  associa- 
tions had  connected  her  with  the  East.  By  the  Greek 
church  she  had  first  been  Christianized,  and,  until  near 
the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  a  strong  at- 
tachment to  the  rites  and  usages  derived  from  this 
source  had  very  generally  prevailed.1  The  process 
by  which  the  nation-  was  brought  to  recognize  the 

1  Schrockh  xxxiv.  5G4,  and  xxxiii.  331. 


Ch.  I.]  WALDENSES    EST   BOHEMIA.  11 

authority  of  the  See  of  Rome  was  slow  and  difficult. 
The  celibacy  of  the  clergy,  and  the  withholding  of 
the  cup  in  the  eucharist,  were  regarded  as  innova- 
tions. They  excited  a  strong,  bitter,  and  prolonged 
resistance.  The  attempt  which  was  at  length  made, 
in  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Charles  IV.,  to  enforce 
them  by  laws  and  penalties,  secured  indeed  an  out- 
ward conformity,  but  among  the  masses  of  the  nation, 
the  work  of  reducing  the  church  to  Roman  usages 
and  ceremonial,  could,  as  a  general  thing,  only  excite 
indignation. 

Some  of  the  Waldenses,  moreover,  driven  out  from 
their  Piedmontese  valleys,  had  found  a  refuge  within 
the  fortress-like  walls  of  the  Bohemian  mountains,  and 
there,  in  quiet  and  security,  spread  their  doctrines  and 
influence.1  It  was  here  that  Peter  Waldo/according 
to  Maimbourg,)  the  founder  of  that  sect,  was  finally 
sheltered  front  the  persecution  which  drove  him  first 
into  Picardy,  and  then  to  Bohemia.  Here,  in  a  land 
where  no  papal  police  was  as  yet  tolerated,  he  found, 
in  all  probability,  a  peaceful  grave.  Many  of  his  dis- 
ciples must  have  followed  him.  The  inquisition 
drove  them  from  their  homes,  and  their  only  safety 
was  in  obscurity.  Thirty-five  of  them  perished  in 
one  fire  at  Bingen.  At  Strasbourg  eighty  were 
burned.  The  consequence  was,  that  they  were 
driven  toward  Bohemia.  Reiner,  in  a.  d.  1254, 
reckons  the  schools  of  the  Leonists  in  the  diocese  of 
Passau  at'  forty-one.  Their  influence  in  Bohemia 
must  have  been  perceptibly  felt,   and  their  views 

*  Kohler's  Johannes  Huss  und  Seine  tion  and  secrecy  of  their  worship  in 
Zeit  draws  a  vivid  picture  of  the  cau-    Bohemia. 


12  LIFE   AND    TDIES    OF   JOIIX    IIUSS.  [Co.  I. 

were  far  enough  from  coinciding  with  the  ortlioil  »xy 
of  Rome.  The)  derided  the  clerical  tonsure.  They 
ridiculed  those  prevalent  ecclesiastical  promotions 
which  filled  the  highest  official  stations  of  the  church 
with  successors  to  Simon  Magus  rather  than  the 
apostles.  The  vulgar  tongue  was  as  fitting  for 
prayer,  in  their  view,  as  the  Latin,  which  they  did 
not  understand.  Long  before  Laurentius  Valla  had 
exposed  the  spuriousness  of  the  "false  decretals," 
they  had  rejected  them.  They  laughed  at  the  le- 
gends of  the  saints.  They  reverenced  "  the  tradi- 
tions "  of  the  church  no  more  than  Christ  did  the 
traditions  of  the  Pharisees.  They  denied  purgatory. 
They  considered  lights  in  churches  needless.  To 
them  holy  water  was  no  better  than  any  other,  and 
the  cross  was  but  a  piece  of  wood.  But  it  was  their 
veneration  for,  and  their  acquaintance  with,  the  word 
of  God,  abundantly  attested  by  their  persecutors,  that 
led  them  to  dissent  so  emphatically  from  the  Roman 
church.  Of  the  purity  of  their  lives,  and  the  sim- 
ple devotion  which  characterized  their  worship,  their 
foes  themselves  leave  us  no  room  to  doubt. 

Nearly  one  hundred  and  forty  years  later,  in  1391, 
we  find,  according  to  the  testimony  of  a  Roman  in- 
quisitor, that  among  their  teachers  were  Hungarians 
and  I>avarians,  showing  that  on  both  sides  of  Bo- 
hemia the  Waldensian  doctrines  had  found  a  foot- 
hold. We  cannot  doubt  that  they  were  more  gene- 
rally held  in  the  sheltered  region  that  lay  between 
Bavaria  and  Hungary.1  We  shall  see  hereafter  the 
immediate  connection  between  the  Waldenses,  and 

1  See  Kohler's  Uuss  und  Seine  Zoit. 


Ch.  I.]  CHAELES   IV.    AND    HIS    POLICY.  13 

the  doctrines  which  brought  the  wrath  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Constance  upon  the  university  of  Prague,  and 
the  kingdom  of  Bohemia. 

The  views  which  had  thus  found  their  way  into 
Bohemia,  were  never  altogether  rooted  out.  From 
time  to  time  they  were  revived  by  men  whose  advo- 
cacy gave  them  an  important  influence  upon  the 
condition  of  the  kingdom.  There  is  no  necessity, 
however,  of  attributing  to  a  foreign  source  the 
origin  of  the  reform  movement  in  Bohemia.  What- 
ever increment  it  may  have  received  from  foreign 
sources,  it  was  undoubtedly  in  great  part  indigenous. 
The  hereditary  kingdom  of  the  German  emperor 
was  really,  at  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
(1310-1400,)  in  advance  of  the  surrounding  nations, 
in  literary  and  industrial  activity.  The  proof  of  this 
will  be  spread  before  us  as  we  proceed.  It  was  from 
the  midst  of  this  intellectual  agitation  and  enter- 
prise, that  the  religious  movement  sprang.  It  re- 
ceived an  undesigned  impulse  from  the  enlarged 
views  and  even  the  aggrandizing  policy  of  Charles  IV. 
No  one  can  trace  his  career  of  manifold  activity 1 — 
using  every  art  to  extend  and  consolidate  the  empire, 
— discarding  the  sword  and  the  warlike  aims  of  his 
predecessors,  but  regaining  by  treaty  and  stratagem 
more  than  they  had  lost, — studiously  avoiding  all 
collision  with  the  papacy,  yet  adroitly  grasping  every 
advantage  which  its  necessities  afforded  him — and  not 
perceive  that  under  his  liberal  patronage  the  cause  of 
learning  and  of  letters  would  necessarily  enter  upon 
a  career  of  brighter  prospects.     This  was  in  fact  the 

1  M.  I.  Schmidt's  Geschichte  Der  Deutschen,  iii.  662—619. 


14  LIFE   AKD   TIMES   OF  JOIIX   IIUSS.  [Cn.  L 

case.  With  the  exception  of  the  universities  of 
Paris  and  Oxford,  the  university  of  Prague  held  the 
highest  rank  in  Europe.  It  was  natural  that  the  at- 
tention of  its  teachers  and  students  should  be  drawn 
to  the  scandalous  state  of  the  church,  and  that  the 
facts  which  excited  the  indignation  of  Wickliffe  at 
Oxford,  should  not  be  unnoted  at  Prague. 

It  was  almost  contemporaneously  with  the  found- 
ing of  the  university,  that  the  first  notable  criticism 
on  the  degeneracy  of  Christendom,  and  the  first  in- 
dignant protest  against  its  corruptions,  were  put 
forth  in  Bohemia.  The  character,  influence,  and 
labors  of  those  who  gave  utterance  to  these  views 
and  feelings,  have  been  overshadowed  by  the  more 
distinguished  efforts  of  their  successors,  while  their 
continued  and  professed  adherence  to  the  authority 
and  usages  of  the  church  has  saved  them  from  the 
notoriety  which  their  condemnation  or  rejection  as 
heretics  would  have  conferred. 

But  among  the  precursors  of  Huss,  who  anticipa- 
ted him  in  the  utterance  of  views  of  scrfptural  re- 
form, there  are  three  men  worthy  of  special  notice. 
These  were,  the  Austrian,  Conrad  Waldhauser,  or 
Conrad  Stiekna,  as  he  has  been  improperly  called ; 
John  Milicz,  of  Kremsier  in  Moravia;  and  Matthias 
of  Janow. 

The  first  of  these,  whose  death  was  almost  con- 
temporaneous with  the  birth  of  Huss,  belonged  to 
the  order  of  St.  Augustine,  and  exerted  a  powerful 
influence  in  Vienna,  where  he  preached  for  a  space 
of  fifteen  years  (1345-1360).  During  this  period 
occurred  the   jubilee  proclaimed  by  Clement   VI. 


Cn.  I.]  CONE  AD    WALDHAUSEE.  15 

(1350).  Among  the  pilgrims  to  Rome  on  this  occa- 
sion was  Conrad  himself.  He  had  full  opportunity 
to  witness  the  effect  of  the  papal  bull  of  indul- 
gence, and  the  mischievous  results  which  followed 
its  publication.  The  crowd  that  was  assembled  at 
Rome  was  immense.1  "  One  would  have  thought," 
says  Petrarch,  who  was  present,  "  that  the  plague 
(1347)  which  had  almost  unpeopled  the  world  had 
not  so  much  as  thinned  it."  The  concourse  of  pil- 
grims was  prodigious.  It  was  estimated  by  the  Ro- 
mans themselves  at  over  a  million,  and  the  number 
present  at  the  end  was  equal  to  that  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year. 

It  was  impossible  for  an  impartial  observer  to  re- 
main blind  to  the  mischiefs  attendant  upon  the  scenes 
of  the  jubilee.  A  plenary  absolution  of  all  sins  for 
a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  or  the  pious  donation  of  the 
amount  of  expense  which  such  a  pilgrimage  would 
incur,  could  not  be  proclaimed,  as  it  was  by  the  pa- 
pal bull,  without  producing  results  which  would  in- 
vite the  reprehension  of  serious  and  thoughtful 
minds.  The  eyes  of  Conrad  were  opened  by  his 
visit  to  the  capital  of  Christendom.  He  returned  to 
Austria  a  preacher  of  repentance.  The  influence  of 
his  sermons  may  be  gathered  from  the  charge  which 
his  enemies,  at  a  later  period,  brought  against  him, 
of  disturbing  everywhere  the  public  peace.2  He 
defended  himself  by  referring  to  similar  accusations 
brought  against  Christ  himself. 

But  from  the  time  of  his  visit  to  Rome  he  seems 
to  have  labored  less  at  Vienna,  and  to  have  been  en- 

1  Villain,  as  quoted  by  Bower,  iii.  100.  2  Neander,  v.  184. 


16  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Cn.  L 

gaged  ratlin-  as  an  itinerant  preacher.  He  taught 
"through  all  Austria,"  even  to  the  city  of  Prague. 
Charles  IV.  appreciated  the  labors  and  the  eloquence 
of  the  man.  lie  endeavored  to  secure  him  for  Bo- 
hemia, and  in  1360  he  was  called  as  parish  priest  to 
the  city  of  Leitmeritz.  But  the  field  was  too  nar- 
row for  his  zeal.  It  was  circumscribed,  moreover, 
1  >  v  opposition,  and  a  controversy  into  which  he  was 
led  with  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans.  The  result 
was,  that  he  determined  to  seek  at  Prague  a  broader 
and  more  inviting  field. 

For  a  year  he  preached  in  the  church  of  St.  Gall ; 
but  the  edifice  could  not  hold  the  throngs  which 
pressed  to  hear  him.  Unwilling  to  have  the  word 
of  God  withheld  from  any  who  desired  to  hear  it,  and 
anxious  to  labor  for  the  salvation  of  many,  he  went 
forth  into  the  open  market-place,  and  preached  to 
immense  audiences  which  there  assembled.  The 
spirit  of  his  sermons  may  be  gathered  from  his  own 
worda  :  "  Not  willing  that  the  blood  of  souls  should 
be  required  at  my  hands,  I  traced,  as  I  was  able,  in 
the  Holy  Scripture,  the  future  dangers  impending 
over  the  souls  of  men."  Upon  the  innovations  that 
had  been  introduced  into  the  church,  and  upon  the 
monks,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  authors  of  them,  he 
was  especially  severe.  lie  exposed  their  vices,  as 
well  as  their  hypocrisy.  He  called  them  wolves  in 
sheep's  clothing.  He  showed  from  Bcripture  that 
their  peculiar  dress  and  mode  of  life  were  unwar- 
ranted by  the  authority  of  the  word  of  God,  and 
could  only  have  originated  in  monstrous  fables ;  that 
their  bodily  mortifications  were  "  vain  and  damna- 


Ch.  i.]  conkad's  rebuke.  1 7 

ble" — witliout  promise  for  the  present  life,  or  the 
hope  of  future  recompense.  Their  notorious  indo- 
lence and  everlasting  i)salm-singing  were  frequent 
topics  with  Kim.  The  machinery  of  religion,  which 
killed  all  true  devotion,  and  measured  its  value,  not 
by  the  feelings  of  the  heart,  but  by  bells  and  hour- 
glasses, was  denounced.  He  protested  against  the 
perpetual  vows  to  a  monastic  life  which  were  imposed 
by  parents  upon  their  children.  They  only  who 
were  led  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  were  the  sons  of  God. 
Monasticism — against  which  he  had  nothing  to  say, 
when  in  itself  considered — had  become  by  its  degen- 
eracy a  source  of  great  mischief.  One  might  as 
wisely  embark  in  a  leaky  craft  to  cross  the  Danube, 
as  repose  in  it  for  security.  The  monks  themselves 
had  become  like  the  Pharisees  of  old;  they  had 
bound  to  men's  shoulders  burdens  too  heavy  to  be 
borne,  which  they  would  not  touch  themselves  with 
one  of  their  fingers ;  they  had  insolently  set  themselves 
up  as  teachers  of  the  people ;  they  had  usurped  to 
themselves  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  pastors, 
yet,  in  fact,  shut  men  out  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
by  refusing  them  the  Bible  in  their  own  language ; 
they  had  encouraged  superstition,  and  aggravated 
the  prevalent  corruption  by  their  vain  questions  and 
controversies,  their  useless  school-quarrels  and  non- 
sense. To  carry  out  their  designs,  they  made  godli- 
ness a  matter  of  traffic,  introducing  themselves  into 
houses,  and  leading  simple  women  astray.  In  this 
unsparing  style  he  upbraided  the  monks. 

It  was  natural  that  they  should  turn  just  as  hotly 
upon  their  opponent.     They   exhausted  their   re- 

VOL.  i.  2 


18  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cn.  I. 

sources  and  exerted  all  tlieir  influence  to  secure  his 
overthrow.  But  their  efforts  were  unsuccessful.  The 
king,  Charles  IV.,  is  said  to  have  favored  him.  He 
was  perhaps  unwilling  to  see  a  man,  whose  learning 
and  sincerity  won  his  respect,  prostrated  by  such- 
foes,  and  the  rather  that  Conrad  gave  no  occasion  for 
reprehension  in  his  faith  or  life. 

But  he  poured  the  torrent  of  his  rebukes  not  only 
upon  the  monks,  but  upon  the  general  corruption  of 
his  times.  His  influence  upon  the  minds  of  some  of 
the  richest  women  wras  such,  that  they  gave  away  the 
proceeds  of  tlieir  most  costly  ornaments  in  charity  to 
the  poor. 

Matthias  of  Janow  characterizes  both  his  prede- 
cessors, Conrad  and  Milicz,  as  men  full  of  the  spirit 
of  Elijah.  But  Conrad  was  rather  a  John  the  Bap- 
tist. He  wras  a  powerful  preacher  of  repentance. 
He  spoke  forth  sharp  warnings  to  flee  from  the  wrath 
to  come.  No  prevalent  vice  escaped  his  rebuke. 
Pride  of  dress,  usury,  lightness,  and  youthful  vanities 
were  rebuked,  and  a  powerful  impression  was  made. 
The  usurer  gave  up  his  ill-gotten  gains.  The  thought- 
less and  giddy  became  serious.  Quite  a  number  of 
Jews  were  drawn  to  listen  to  his  sermons.  A  radical 
change  was  effected  in  the  hearts  of  a  lar^e  number  of 
his  hearers,  while  the  purity  of  his  own  life  exhibited 
an  example  of  what  he  commended  to  them.  In 
1364  the  hostility  toward  him  came  to  a  head. 
Twenty-nine  articles  were  drawn  up  against  him  by 
the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  in  concert ;  but 
when  the  day  of  trial  came,  no  one  dared  to  present 
them. 


Ch.  I.]  CAREER   OF   MILICZ.  19 

Conrad  died  while  parish  priest  of  the  Teyn 
church,  in  the  year  1369.  The  Jesuit  Balbinus  ob- 
jects to  his  being  considered  a  precursor  of  Huss. 
He  confesses,  however,  that  his  writings  against  the 
monks  betrayed  a  freedom  of  expression  which  might 
lead  his  readers  to  contemn  their  teachers  and  dis- 
obey their  prelates.  One  of  his  treatises  is  entitled 
"  Indictment  of  the  Mendicants,"  and  contains  some 
severe  charges  against  the  bishops  and  the  clergy. 
The  Jesuit  should  have  remembered  that  the  unpar- 
donable sin  of  Wiekliffe  was  not  venial  in  Conrad, 
unless  Rome  had  two  tribunals,  one  for  England  and 
another  for  Bohemia. 

John  Miliez  was  a  native  of  Kremsier,  in  Moravia, 
and  a  contemporary  of  Conrad.  He  had  studied 
theology  and  law  at  the  university  of  Prague.  By 
perusing  the  history  of  his  native  land,  he  had  early 
perceived  the  superiority  of  the  former  and  ancient 
constitution  of  the  Greek  church  in  Bohemia  and 
Moravia.1  Although  a  foreigner,  he  was,  by  the 
archbishop  of  Prague,  appointed  archdeacon  and 
preacher  of  the  cathedral  church.  Other  offices  of 
distinction  were  conferred  upon  him.  But  the  be- 
stowal of  these  dignities  did  not  lull  him  into  indo- 
lence. It  only  roused  his  energies  anew  to  the  in- 
culcation of  wholesome  though  unacceptable  truths. 
He  preached  often  against  the  introduction  of  the 
practice  of  administering  the  sacrament  only  under 
one  form2 — the  use  of  an  unknown  tongue  in  the 

1  These  statements  are  made  on  the    thority  of  Schrockh,  I  cannot  accept, 
authority  of  Schrockh.  See  subsequent  note. 

a  This  statement,  made  on  the  au- 


20  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cii.  L 

public  worship — the  celibacy  and  wealth  of  the 
clergy — the  vows  of  the  religious  orders — the  false 
miracles  and  legends  of  the  monks — and  their  self-in- 
vented sanctity.  But  his  course  was  a  disappointment 
to  the  hopes  of  the  archbishop  and  the  ecclesiastics. 
He  saw  that  he  was  unacceptable  to  them,  and  re- 
signed his  office  of  archdeacon.  This  lucrative  pre- 
bend he  exchanged  for  the  humble  office  of  sacristan 
in  the  same  church.  It  was  in  vain  that  several  pre- 
lates urged  him  to  accept,  at  their  hands,  the  same 
dignity  which  he  had  previously  held.  He  had 
always  taught  that  a  priest  and  monk  should  be 
poor.  He  was  now  completely  so  himself,  and  his 
whole  worldly  dependence  was  on  the  alms  of  his 
pious  fellow-citizens. 

To  this  condition  he  had  not  been  brought  with- 
out a  severe  inward  struggle.  He  had  to  make  a 
stern  choice  between  popularity  and  promotion  on 
one  side,  and  poverty  and  reproach  on  the  other. 
His  acceptance  as  a  preacher  was  such  that  he  might 
almost  command  any  position  to  which  he  might 
aspire.  It  had  not  indeed  been  so  at  the  first.  His 
natural  and  plain  style  of  address  had  not  been 
pi  casing,  especially  to  those  who  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  that  artistic  inflation  and  bombast  of  the 
monks,  which  Milicz  in  his  writings  has  criticised 
with  caustic  severity.  But  good  sense  at  last  carried 
the  day.  The  tide  turned  in  favor  of  the  man  whose 
sincerity  of  purpose  and  simplicity  of  speech  stood 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  conduct  and  manner  of 
his  opponents,  for  such  the  monks  proved  themselves 
to  be.    The  people  cherished  toward  him  a  strong 


Ch.  I.]  PKEACHIXG    OF   MILICZ.  21 

affection.  They  would  not  suffer  him  to  be  silent, 
and  sometimes  lie  was  constrained  to  preach  three 
or  four  times  the  same  day.  Merchants  and  stran- 
gers from  Germany  visited  Prague  in  large  numbers, 
and  to  benefit  them  he  learned  the  German  lan- 
guage. "Withdrawing  for  a  while  to  Bishopteintz,  in 
the  circle  of  Pilsen,  and  engaging  in  a  humble  ser- 
vice as  curate,  he  was  not  long  content  in  retirement, 
and  in  a  place  where  he  seemed  to  himself  to  enjoy 
too  much  luxury,  and  soon  returned  to  Prague. 

Here  his  labors  were  abundant,  and  his  self-denial 
was  extreme.  He  preached  twice  every  Sunday  and 
holiday,  and  sometimes  four  or  five  times  daily  in  dif- 
ferent churches.  His  sermons  were  not  unfrequently 
two  or  three  hours  long,  and  his  only  preparation — 
in  many  cases  the  only  preparation  possible  —  was 
prayer.  His  abstemiousness  in  eating  and  drinking 
was  carried  probably  to  an  excess.  He  wore  a  rough 
hair  shirt  next  to  his  skin ;  and,  in  his  voluntary  pov- 
erty, as  well  as  in  his  writings,  administered  a  severe 
rebuke  to  the  mendicants  who  violated  vows  which 
he  never  had  assumed. 

His  enthusiastic  admirer  and  pupil,  Matthias  of 
Janow,  said  of  him,  "  Having  been  a  simple  ju'iest 
and  secretary  at  the  prince's  court,  before  his  experi- 
ence of  the  visitation  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  he  grew 
so  rich  in  wisdom  and  all  utterance  of  doctrine,  that 
it  was  a  light  matter  to  him  to  preach  five  times  a 
day, — once  in  Latin,  once  in  German,  and  then  again 
in  the  Bohemian  tongue, — and  this  publicly,  with  a 
mighty  force  and  a  powerful  voice ;  and  he  constantly 
brought  forth  from  his  treasure  things  old  and  new." 


22  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHX   JIUSS.  [Ca  I. 

His  preaching  bore  fruit  in  a  striking  reformation. 
Prague  was  noted  for  its  depravity  of  manners.  It 
abounded  in  brothels.  Milicz  directed  his  energies, 
among  other  things,  to  the  reform  of  licentious 
women.  At  first  twenty  were  converted,  and  a 
dwelling  was  procured  for  them.  By  enlisting  the 
aid  of  devout  women,  the  work  was  extended. 
Several  hundreds  were  recovered  from  the  paths  of 
vice.  "  Little  Venice,"  as  it  was  called,  the  "  Five 
Points "  of  Prague,  was  so  transformed  that  it  was 
thereafter  known  as  "  Little  Jerusalem."1  A  Maffda- 
lene  hospital  was  founded,  and  in  the  chapel  an- 
nexed to  it  there  was  preaching  every  day.  Accord- 
ing to  Janowr,  the  very  face  of  the  city  was  trans- 
formed. "I  confess,"  he  says,'" that  I  cannot  enu- 
merate even  the  tenth  part  of  what  my  own  eyes 
saw,  my  own  ears  heard,  and  my  own  hands  handled, 
though  I  lived  with  him  but  a  short  time." 

For  six  years  Milicz  continued  to  preach,  unwearied 
in  his  efforts.  But  he  was  not  satisfied  with  himself. 
His  humility  made  him  feel  that  he  was  unfit  to 
preach.  Only  by  the  urgent  persuasion  of  his 
friends,  who  represented  to  him  the  bad  effects  which 
would  result  from  abandoning  his  field,  wras  he  re- 
strained from  adopting  a  more  rigid  and  secluded 
life  as  a  monk.  But  even  their  persuasions  could 
not  long  restrain  the  impulse  which  he  felt,  urging 
him  to  solitary  meditation.  To  this  impulse  he 
yielded.  In  seclusion  from  the  world,  and  in  the 
sihiice  of  his  own  thoughts,  he  reflected  upon  the 
condition  of  the  church  throughout  the  world.     He 

1  Neander,  v.  176. 


Ch.  I.j  SUCCESSFUL   LABOES.  23 

seemed  to  see  Antichrist  embodied  before  him,  in 
the  variety  of  errors  and  abuses  which  stalked 
abroad  under  a  Christian  name. 

Suddenly  he  felt  called  upon  to  visit  the  pope, 
narrate  to  him  his  visions,  and  utter  his  admonitions. 
He  went  at  the  command,  as  he  supposed,  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  He  would  have  the  pope  originate  a 
spiritual  crusade  for  the  overthrow  of  Antichrist.  A 
general  council  should  be  called.  The  bishops  should 
devise  means  for  restoring  discipline,  and  monks  and 
secular  priests  should  be  exhorted  to  go  forth  as 
preachers. 

Milicz  went  to  Rome,  when  Urban,  designing  to 
return  from  Avignon  (1367),  was  expected  daily. 
For  a  month  he  gave  himself  up  to  fasting,  prayer, 
and  the  reading  of  the  scriptures.  Still  the  pope  did 
not  arrive.  Milicz  could  no  longer  restrain  himself. 
He  posted  on  the  doors  of  St.  Peter's  that  on  a  cer- 
tain day  he  would  appear  and  address  the  multitude. 
It  is  said,  moreover,  that  he  added,  "  The  Antichrist 
is  come ;  he  has  his  seat  in  the  church." *  But  the 
notification  of  the  sermon  alone  was  enough  to  excite 
suspicion.  At  the  instigation  of  the  mendicant 
monks,  he  was  arrested  by  the  inquisition,  loaded 
with  chains,  given  over  to  the  Franciscans,  and 
closely  confined.  But  he  endured  all  with  uncom- 
plaining meekness.  Not  a  bitter  word  escaped  his 
lips,  and  his  persecutors  were  confounded  by  his 
patient  submission. 

After  a  prolonged  imprisonment,  he  was  asked 
what  he  had  intended  to  preach.     He  replied  by 

1  Gieseler,  iii.  185. 


24  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  L 

asking  his  examiners  to  give  him  back  Lis  Bible, 
pen,  ink,  and  paper,  and  they  should  have  his  dis- 
course in  writing.  The  request  was  granted,  and 
Milicz's  imprisonment  was  alleviated.  Before  a  large 
assembly  of  prelates  and  learned  men  he  delivered 
his  discourse,  and  it  made  a  profound  impression. 
Still  he  was  kept  in  prison,  and  there  composed  his 
celebrated  work  on  Antichrist.1  "The  author 
writes  this,"  he  says,  "  a  prisoner,  and  in  chains, 
troubled  in  spirit,  longing  for  the  freedom  of  Christ's 
church,  protesting  that  he  has  not  kept  back  that 
which  was  in  his  heart,  but  has  spoken  it  out  to  the 
church,"  &c. 

On  the  arrival  of  Urban  at  Rome,  Milicz  was 
released,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  monks  who 
had  prophesied  the  fate  of  their  old  antagonist,  but 
to  the  great  joy  of  his  friends  at  Prague,  whom  he 
hastened  to  rejoin. 

With  fresh  zeal  he  now  recommenced  his  labors. 
Not  content  with  preaching  himself,  he  wished  to 
train  others  for  the  work.  Often  was  he  heard  to  say,2 
"Would  that  all  were  prophets."  He  established, 
in  fact,  what  might  be  regarded  as  a  Theological 
Seminary — a  school  of  the  prophets.  Two  or  three 
hundred  young  men  were  gathered  around  him, 
under  the  same  roof,  who  submitted  themselves  to 
his  instruction  and  training.  He  copied  books  for 
them  to  study,  and  engaged  them  also  in  the  work 
of  transcription.  His  aim  was  to  multiply  and  ex- 
tend  the  circulation  of  devotional  and  instructive 

1  It  is  found  among  tlic  writings  of    Ub1  half  of  (lie  first  volume  of  the 
Matthias  of  Janow,  contained  in  the    works  of  lluss.       a  Neander,  v.  181. 


Ch.  I.]  OPPOSITION   TO    MILICZ.  25 

books.  No  external  badge,  no  common  discipline, 
rule,  or  vow,  nor  uniformity  of  dress,  distinguished 
his  pupils.  They  formed  a  unique  brotherhood, 
bound  together  by  common  sympathies  and  common 
aims.  No  effort  was  spared  by  Milicz  to  promote  their 
usefulness.  When  trained,  he  sought  to  find  them 
spheres  of  labor, — with  rare  humility  and  fond  affec- 
tion, commending  them  as  those  who  would  surpass 
himself.  Their  exemplary,  or  perhaps  we  should  say, 
puritanic  conduct  made  them  objects  of  reproach. 
They  were  nick-named  "  Miliczans,"  "  Beghards,"  &g. 
On  the  death  of  Conrad,  Milicz  succeeded  to  his 
office.  Besides  preaching  daily,  he  drew  up  forms 
of  prayer  for  public  worship  in  the  native  language, 
which  were  extensively  adopted.  But  his  extraor- 
dinary course  of  activity,  and  reproof  of  sin,  drew 
down  upon  him  envy  and  persecution.  The  priests, 
whose  disgraceful  connections  he  rebuked,  united 
against  him.  The  archbishop,  with  great  reluctance, 
was  forced  to  call  him  to  account  for  his  street 
preaching.  Twelve  heads  of  accusation  were  drawn 
up  against  him,  and  sent  to  the  pope  (1374).  Greg- 
ory XL,  who  then  occupied  the  papal  chair,  wrote 
back  to  the  archbishop,  and  the  bishops  of  Breslau, 
Olmutz,  and  Leitomischel,  expressing  surprise  at  their 
negligence  and  that  of  the  inquisitors,  whereby  this 
dangerous  heretic  had  been  permitted  to  spread  his 
errors  through  Bohemia,  Moravia,  Silesia,  and  Po- 
land, and  urged  them  promptly  to  arrest  the  evil; 
provided,  however,  that  the  charges  made  should  be 
found  true.  A  similar  admonition  was  likewise  sent 
to  the  emperor  Charles  IV. 


26  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

In  these  circumstances,  Milicz,  doubtless  taught  by 
past  experience,  preferred  to  submit  his  case  to  the 
pope  himself,  and,  having  made  his  appeal,  Bet  out 
for  A  vini i on.  Of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  re- 
ceived, we  are  not  informed  ;  and  while  his  cause  was 
yet  depending,  he  died  in  that  city. 

The  influence  exerted  by  Milicz  directly,  and 
through  his  pupils,  must  have  been  powerful  and 
extensive.  The  archbishop,  for  many  years  at  least, 
reposed  great  confidence  in  him,  and  treated  him 
with  much  kindness.  In  many  important  commis- 
sions he  was  employed  both  by  the  archbishop  and 
the  emperor.  Indeed,  for  a  time  he  was  imperial 
secretary  and  chancellor.1 

The  writings  of  Milicz  were  numerous,  and  all 
wrere  written  in  the  Latin  language.  Some  of  them 
still  survive.  Among  them  are  his  Fast  sermons, 
Postilles,  and  especially  his  treatise  on  Antichrist,  to 
wrhich  reference  has  been  already  made,  and  which 
is  embodied  in  Janow's  larger  treatise  on  the  same 
subject.2  To  Milicz  unquestionably  belongs  the 
credit  of  having  first  boldly  put  forth  those  views 
on  the  subject  of  Antichrist,  which  are  so  largely 
extended  and  elucidated  by  Matthias  of  Janow,  and 
which  were  substantially  adopted  by  IIuss  himself. 

In  the  footsteps  of  Conrad  and  Milicz,  although 
eventually  taking  a  position  in  advance  of  theirs, 
followed  Matthias  of  Janow.  He  was  born  at  Prague, 
but  was  generally  called  the  Parisian,  from  having 
spent  six  years  at  the  university  of  Paris,  and  having 

1  Tnliifky.      Geschichte  von   Boh-         3  Fonml  in  the  first  volume  of  the 
men,  iii.  1.  works  of  Huss. 


Ch.  L]  MATTHIAS    OF   JAXOW.  27 

there  rceived  his  Doctor's  decree.  He  was  also 
called  the  Cracovian,  from  a  temporary  residence 
at  Cracow.  He  was  for  a  short  time  a  pupil  of 
Milicz,  and  perhaps  through  him  became  parish 
priest  at  Prague,  and  father  confessor  of  the  em- 
peror Charles  IV.  For  this  post  he  was  well  fitted, 
both  by  talent  and  education.  He  had  travelled 
much,  and  been  a  careful  observer  as  well  as  close 
student.1  He  had  a  large  acquaintance  with  the  re- 
lations and  customs  of  different  countries.  No  one 
in  his  day  had  a  clearer  conception  of  the  moral 
and  religious  condition  of  Christendom,  and  no  one 
labored  more  diligently  or  zealously  for  its  reform. 

The  most  decisive  and  important  influence  that 
shaped  his  career  was  exerted  by  the  life  and  writings 
of  Milicz.  This  penetrated  him,  as  he  expresses  it, 
with  that  holy  fire  which  left  him  no  rest.  It  was 
through  "the  light  of  God's  word"  that  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  church  were  made  manifest  to  him. 
"  Once,"  says  he,  "  my  mind  was  encompassed  by  a 
thick  wall :  I  thought  of  nothing  but  what  delighted 
the  eye  and  the  ear,  till  it  pleased  the  Lord  Jesus  to 
deliver  me  as  a  brand  from  the  burning.  And  while 
I,  worst  slave  to  my  passions,  was  resisting  him  in 
every  way,  he  delivered  me  from  the  flames  of  Sod- 
om, and  brought  me  into  the  place  of  sorrow,  of  great 
adversities,  and  of  much  contempt.  Then  first  I  be- 
came poor  and  contrite,  and  searched  with  trembling 
the  word  of  God."  2 

1  Neander,  v.  192.  "Then  did  I  begin  to  wonder  at  the 

2  This  forcible  passage  is  found  in  exaltation  of  Satan,  and  the  blind- 
Huss's  works,  vol.  i.,  p.  399.  After  ness  with  which  he  covered  the  eyes 
the   passage  above  quoted,  he  adds,  of  men.      And   then   did   the    most 


28  LIFE   AND   TDIE3    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Cu.  I. 

In  some  respects  Janow  must  be  regarded  as 
decidedly  in  advance  of  Conrad  and  Milicz.  His 
familiarity  with  scripture  is  remarkable.  His  views 
of  tlie  necessity  of  reform  are  clear  and  comprehen- 
sive. He  understands  fully  the  difficulties  with 
which  it  has  to  contend,  and  proposes  to  overcome 
them  by  sound  and  scriptural  methods. 

No  one  can  peruse  his  writings  without  feeling  that 
he  has  come  in  contact  with  a  mind  penetrated  with 
the  love  of  truth,  and  possessed  of  a  clear  insight 
into  the  spirit  of  the  gospel.  In  an  age  when  the 
worldly  spirit  was  triumphant;  when,  with  thousands 
of  the  priesthood,  gain  was  godliness  and  promotion 
was  success,  he  withstood  the  bribes  which  were  ex- 
tended to  his  selfishness  and  ambition.  It  was  not 
without  a  bitter  inward  struggle  that  he  finally  was 
brought  to  the  point  of  self-renunciation  and  self- 
denial.  The  record  which  he  has  left  us  of  his  ex- 
perience is  exceedingly  vivid.  It  portrays  the  spir- 
itual conflicts  through  which  he  was  called  to  pass,  in 
words  which  reveal  the  process  by  which  he  was 
prepared  for  his  work. 

"  My  feet,"  he  says,  "  had  almost  gone  ;  my  step3 
had  well-nigh  slipped ;  and,  unless  a  crucified  Jesus 

loving  crucified  Jesus,  open  my  ear,  Jeremiah ;  and  I  went  to  them,  and, 

that    is,    my    understanding,    that   I  between    the    porch    and    the   altar, 

might  understand  the  scriptures  ap-  exhorted  and    admonished   them    to 

propriate  to   t lie  present  time;  and  deplore  the  evils  that    had   befallen 

he  lifted  my  mind   up    to   perceive  Jerusalem,  the  daughter  of  my  peo- 

liow   men   were  absorbed  in   vanity,  pie."     lie  then   Bpeaks  of  the  fire  in 

And  then   reading,  I  clearly  and  dis-  his  bones  which   would   not    let    him 

tinctly  perceived  the  abomination  of  real ;    but    he    was   forced    to    dig 

desolation  standing   proudly  in  the  through  the  wall  into  "the  chamber 

holy  place,  and    I  was  seized  with  of  imagery,"  and  write  what  he  had 

horror    and    Bhudderiog    of    heart,  seen. 
Aud  I  took   up  the  lamentation  of 


Ch-1-]  spikitual  conflicts.  29 

had  come  to  my  rescue,  my  soul  Lad  sunk  to  hell. 
But   he,  my  most   faithful  and   loving  Saviour,  in 
whom  is  no  guile,  showed  to  me  their  counsels  ;  and 
I  knew  the  face  of  the  harlot,  by  which  she  allures 
all  that  stand  at  the  corners  of  the  streets  and  the 
entrances  of  the  paths.  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  I  prayed 
to  God  and  the  Father  of  Jesus  Christ  my  Lord, 
holding  up  the  Bible  in  my  hands ;  and  I  cried  out, 
with  heart  and  voice,  '  O  Lord  and  Father,  who  or- 
dainest  my  life,  leave  me  not  to  their  thoughts  and 
counsels,  and  let  me  not  be  taken  in  their  net,  lest 
I  fall  under  that  reproachful  sin  which  shall  sting 
my  conscience,  and  drive  out  wisdom  from  my  soul ! ' 1 
...  I  confess,  before  God  and  his  Christ,  that  so  allur- 
ing was  this  harlot  Antichrist,  that  she  so  well  feigned 
herself  the  true  spouse  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  rather, 
Satan  by  his  arts  so  tricked  her  out,  that  from  my 
early  years  I  was  long  in  doubt  what  I  should  choose, 
or  what  keep :  whether  I  should  seek  out  and  chase 
after  benefices,  and  thirstily  grasp  for  honors,  which 
to  some  extent  I  did,  or  rather,  go  forth  without  the 
camp,  bearing  the  poverty  and  reproach  of  Christ: 
whether,  with  the  many,  I  should  live  in  quest  of  an 
easy  and  quiet  life  for  the  moment,  or  rather,  cling 
to  the  faithful  and  holy  truth  of  the  gospel :  wheth- 
er to  commend  what  almost  all  commend ;  lay  my 
plans  as  many  do ;  dispense  with  and  gloss  over  the 
scriptures,  as  many  of  the  great  and  learned  and  fa- 
mous of  this  day  do ;  or  rather,  manfully  inculpate 
and  accuse  their  unfruitful  works  of  darkness,  and  so 
hold  to  the  simple  truth  of  the  divine  words,  which 

1  Monumenta  Hussi,  i.  461. 


30  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOIFN   nUSS.  [Ch.  L 

plainly  contravene  the  lives  and  morals  of  men  of 
tliis  age,  and  prove  them  false  brethren:  whether  I 
should  follow  the  spirit  of  wisdom  with  its  sugges- 
tions, which  I  believe  the  divine  Spirit  of  Jesus,  or 
follow  the  sentiment  of  the  great  multitude,  which, 
in  their  self-indulgence,  without  show  of  mercy  or 
charity,  while  lovers  of  this  world  and  full  of  car- 
nal vanities,  they  claim  to  be  safe.  I  confess  that 
between  these  two  courses  I  hung  wavering  in  doubt ; 
and  unless  our  Lord  Jesus  be  our  keeper,  none  will 
escape  the  honeyed  face  and  smile  of  this  harlot — 
the  tricks  of  Satan  and  the  snares  of  Antichrist." 

The  man  who  had  passed  unscathed  through  such 
temptations,  had  been  disciplined  for  future  trials. 
He  was  one  upon  whom  all  the  influences  of  gain  and 
terror  would  be  alike  powerless. 

His  principal  work  is  entitled,  De  regulis  veteris 
et  Novi  Tesiamenti.  Most  of  it  still  remains  buried 
in  manuscripts,  the  contents  of  which  have  been,  in 
large  extracts,  set  forth  by  P.  Jordan,1  in  his  "  Prede- 
cessors of  Hussism  in  Bohemia."  It  seems  to  be  com- 
posed of  a  collection  of  independent  treatises,  writ- 
ten on  different  occasions,  and  hence,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, abounds  in  repetitions.  Its  title  indicates  its 
scope.  It  rejects  the  authority  of  human  traditions 
and  popish  decretals,  and  substitutes  in  their  place 
the  supreme  authority  of  the  divine  word.  It  tries 
everything  by  this  test.  The  conduct  of  the  bish- 
ops and  the  priests  is  severely  arraigned.  The  Anti- 
christ has  already  come.  *He  is  neither  Jew,  pagan, 
Saracen,  nor  worldly  tyrant,  but  the  "  man  who  op- 

1  Noander,  v.  194. 


Ch.  I.]  AXTICHEIST   EXPOSED.  31 

poses  Christian  truth,  and  the  Christian  life  by  way 
of  deception  ; — he  is,  and  will  be^  the  most  wicked 
Christian,  falsely  styling  himself  by  that  name,  as- 
suming the  highest  station  in  the  church,  and  pos- 
sessing the  highest  consideration,  arrogating  domin- 
ion over  all  ecclesiastics  and  laymen  ;  "  one  who,  by 
the  working  of  Satan,  assumes  to  himself  power  and 
wealth  and  honor,  and  makes  the  church,  with  its 
goods  and  sacraments,  subservient  to  his  own  carnal 
ends. 

The  kingdoms  of  Christ  and  Antichrist  are  to  be 
slowly  and  gradually  evolved,  side  by  side.  But  the 
spiritual  annihilation  of  the  latter  (1340)  had  already 
commenced.  It  was  to  be  accomplished  by  God, 
"  by  the  breath  of  his  mouth,"  the  utterance  of  his 
elect  priests  and  preachers,  who  were  to  go  forth  in 
the  spirit  of  Elias  and  Enoch.  In  his  predecessor, — ■ 
Milicz, — Janow  recognizes  one  in  whom  Elias  had  re- 
appeared. The  work  begun  was  to  go  forward, 
like  the  operation  of  the  leaven,  or  the  growth 
of  the  mustard-seed. 

To  expose  Antichrist  is  with  Janow  an  important 
object.  He  points  out  the  arrogance  and  the  worldly 
sympathies  and  connections  of  the  bishops,  their 
greed  of  wealth,  their  vain  attempt  to  serve  two 
masters.  But  worse  than  this,  because  more  directly 
fatal  to  the  spiritual  improvement  of  the  people,  was 
the  neglect  of  the  parochial  clergy.  A  secularized 
hierarchy  was  Antichrist  embodied. 

The  causes  of  this  apostasy  are  laid  op  m.  One  of 
these  is  the  transfer  of  reverence  from  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures to  the  decretals  and  Clementines.     Human  or- 


32  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

dinances  are  placed  above  the  commandments  of  God. 
Another  is,  that  men  choose  to  seek  salvation  insen- 
sible and  corporeal  things,  rather  than  in  the  Cruci- 
fied  alone.  Those  who  confess  Christ  are  censured 
and  persecuted.  The  false  prophets  extol  their  own 
stately  ceremonies,  and  anathematize  for  their  non- 
observance.  Hereby  the  consciences  of  men  are  en- 
snared, and  the  devil  acquires  great  power  to  involve 
men  in  guilt.  But  no  multiplicity  of  human  laws 
and  ordinances  can  meet  every  contingency  and  rela- 
tion. The  Spirit  of  God  alone  can  do  this.  Hence 
the  multiplied  laws  of  men  are  superfluous  and  inad- 
equate. They  should  be  called,  not  traditions,  but 
superstitions.  In  view  of  this,  Janow,  with  a  Chris- 
tian sagacity,  assumes  the  tone  of  the  prophet :  "  So 
have  I  gathered,"  he  says,  "  from  the  Holy  Scriptures ; 
and  I  believe  that  all  the  above-named  works  of 
men,  ordinances  and  ceremonies,  will  be  utterly  extir- 
pated, cut  up  by  the  roots,  and  cease, — and  God  alone 
will  be  exalted,  and  his  word  will  abide  forever ; 
and  the  time  is  close  at  hand  when  these  ordinances 
shall  be  abolished." 

The  substitute  for  all  these  is  God's  word,  "  the 
common  rule  for  all."  But  positive  law  has  been 
ineffectual  to  recover  fallen  men,  and  Christ  has  left 
to  them  the  law  of  the  Spirit.  To  its  sound  and 
simple  beginnings  the  Christian  church  should  be 
brought  back.  Monastic  orders  are  not  needed  for 
the  governing  of  the  church.  The  unity  of  this  is 
found  in  its  union  with  Christ.  The  priest  and  the  lay- 
man alike  are  one  in  him.  The  first  has  peculiar  duties, 
but  the  same  great  privileges  are  accessible  to  both. 


Ch.  L]  WKITE5TGS    OF   JANOW.  33 

Iii  connection  with  this  point,  we  should  also  con- 
sider Janow's  views  in  regard  to  the  sacrament.  He 
had  laid  down  the  principles  from  which  the  doctrine 
of  the  communion  of  the  cup  for  the  laity  was  a  plain 
and  direct  inference.  Yet  for  this  he  was  not  called 
in  question.  His  views  in  regard  to  frequent  com- 
munion are  those  which  seem  to  have  been  most  ob- 
noxious. On  this  point  he  spoke  with  great  earnest- 
ness and  warmth ;  and  it  deserves  to  be  noticed  that 
he  uniformly  expresses  himself  as  if  he  thought  the 
laity  were  also  entitled,  not  only  to  frequent  com- 
munion, but  communion  in  both  kinds ;  and  it  scarcely 
admits  of  question  that  his  treatises  or  letters  on  this 
subject  were  the  germ  of  Calixtine  doctrine  as  de- 
veloped subsequently  by  Jacobel. 

A  large  portion  of  Janow's  writings  was  for  a  pe- 
riod ascribed  to  Huss.  Of  the  separate  treatises  from 
his  pen,  of  which  his  larger  work  was  composed,  we 
have  those  on  "Antichrist,"1  on  "The  Kingdom, 
People,  Life,  and  Manners  of  Antichrist,"  the  "Abom- 
ination of  Carnal  Priests  and  Monks,"  "  Abolishing 
Sects,"  "  The  Unity  of  the  Church,"  and  a  few  others 
less  important. 

The  first,  on  Antichrist,  is  an  "  Anatomy  of  the 
Beast."  It  is  indeed  a  literary  curiosity,  the  product 
of  a  mind  ingenious  and  somewhat  fanciful,  but  pen- 
etrating,   sagacious,    scripturally   enlightened,    and 

1 1  must  confess  myself  at  a  loss  to  treatises  to  those  that  preceded 
determine  what  portion  of  Janow's  them,  and  some  peculiarities  of 
treatise  on  this  subject  is  to  be  as-  style  and  expression,  would  seem 
cribed  to  Milicz.  There  is  some  to  indicate  the  same  author  through- 
evidence  that  additions  have  been  out.  For  Janow's  views  of  the  cup, 
made  in  some  parts  by  a  later  hand ;  see  Palacky,  in.  1,  180. 
but  the  reference  made  in  successive 

VOL.   I.  3 


3-4  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   III-   .  [Cii.  I. 

glowing  with  a  fire  of  holy  indignation  against  the 
monstrous  corruptions  of  the  church.  The  names  of 
Antichrist  are  presented  in  alphabetical  order — 
"Abomination  of  Desolation,"  "Babylon,"  "  Bear  of 
the  Wood,"  &c.  The  various  members  of  his  mysti- 
cal body  are  then  described, — the  head,  hair,  brow, 
eyes,  nose,  neck,  breast,  loins,  &c.  Most  important 
arc  the  three  false  principles  which  are  formed  from 
the  tail  of  Antichrist.  The  first  is,  that  as  soon  as 
one  is  elected  pope  of  Rome,  he  becomes  head  of  the 
whole  militant  church,  and  supreme  vicar  of  Christ 
on  earth.  This  is  pronounced  a  bare  lie.  The  second 
is,  that  what  the  pope  determines  in  matters  of  faith 
is  to  be  received  as  of  equal  authority  with  the  gos- 
pel. This  is  likewise  pronounced  false ;  for  we  must 
believe  him,  who  lias  so  often  erred  in  matters  of 
faith,  only  wdieu  he  is  supported,  by  the  scriptures. 
The  third, — that  the  laws  of  the  pope  are  to  be  obeyed 
before  the  gospel, — is  declared  blasphemous;  for  it  is 
blasphemy  to  believe  the  pope  or  any  one  else,  or 
to  accept  his  laws,  in  preference  to  Christ.1 

The  treatise  on  "  The  Abomination  of  Carnal 
Priests  and  Monks  "  is  in  the  same  vein  with  that  on 
Antichrist.  It  is  peculiarly  severe  upon  the  mendi- 
cants. Wickliffe  at  Oxford,  or  Gerson  at  Paris,  could 
not  have  been  more  unsparing  in  their  reprehen- 
sions. The  lukewarmness  of  the  prelates ;  their  av- 
arice, wealth,  and  simony ;  the  negligence  of  the 
priesthood  in  the  execution  of  their  duties ;  the  un- 
seemly strifes  between  the  monks  and  the  regular 
clergy ;  the  sacrilegious  sale  of  sacred  things ;  the  bar- 

1  Mon.  llussi,  i.  364. 


Ch.  I.]  PEOPHECIES    OF   A1STTICHEIST.  85 

ter  of  masses,  indulgences,  &c. ;  the  false  worship 
offered  to  the  bones  of  dead  saints,  while  God's  poor 
but  devoted  children  are  contemned  and  despised, — 
are  unsparingly  exposed.  The  reign  of  hypocrisy- 
had  become  universal.  There  were,  indeed,  not  a 
few  faithful  still  left,  like  the  seven  thousand  in  Is- 
rael, that  had  never  bent  the  knee  to  Baal.  But  by 
the  iniquity  of  the  times  they  were  proscribed  or 
driven  into  solitude.  No  path  was  open  for  their 
promotion.  Ambitious  and  worldly  men,  by  dis- 
graceful methods,  attained  places  of  power  and  influ- 
ence in  the  church.  Wickedness,  if  powerful  and 
gilded  with  pomp,  was  flattered ;  while  any  mention 
or  exhibition  of  the  crucified  Jesus  in  synodical  as- 
semblies was  impatiently  borne. 

The  various  passages  of  scripture,  both  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  in  which  the  great  apostasy  of 
the  church  is  foretold,  or  in  which  the  iniquit}r  of 
Antichrist  is  exhibited,  are  successively  considered. 
Ezekiel's  vision ;  Gog  and  Magog ;  he  that  sitteth  in 
the  temple  of  God  ;  the  locusts  of  Revelation ;  the 
beast  with  the  seven  heads  and  the  ten  horns ;  the 
woman  seated  upon  the  beast,  with  her  cup  of  abom- 
ination in  her  hand,  and  her  forehead  branded  "  Bab- 
ylon the  great,  the  mother  of  harlots," — are  brought 
to  view,  and  shown  to  be  exact  descriptions  of  the 
prevailing  apostasy.  Even  now,  Janow  declares  that 
the  pious  are  persecuted.  They  are  reproached  as 
Beghards  and  Turpins,  Picards  and  wretches.  Schisms, 
fraternities,  and  orders  abound.  The  "  religious  "  eat 
and  drink,  and  are  drunken  on  the  sins  of  the  people. 
Blasphemous  indulgences  are  published,  which  one 


36  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIU83.  [Ch.  I. 

can  scarce  credit.  Donations  are  extorted  by  threats 
of  hell,  and  the  poor  are  robbed  by  the  avarice  of 
the  monks. 

But  Antichrist  is  to  be  destroyed.  Christ  will 
destroy  him  by  the  breath  of  his  mouth  and  the 
brightness  of  his  coming.  He  will  raise  up  those 
who  shall  proclaim  his  word,  and  thus  consume  the 
lies  and  errors  of  the  great  deceiver. 

Janow  protests  that  he  does  not  write,  directing 
his  words  against  any  individual,  but  at  the  genera] 
apostasy.  Nothing  is  said  in  bitterness  or  pride  ;  and 
if  read  as  written,  none  will  be  injured.  He  de- 
clares that  he  would  not  have  dared  to  write,  but 
for  the  resistless  impulse  of  truth. 

The  other  treatises  are  in  a  similar  strain.  They 
are  bold  and  fearless  in  utterance,  but  abound  in 
gospel  simplicity  and  charity.1  Every  point  is  en- 
forced by  scripture  citations.  At  times,  the  treatise 
itself  seems  attenuated  to  a  thread,  upon  which  the 
admonitions,  warnings,  and  truths  of  scripture  are 
strung.  Many  passages  soar  to  that  height  of  moral 
rebuke,  which  reminds  us  of  Christ  scouro'inor  the 
money-changers  from  the  sacred  temple. 

But  Janow,  although  not  prosecuted  as  a  heretic, 


1  Something  of  their  tone  in  the  honored  and  adored,  ami  (he  people 

more  spirited  portions,  may  he  gath-  run   to   him   for   all  sacraments  and 

civil    from    the    following   passage:  sanctity.    And  how  abominable  is  the 

"  Sow  great  is  the  abomination,  and  abuse,  that  such  a  devil  and  Bonof  in- 

how  damnahle    is   the   error,    when  iquity  should  have  the  authority  of 

an    impious    ami    polluted    clerk  is  the  living  and  most  high  God  on  earth, 

made  priest;   and   still  greater  .-11111  and  the  power  to  dispose  and  dispense, 

more  damnable,  when  this  unworthy  according  to  his  pride,  the  tremendous 

priest  is  set  in  the  place  of  God  in  the  sacraments  of   God."     Mon.  Sttssi, 

tempi,',  and  in  the  holy  of  holies,  in  i.  445. 
the  sight  of  God  and  lus  angels,  and  is 


Ch.  I.]  THE    LEAVEN   AT   WORK.  37 

was  regarded  as  an  innovator.  It  was  not  long  be- 
fore his  position  began  to  attract  attention.  In  1381 
he  became  a  prebendary  at  Prague,  and  in  1389  he 
was  arraigned  before  the  synod  of  Prague,  by  whom 
his  views  were  condemned.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
forced  to  a  recantation,  but  his  writings  of  a  subse- 
quent date  clearly  show  that  there  had  been  no 
change  in  his  views.  For  a  time  he  was  banished 
from  the  city,  but  through  the  favor  of  the  emperor 
was  soon  permitted  to  return.  He  died  in  1394,  and 
in  1410  his  writings  were  honored,  with  those  of  Wick- 
liffe,  in  being  committed  to  the  flames.1 

A  mere  glance  at  the  lives  and  doctrines  of  these 
three  men  will  suffice  to  show  that  already  at 
Prague  a  work  had  commenced  which  could  not 
pause,  even  when  they  should  be  called  away.  Seed 
had  been  sown:  truth  had  been  scattered  abroad. 
The  new  ideas  which  they  had  thrown  out,  and 
which  they  had  so  earnestly  vindicated,  were  to 
prove  in  the  sequel  a  powerful  leaven.  The  eyes  of 
men  are  naturally  attracted  to  the  array  of  physical 
forces,  to  fleets  and  armies,  and  the  extending  bounds 
of  empire.  But  at  that  day,  it  is  beyond  question 
that  the  more  important  results  were  staked  on  the 
teachings  of  these  three  men,  than  on  all  the  terri- 
torial aggrandizements  of  the  German  empire.  It 
is  a  shallow  philosophy  that  overlooks  the  position 
of  the  public  teacher  of  new  doctrines.  Ideas  are 
mightier  than  swords  or  bayonets. 

In  connection  with  the  names  of  Conrad,  Milicz, 
and  Janow,  there  are  others  that  are  worthy  of  at 

1  This  has  been  called  in  question  by  later  authorities. 


38  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Ch.  L 

least  a  passing  notice.  Some  of  them,  less  known 
by  their  writings,  were  scarcely  less  conspicuous  in 

their  own  day  in  the  cause  of  scriptural  knowledge 
and  reform.  In  one  of  his  sermons,1  Huss  mentions, 
to  their  honor, — "Nicholas  Biceps,  the  most  acute  lo- 
gician; Adalbert,  the  flowing  orator;  Nicholas  Lito- 
mischel,  the  most  sagacious  counsellor;  Stephen  of 
Colin,  the  most  devoted  patriot ;  John  Steikna,2 
the  noble  preacher,  whose  voice  was  like  the  blast 
of  a  trumpet;  and  Peter  Stupna,  the  sweetest  singer 
and  most  glowing  preacher."  These  belonged  to  the 
age  then  past,  and  he  speaks  of  his  audience  as 
treading  over  their  graves. 

But  besides  these,  the  names  of  two  laymen,  who 
exerted  an  important  influence  upon  the  age,  should 
not  be  passed  unnoticed.  Peter  of  Dresden  was  al- 
most, if  not  quite,  a  Waldensian  in  sentiment,  and  to 
his  influence  over  Jacobel  is  to  be  attributed,  in  large 
measure,  the  origin  of  that  discussion  in  respect  to 
the  communion  of  the  cup,  which  almost  revolution- 
ized Bohemia,  and  brought  down  upon  it  the  energies 
of  crusading  Christendom.  Peter  had  resided  for  a 
time  at  Prague.  ■  He  went  to  Dresden  and  was  there 
employed  as  a  teacher.  But  his  religious  views  ren- 
dered him  obnoxious  to  persecution,  and  about  the 
year  1400  he  returned  to  Prague.  He  was  evidently 
a  man  of  superior  ability,  and  one  who  possessed 
great  power  over  the  minds  of  others.  At  Prague, 
among  the  thousands  congregated  at  its  university, 
he  would  have  large   opportunities  tor   insinuating 

1  Mon.  Uussi,  ii.  42.  Conrad,  and  incorrectly  spoken  of  as 

2  By   some   writers  mistaken    for     Conrad  Btiekna. 


Ch.  I.]  THOMAS   VON   STITNY.  39 

his  peculiar  doctrines.  The  very  fact  that  lie  was 
instrumental  in  shaping  the  enlarged  views  of  Jaco- 
bel, suffices  to  rescue  his  name  and  memory  from 
oblivion.1 

Along  with  Conrad,  Milicz,  Janow,  and  Peter  of 
Dresden,  must  be  ranked  a  celebrated  layman, 
Thomas  Von  Stitny,  a  Bohemian  knight,2  and  a  man 
of  strong  religious  as  well  as  patriotic  feeling.  He 
was,  says  Helfert,  "  a  Christian  philosopher,  in  the 
full  meaning  of  the  word."  His  early  years  had 
been  spent  at  Prague.  At  the  university  he  proved 
himself  a  diligent  student.  The  stores  of  knowledge 
which  he  here  acquired  he  bore  back  with  him  to 
the  retirement  of  his  father's  castle.  Here,  exchang- 
ing the  sword  for  the  pen,  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
education  of  his  family  and  of  his  countrymen. 
Many  was  the  book  or  treatise  issued  from  his  re- 
treat, which  found  its  way  into  the  hands  o/  the 
people,  and  was  rapidly  transcribed  and  widely  cir- 
culated.     In   the   agitating   questions   of  the    day, 

1  The  practice  of  the   communion  views  presented    by   Schrockh  and 

of  the  cup  previous  to  its  introduction  others.     My  impression  is  very  de- 

by  Jacobel,  is  rejected  by  Gieseler.  cided,  however,  that  Janow's  urgency 

The  strongest  argument  for  his  posi-  for  a   frequent  participation   in  the 

tion,  in  my  mind,  is,  that  Jacobel,  in  eucharist   has  been  mistaken   for   a 

defence  of  his  course,  makes  no  refer-  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  communion  in 

ence  to  any  such  practice  hi  Bohemia  both  'kinds.     His   strenuousness   on 

previous  to  his  own  time.     The  other  the  first  point  had  its  influence,  no 

argument,  that  the  Bohemian  breth-  doubt,  in  drawing  general   attention 

reu,  in  their  Apology,  expressly  state  to    the   manner   of    celebrating   the 

that  Master  Jacobel  was  first  to  intro-  Lord's   supper,   and   thus  indirectly 

duce  the  practice,  has  less  weight,  as  prepared  the  way  for  Jacobel  to  ad- 

the  Apology  was  written  more  than  vocate   the   communion   of  the  cup, 

100  years  after  the  death  of  Huss.  while  some  of  his  principles,  in  regard 

Still,  as  there  is  strong  evidence  that  to  the  equal  union  of  the  priest  and 

Bohemia  largely  felt  the  influence  of  layman  in   Christ,  would   obviously 

the    Grajco-Slavonic'  church,   I  have  lead   to   the  conclusions  reached  by 

not  felt  warranted  to  depart  from  the  Jacobel.            2  Helfert,  44. 


40  LIFE   AND   TDIES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Ch.  L 

Stituy  took  a  deep  interest.  He  was  probably  on 
intimate  terms  with  Milicz,  and  his  writings  reflect 
the  views  of  that  reformer.  Like  Milicz,  he  reproves 
the  prevalent  vices  and  errors,  reprimands  the  monks 
for  their  neglect  and  contempt  of  the  rules  of  their 
several  orders,  and  urges  the  claims  of  Christian 
purity  and  devotion.  Devoted  to  the  study  of  the 
scriptures,  he  had  yet  no  thought  of  departing  from 
the  communion  of  the  church,  or  of  going  further 
than  the  reform  of  its  abuses.  He  loved  his  native 
land  with  all  the  affection  of  a  patriot,  and  his  writ- 
ings, which  indicate  his  zeal  for  reform,  were  written 
in  the  Bohemian  tongue,  and  exerted  an  important 
influence. 

If  we  consider,  then,  the  connection  of  Bohe- 
mia with  the  Greek  church — the  seed  sown  by  the 
Waldensian  exiles — the  sagacity,  eloquence,  and  dar- 
ing j^al  of  the  men  whom  we  have  named  as  the 
predecessors  of  Huss — the  influence  which  they,  and 
others  like  tliem,  exerted  upon  the  mind  and  heart 
of  the  nation — the  younger  preachers  and  students 
of  the  university,  who  enjoyed  their  training,  or  as- 
pired to  tread  in  their  steps;  and  if,  in  this  same 
connection,  we  regard  the  condition  of  the  papal 
government,  already  -by  protracted  schism  an  object 
of  scandal  and  contempt  to  all  Christendom,  and  tbe 
reckless  indifference  to  all  religion  shown  by  "Wenzel, 
the  Bohemian  monarch, — as  devoted  to  the  wine-cask 
as  his  father,  Charles  IV.,  had  been  to  the  pope, — we 
shall  see  that  the  way  was  already  prepared  for  the 
advent  of  a  reformer  such  as  Huss  proved  to  be*. 

Other  events,  moreover,  contributed  to  encourage 


Ch.1.]  enteepeise  of  the  age.  41 

whatever  aspirations  or  desires  might  find  place  in 
Bohemia,  looking  toward  a  purer  state  of  the  church. 
The  founding  of  the  university  of  Prague,  in  1348, 
had  given  an  intellectual  impulse  to  the  nation,  and 
thousands  of  her  young  men  were  eager  to  improve 
the  privileges  now  brought,  as  it  were,  to  their  own 
doors.  The  kingdom  enjoyed,  moreover,  an  unex- 
ampled prosperity.  Charles  IV.,  with  all  his  arts  of 
craft,  and  sometimes  of  meanness,  was  an  able  and 
sagacious  sovereign.  Under  his  wise  policy  the  in- 
dustry of  the  country  was  encouraged,  and  its  re- 
sources were  developed.  Great  privileges  were  granted 

• 

to  the  cities  as  well  as  to  the  aristocracy.  A  new  code 
of  laws  was  drawn  up  and  published.  The  Moldau 
was  rendered  navigable  as  far  as  the  Elbe.  Mining 
and  agriculture  were  encouraged.  German  artificers 
were  introduced  into  the  country.  New  Prague 
sprang  up  by  the  side  of  Old  Prague.  Breslau  was 
in  like  manner  improved.  The  noble  bridge  that 
spans  the  Moldau  was  constructed.  The  king's  pas- 
sion for  architecture  was  freely  indulged,  and  his 
nobility  aspired  to  imitate  him.  Magnificent  churches 
and  palaces  were  rising  on  every  side,  to  attest  the 
enterprise,  wealth,  and  taste  of  the  nation.1 

On  June  7  th,  1394,  Anne  of  Luxembourg,  wife  of 
Richard  II.  of  England,  and  daughter  of  Charles 
IV.,  died.  Her  attendants  returned  to  Bohemia; 
many  of  them,  like  their  mistress,  had  imbibed  the 
views  of  Wickliffe.  They  brought  back  with  them 
from  England  to  Prague,  copies  of  his  books.  Oxford 
students,   following   the   practice  of  the    age,   had 

1  Cochlseus,  J2iieas  Sylvius,  and  others. 


42  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN    BUSS.  [Cn.  I. 

visited  the  universities  of  the  continent,  and,  among: 

7  7  O 

others,  that  of  Prague.  The  new  opinions  found  ad- 
herents. On  all  sides  there  were  anxious  curiosity, 
inquiry,  discussion.  University  life  had  its  privile 
and  freedoms.  Upon  these  Rome  had  not  yet  ven- 
tured to  lay  her  despotic  hand.  What  was  wanted 
was,  a  man  who  should  use  these  privileges  to  in- 
vestigate and  publish  the  truth  of  the  new  opinions — - 
a  man  who  was  able  to  think,  able  to  speak,  and  not 
too  timid  to  stand  by  his  convictions;  and  such  a 
man  wras  found  in  John  Huss.1 


1  In  regnrd  to  the  predecessors  of  showed  it  to  all  in  God's  house,  80 

Huss,  quite  a  full  though  not  the  most  that  many  of  the  children  of  darknesB 

reliable  account  is  to  be  found  in  a  turned  back  to  the  original  brightness 

work  by  Aug.  Zitte,  a  secular  priest,  of  the  church,  and  came  to  see  that  it 

published  at  Prague  in  1786.     From  was  far  better  to  walk  in  the  day  than 

this  Schrockh  has  largely  derived  his  do  works  of  darkness  and  pay  regard 

account.     Of  the  three  prominent  pre-  to  the  pretences  of  the  monks."     Hel- 

cursors of  Huss,  Zitte  says:  "  Stiekna  fert  also  presents  some  valuable  in- 

(Conrad)  grasped  the  light  and  held  formation.     Jordan,  on  the  Precursors 

it  up  ;  Milicz,  more  mighty  in  speech  of  Huss,  is  most  complete  and  satis- 

and  act,  placed  this  heavenly  light  in  factory.     Neander  and  Gieseler  cite 

an    evangelical   candlestick;    Janow  him  mainly. 


CHAPTER  II. 

YOUTH  OF  HUSS.    UNIVERSITY  LIFE.    WICKLIFFE. 

Birth  and  Education  of  Huss. —  His  Parentage,  —  Death  of  his  Father. — 
Studies  at  Prachatitz.  —  Goes  to  the  University  of  Prague.  —  Accompanied 
by  his  Mother. — His  Poverty.  —  State  of  the  University.  —  Founded  by 
Charles  IV.  —  Modelled  after  the  University  of  Paris.  —  Seasonably 
Founded.  —  Thronged  with  Students.  —  Its  Teachers.  —  Favor  shown  to 
Learning  by  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  —  Progress  of  Huss. —  His  Acquaint- 
ance with  Jacobel. —  Acquaintance  with  Jerome. —  Martyrology  the  favor- 
ite Reading  of  Huss. —  Affected  by  the  Vices  of  the  Age.  —  Approves  the 
Sentiments  of  Wickliffe  on  Christian  Reform. — "Wickliffe.  —  Supported 
by  the  Duke  of  Lancaster.  —  His  Career.  —  Occasion  of  his  First  Work.  — 
It  expresses  the  Tone  of  his  Life.  —  The  Mendicant  Orders  attacked  by 
Wickliffe.  —  His  Translation  of  the  Bible.  —His  Writings.  —  His  Opinions. 
—  Their  Pcritanic  Cast.  —  Their  Prevalence  and  Spread.  —  Vainly  Con- 
demned at  London. 

1373-1398. 

Joiusr  Huss,  or  John  of  Hussinitz,  was  born  July 
6th,  1373. 1  He  derived  his  name  from  his  native 
village,  in  the  southern  part  of  Bohemia,  in  the  circle 
of  Prachin.  This  was  in  accordance  with  the  custom 
of  the  age.  There  is  no  ground  for  the  slander  of  an 
obscure  writer,2  that  Huss  took  the  name  of  his  vil- 
lage because  he  had  no  knowledge  of  his  father. 
Among  the  most  distinguished  compeers  of  Huss,  in 
his  own  and  other  lands,  the  greater  number  whom 
we  shall  be  called  to  notice  were  men  like  himself, 
known  by  the  name  of  the  place  where  they  were 

1  According  to   some   authorities,    however,   are,   in    my  judgment,  in 
the  date  is  1369.     The  probabilities,    favor  of  the  year  given  above. 

2  Varillas. 


44  LIFE   A1STD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  II. 

Lorn  or  educated.  This  was  the  case  with  that  re- 
markable triumvirate  of  the  university  of  Paris,  John 
de  Gerson,  Nicholaus  de  Clemengiis,  and  Peter  de 
A  illy.  Among  his  own  countrymen  were  James  of 
Misa,  or  Jacobel,  as  he  was  called  from  his  diminu- 
tive stature,  John  of  Rokyzan,  and  numerous  other.-, 
who,  although  like  Huss  of  obscure  birth,  rose  to 
eminence  by  their  talent  and  diligence,  and  rescued 
the  places  of  their  birth  from  obscurity  by  the  dis- 
tinction which  they  themselves  won. 

According  to  iEneas  Sylvius,  who  was  afterwards 
raised  to  the  papal  chair,  IIuss  might  boast  of  an 
honest  and  worthy,  although  obscure  parentage.  His 
lot  was  one  favored  neither  by  fortune  nor  rank. 
His  parents  were  poor  peasants,  kind  and  simple- 
hearted,  who  spared  no  pains  to  give  their  son  a  good 
education.  There  are  few  memorials  left  us  of  his 
childhood.  But  if  we  may  judge  of  his  training 
from  the  fruits  it  bore,  it  must  have  been  character- 
ized by  aifectionate  anxiety  and  a  severe  purity  of 
morals.  We  search  in  vain  in  auy  record,  whether 
from  friend  or  foe,  for  any  trace  of  youthful  vice  or 
juvenile  excess.  Never  was  any  character  subjected 
to  more  severe  or  bitter  scrutiny ;  but  in  the  entire 
catalogue  of  accusations  brought  against  him,  not 
one  is  to  be  found  affecting  his  character.  We  may 
reasonably  suppose  that  in  his  own  noble  simplicity 
and  unimpeached  purity  of  life,  were  reflected  the  sim- 
ple manners  and  the  quiet  virtues  of  his  childhood's 
h<  >me.  That  home  must  have  been  the  abode  of  peace, 
gentleness,  and  love. 

His  parents,  we  are  told,  bestowed  great  care  on 


Ch.IL]  huss  at  school.  45 

his  education.1  He  was  at  first  sent  to  a  school  in 
his  native  place.  This  was  kept  at  a  monastery,  not 
far  from  the  residence  of  his  parents.  His  quiet 
manners  and  quick  intelligence  made  him  soon  a 
favorite  with  the  monks.  They  were  pleased  with 
the  company  of  the  boy,  and,  to  the  disquiet  of  his 
parents,  often  took  him  with  them  when  they  went 
abroad.  Upon  his  father's  death,  which  occurred  in 
his  boyhood,  he  was  left  by  his  mother  entirely  to 
their  charge.  But  such  was  her  poverty  that  she 
could  not  provide  him  needful  clothing.  In  this 
emergency,  as  also  at  a  later  period,  the  nobleman  of 
the  place,  Nicholas  of  Hussinitz,  came  forward  to  his 
aid. 

When  placed  in  the  monastery,  Huss  devoted  him- 
self zealously  to  study.  With  boyish  curiosity  he 
gazed  upon  the  huge  piles  of  manuscript  stored  in 
the  monastery,  and  in 'vain  assayed  to  read  them. 
They  were  in  the  Latin  language,  and  this  he  had 
not  mastered.  The  monks,  from  their  own  ignorance, 
could  render  him  but  feeble  aid,  but  such  instruction 
as  they  could  afford  was  freely  given.  His  many 
questions  sorely  puzzled  them.  "  If  the  boy  wants 
to  know  more,"  they  said,  "  let  him  go  to  the  Pracha- 
titz  collegium." 

To  this,  a  school  of  higher  grade  in  the  neighbor- 
ing village  of  Prachatitz,  he  was  accordingly  sent. 
Here  he  made  rapid  advances,  and  won  the  praise 
of  his  teach ers.(2)  His  remarkable  progress  gave  high 
promise  of  future  distinction. 

His  course  here  was  at  length  completed,  and  he 

1  Becker,  in  his  Life  of  Huss,  does  not  give  his  authorities. 


46  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX   HUSS.  [Cn.  II 

retnmed  home  to  his  widowed  mother.  "  What  shall 
we  now  do,  my  son?"  she  asked.1  "I  am  going  to 
Prague,"  was  his  reply.  "Let  us  not  be  troubled  on 
account  of  our  poverty ;  God  will  care  for  us.  The 
monks  have  promised  that  I  shall  certainly  go." 

Thus,  at  his  own  instance  probably,  it  was  deter- 
mined that  he  should  be  sent  to  the  university.  His 
mother,  impelled  by  maternal  anxiety,  accompanied 
him  to  the  city.  If  the  story  of  her  journey  is  true, 
it  affords  a  characteristic  illustration  of  the  simple 
manners  of  the  age  and  country.  She  took  with  her, 
from  her  humble  store,  a  goose  (huss  in  Bohemian) 
and  a  cake  as  a  present  to  the  rector.  Unfortunately 
the  goose  flew  away  while  she  was  on  her  journey,  and 
she  could  not  recover  it.  The  poor  w^oman,  associat- 
ing perhaps  the  lost  fowl  with  the  fortunes  of  her 
son,  received  the  accident  as  an  ill  omen.  But  if 
disturbed  by  susperstitious  fears,  she  had  yet  that 
simple  piety  which  taught  her  to  trust  in  God.  She 
fell  at  once  upon  her  knees,  and  recommended  her 
son  to  the  care  and  protection  of  divine  providence. 
She  then  continued  her  journey,  much  troubled  to 
think  that  she  had  only  the  cake  left  to  present  to 
the  rector. 

Of  the  means  by  which  Huss  was  supported  at 
the  university  we  have  no  reliable  information.  To 
his  own  early  history  he  rarely  refers  in  his  writings. 
It  is  said  that  on  his  arrival  in  Prague  he  secured  a 
place  in  the  house  of  one  of  the  professors,  where 
he  was  employed  in  service,  and  received  in  return 
food  and  clothing,  and  at  the   same  time  enjoyed 

1  Becker. 


Ch.  II.]  POVEETY    OF   HUSS.  47 

access  to  a  large  and  select  library.  The  story  is 
not  improbable.  John  of  Rokyzan,  a  few  years 
younger  than  Huss,  and  afterwards  archbishop  of 
Prague,  was,  like  him,  of  obscure  parentage,  and  of 
extreme  poverty.  Yet  as  a  charity  student  he  re- 
ceived aid  in  the  prosecution  of  his  course,  and  by 
persevering  exertion  and  obvious  merit  won  admis- 
sion to  the  "  College  of  the  Poor,"  of  which  Jacobel 
was  professor.  It  would  not  be  strange  if  the  course 
of  Huss  was,  in  its  early  period,  parallel  to  that  of 
Rokyzan. 

But  if  a  charity  student,  and  largely  dejDendent 
on  alms  for  support,  the  fortune  of  Huss  was  full  as 
favored  as  that  of  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
gathered  at  the  universities  of  Oxford,  Paris,  and 
Prague.  Sometimes  the  pressure  of  want  and  hunger 
was  so  severe  that  talent  was  forced  into  the  market, 
and  genius  sold  its  service  for  a  piece  of  bread.  The 
powerful  Duke  of  Burgundy  could  descend  to  pur- 
chase the  tribute  of  the  venal  learning  and  ability 
of  Parisian  scholars,  to  procure  in  them  apologists 
for  his  crimes.  But  Huss,  with  abilities  equal  to  any 
in  the  market,  was  never  suspected  of  the  guilt  of 
any  mercenary  alliance.  He  had  no  powerful  or 
wealthy  friend  whose  patronage  could  warp  his  in- 
dependence, or  interfere  with  the  freedom  of  his 
moral  or  intellectual  development.  If  aided — as  is 
not  altogether  improbable — by  Nicholas  of  Hussi- 
nitz,  it  was  with  that  generosity  which  studies  to 
confer  a  favor  without  imposing  an  obligation. 

The  testimony  borne  to  the  character  of  Huss  is 
uniformly  favorable.     His  enemies  themselves,  who 


48  LIFE  AND   TIMES   OF   JOHX  IIUSS.  L^n  H. 

were  ready  to  curse  him  as  a  heretic,  speak  of  Lis 
manners  and  bis  morals  almost  in  terms  of  eulogy. 
./Eneas  Sylvius  describes  bini  as  "a  powerful  speaker, 
and  distinguished  for  the  reputation  of  a  life  of 
remarkable  purity."  The  Jesuit  Balbinus1  says 
of  him,  that  he  was  accounted  even  "  more 
acute  than  eloquent ;  but  his  affability  of  manner, 
his  life  of  austerity  and  self-denial,  against  which 
none  could  bring  a  charge,  his  features  pale  and 
melancholy,  his  body  enfeebled,  and  his  gentleness 
toward  all,  even  of  the  humblest  class,  were  more 
effective  than  any  power  of  words."  "  Meanly  born, 
but  of  no  mean  spirit,"  is  the  testimony  of  one  of  hi3 
opponents,  and  no  doubt  all  would  have  responded 
to  its  truth. 

With  such  abilities  and  tastes,  the  diligence  of 
Huss  soon  secured  for  him  eminence  in  literary  at- 
tainment. His  opportunities  were  diligently  im- 
proved. An  unprecedented  spirit  of  enterprise  and 
of  intellectual  activity  characterized  the  period  dur- 
ing which  he  was  engaged  in  his  academic  pursuits. 
The  university  of  Prague  was  now  in  its  most  flour- 
ishing state.  It  was  founded  in  1348  by  the  empe- 
ror Charles  IV.,  a  zealous  friend  of  learning  and  of 
learned  men.  He  was  the  son  of  John  of  Luxem- 
bourg, and  grandson  of  the  emperor  Henry  VII.,  and 
had  ascended  the  throne  in  1347.  Had  it  not  been 
for  his  blind,  or  perhaps  we  should  rather  say,  poli- 
tic submission  to  the  popes,  the  events  of  the  follow- 
ing reign  might  have  illustrated  his  own.  His  energy 
and  enterprise  were  directed  into  peaceful  channels, 

J  L'Eufant,  i.  20. 


Ch.  IX]  NATIONAL    EXTERPEISE.  49 

and  lie  preferred  the  arts  of  diplomacy  and  intrigue 
to  martial  prowess.  To  his  exertions  Prague  was 
greatly  indebted.  The  prosperity  and  improvement 
of  the  kingdom  were  studiously  promoted.  Private 
citizens,  moved  by  imperial  example,  devoted  their 
wealth  to  public  uses  ;  and  noble  architectural  struc- 
tures for  public  worship,  and  other  objects,  sprang  up 
to  attest  their  zeal.  Some  of  these  were  endowed 
with  imperial  munificence.  ^Eneas  Sylvius  declares 
that  no  other  kingdom  of  Europe  could  boast  as 
numerous  and  splendid  temples  as  Bohemia.  The 
rites  and  usages  of  the  church  were  invested  with 
new  pomp,  and  no  expense  was  spared  to  add  to 
their  attractions. 

Even  after  the  desolations  of  the  Hussite  war, 
enough  remained  to  testify  to  the  taste,  the  munifi- 
cent liberality,  and  devotion  of  the  emperor.  But 
Prague  was  the  special  object  of  his  favor.  He  sur- 
rounded a  portion  of  it, — the  Heine  seite, — with  impos- 
ing walls,  crowned  here  and  there  with  towers  which, 
by  their  names,  perpetuated  the  builder's  fame.  He 
reared  castles  and  temples  of  exceeding  beauty.  His 
course  provoked  the  admiration  and  imitation  of  the 
citizens  ;  and  wealthy  inhabitants  of  Prague  expend- 
ed their  treasures  in  a  like  manner.  The  Bethlehem 
church,  afterward  famous  as  the  one  within  whose 
spacious  walls  Huss  addressed  large  assemblages  of 
his  fellow-citizens,  was  built  at  the  expense  of  pri- 
vate individuals.  Among  the  other  labors  of  the 
emperor  may  be  mentioned  the  stone  bridge  which 
he  threw  over  the  Moldau,  uniting  the  two  portions 
of  the  city.     For  that  day  it  was  a  noble  and  impe*- 

VOL.  I.  4 


50  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Ch.  11/ 

rial  work.  It  was  eighteen  hundred  feet  in  length, 
broad  enough  for  three  carriages  to  drive  abreast, 
supported  by  sixteen  arches,  and  adorned  with  twen- 
ty-eight statues  of  the  saints.  It  still  exists  to  at- 
test the  public  spirit  of  the  emperor  to  whom  it 
owes  its  origin. 

But  the  great  work  of  Charles  IV.,  and  the  one 
for  which  he  deserves  the  highest  praise,  was  his 
founding  of  the  university  of  Prague.  In  undertak- 
ing: it,  he  sought  and  received  the  sanction  of  the 
Roman  pontiff,  Innocent  VI.  The  university  of 
Paris  furnished  him  a  model.  That  institution,  after 
the  popes,  had  given  law  to  Europe.  In  her  schools 
the  men  had  been  trained  who  controlled  the  public 
opinion  of  the  world,  and  became  the  teachers  of 
kingdoms.  She  was,  in  fact,  an  imperium  in  impe- 
rio.  Her  word  was  respected  and  reverenced 
throughout  Christendom.  Even  then,  the  hoar  of 
centuries  combined  with  her  reputation  for  learning 
and  piety  to  render  her  venerable.  The  emperor 
Charles  IV.  might  well  aspire  to  rival  the  reputation 
attributed,  whether  justly  or  not,  to  his  great  prede- 
cessor and  namesake,  Charlemagne,  by  becoming, 
like  him,  the  founder  of  a  university.  The  times 
were  ripe  for  the  enterprise.  The  ravages  of  the 
crusades,  and  the  impending  terror  of  the  Turkish 
arms,  had  conspired  to  scatter  the  treasures  of  the 
Eastern  empire  over  the  kingdoms  of  the  West. 
Those  treasures  were  the  learning  and  the  learned 
men  which  had  hitherto  been  resident  within  the 
walls  of  the  city  of  Constant  inc.  The  intercourse 
between  the  East  and  West  was  once  more  renewed. 


Ch.  II.]  UNIVERSITY   OF   PRAGUE.  51 

Frequent  embassies  sought  to  promote  the  long- 
deferred  union  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  churches. 
Prelates  of  the  first  were  received  into  the  latter 
with  distinguished  honor.  A  new  spirit  of  inquiry 
and  a  new  thirst  for  knowledge  had  been  diffused 
abroad.  Popular  movements  had  taken  place  in  al- 
most every  kingdom  in  Europe,  which  showed  that 
society,  even  to  its  lower  strata,  was  restless,  and 
ready  for  a  change. 

The  labors  of  the  emperor  were  attended  with 
remarkable  success.  Scarcely  had  the  university 
been  completed  before  it  was  thronged  with  stu- 
dents. It  seemed  to  reach  maturity  at  a  single 
stride.  The  zealous  patronage  of  the  emperor  was, 
no  doubt,  one  of  the  most  important  elements  of  its 
success.  The  most  learned  and  skilful  men,  more- 
over, were  sought  out  for  instructors,  and  they  were 
selected,  without  regard  to  land  or  language,  for 
their  fitness  and  ability. 

Four  nations  were  represented  there, — Bavaria, 
Saxony,  Poland,  and  Bohemia, — each  of  which  had  a 
vote  in  the  affairs  of  the  university.  At  an  early  pe- 
riod, over  two  thousand  students  belonged  to  it  from 
the  German  nation  alone.  It  was  the  practice  of  the 
emperor  often  to  be  present  at  the  examinations  and 
disputations.  He  came  in  his  imperial  robes,  attend- 
ed by  his  officers  and  nobles,  sometimes  remaining 
for  three  or  four  hours  at  a  time.  It  is  said  that  he 
would  become  frequently  so  absorbed  in  listening  to 
the  disputations,  that,  when  reminded  by  his  cour- 
tiers that  it  was  meal-time,  he  would  reply,1 "  Go,  get 

1  CocUaeus,  p.  4. 


52  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cu.  II. 

your  Bupper — my  food  is  here."  Circumstances  like 
these  could  not  fail  to  invest  the  university  with 
great  splendor  and  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  na- 
tion, and  kindle  the  ambition  of  the  students  to  ex- 
cel, and  thus  merit  the  notice  and  favor  of  the  em- 
peror. 

Although  Charles  IV.  died  in  November,  1378,  the 
impulse  of  his  influence  still  survived.     The  univer- 
sity continued  to  flourish.     It  must  have  been  about 
the  year  1389,  and  when  Huss  was  sixteen  years  of 
aee,  that  he  was  matriculated  and  became  a  member 
of  that  body.     He  pursued  his  studies  with  such  ap- 
plication and  success  as  to  receive,  in  order,  all  the  de- 
grees of  honor  which  the  university  could  bestow,  with 
the  single  exception  of  Doctor  of  Theology,  of  which 
we  have  no  proof  that  it  ever  was  conferred  upon 
him.     He  received  the  degree  of  Bachelor  in  1393, 
of  Master  of  Arts  in  1396 ;  became  priest  and  preacher 
z~04Jy  tt}Q     of  the  Bethlehem  church  in  1400 ;  dean  of  the  Theo- 
logical Faculty  in  1401 ;  and  rector  of  the  university 
in  the  following  year.     It  was  during  his  residence 
at  the  university  as  a  student  that  his  attention  was 
first  drawn  to  the  subjects  which  afterwards  so  ear- 
nestly claimed  his  attention  and  his  profound  interest, 
for  his  convictions,  moreover,  in  regard  to  which  he 
was  to  lay  down  his  life.     He  reached  Prague  in  the 
same  year  in  which  Matthias  of  Janow  died.     It  was 
in  the  year  1393  that  he  became  intimate  with  a 
memorable  man,  James  of  Misa,  or  Jacobel  (little 
James)  as  he  was  called,1  from  his  diminutive  bodily 
stature.     This  man  was  a  native  of  the  Circle  of  Pil- 

1  Some  authorities  speak  of  him  as  a  fellow-student  of  IIuss. 


[Cn.  II.  ASSOCIATES    OF   HUSS.  53 

sen  in  Bohemia,  and  was  at  this  time  a  teacher  in  the 
university.  Though  destitute  of  anything  imposing 
in  his  personal  aj:>pearance,  his  writings,  and  the  in- 
fluence he  exerted  upon  the  community  and  the  na- 
tion, show  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  ability  and  en- 
ergy. Like  others  of  his  countrymen  before  him,  he 
had  a  strong  leaning  to  the  usages  of  the  ancient 
Greek  church.  We  shall  see,  in  the  course  of  this 
history,  that  he  was  a  kindred  spirit  of  Huss,  and 
that  their  acquaintance  of  more  than  twenty  years 
ripened  into  a  friendship  which  led  to  the  charge 
upon  Huss  of  holding  the  peculiar  views  of  his  friend, 
though  in  this  particular  case  the  charge  was  false. 

It  was  some  years  later  (1398)  that  he  became 
acquainted  with  Jerome  of  Prague,  who,  along  with 
Jacobel,  was  accused  of  spreading  the  writings  and 
opinions  of  Wickliffe  in  the  university.  .  Here  was 
another  friendship  which  reflects  honor  upon  both 
the  men  whom  it  united  while  living,  and  associated 
in  their  deaths.  Besides  these,  there  must  have  been 
at  Prague  not  a  few  others — disciples  of  Milicz  and 
of  Janow — whose  influence  was  exerted  in  the  direc- 
tion of  scriptural  reform,  and  in  whom  Huss  found 
those  whose  spirit  sympathized  with  his  own. 

But  we  need  not  seek  in  external  sources  the  im- 
pulse which  shaped  his  career.  From  his  earliest 
years,  Huss  had  manifested  a  deep  interest  in  the 
lives  of  distinguished  and  holy  men  deservedly  emi- 
nent in  the  history  of  the  Christian  church.  Upright 
in  his  whole  conduct,  and  blameless  in  his  morals  and 
his  devotion  to  religious  duties,  even  by  the  confes- 
sion of  his  bitterest  enemies,  his  zeal  for  acquaintance 


54  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  U. 

with  the  career  and  pursuits  of  those  to  whom  lie 
might  look  as  models,  amounted  almost  to  a  pas-ion.1 
His  manner  of  life  had  always  been  plain,  simple,  and 
unostentatious.  His  tastes  were  pure  and  innocent. 
One  might  have  read,  in  his  pale  and  somewhat  at- 
tenuated features,  the  earnestness  of  a  meditative 
spirit.  There  was  an  air  of  gravity  and  reserve  man- 
ifest in  his  countenance,  which  gave  evidence  of  calm 
purpose  and  sedateness  of  thought.  His  demeanor 
toward  all  was  friendly  and  unassuming.  His  ambi- 
tion, if  he  had  anything  deserving  an  appellation  of 
such  equivocal  meaning,  was  directed  toward  distinc- 
tion in  the  paths  of  devotion  and  of  Christian  effort. 
He  was  poor,  and  yet  scorned  wealth.  He  loved 
truth,  and  cared  little  for  the  honors  of  men.  But  to 
write  his  name  by  the  side  of  those  who  had  adorned 
the  history  of  the  church  by  their  exhibition  of  Chris- 
tian virtues,  was  the  high  and  lofty  aim  that  possessed 
his  soul.  While  a  student,  it  was  his  delight  to  pore 
over  the  history  of  the  martyrs,  to  trace  the  progress 
of  their  devotion,  to  contemplate  their  self-denials 
and  their  sufferings.  Once,  while  reading  the  history 
of  St.  Laurentius,  who  was  put  to  death  by  being 
roasted  on  a  gridiron,  he  thrust  his  hand  into  the  fire 
to  test  his  own  constancy  and  power  of  endurance, 
and  see  whether  he  would  be  able  himself  to  endure 
the  torture  of  a  like  martyrdom.  A  friend  who  was 
present  interfered  to  prevent  the  full  execution  of  his 
purpose. 

In  this  incident  we  may  perhaps  discern,  on  the 
part  of  Huss,  a  morbid  religious  sensibility,  a  ten- 

1  Scluockli,  xxxvi.  586. 


Ch.  II.1  INCITEMENTS    TO    KEFLECTIOlSr.  55 

dency  to  an  ascetic  fanaticism.  But  beyond  ques- 
tion, his  severe  conscientiousness,  his  ardent  feeling, 
and  his  quick  susceptibilities  especially  fitted  him  to 
be  impressed  by  the  searching  and  powerful  words 
of  Milicz  and  of  Janow.  It  is  evident,  from  the  record 
of  their  labors,  that  they  had  drawn  to  their  side  not 
a  few  who,  amid  the  general  apostasy  of  the  church, 
were  earnestly  devoted  to  the  purpose  of  a  higher 
Christian  life.  At  Prague,  and  especially  in  the  uni- 
versity, Huss  would  come  in  contact  with  these.  A 
common  sympathy  would  bind  him  to  them.  Yet 
it  was  not  without  a  severe  inward  struggle — as  we 
learn  from  the  record  of  his  own  experience — that 
he  was  brought  to  relinquish  worldly  ambitions,  and 
commit  himself  to  that  course  which  was  to  bring 
upon  him  the  reproach  in  which  Milicz  and  Janow 
had  shared. 

But  at  a  very  early  period  his  decision  was  taken, 
and  he  never  faltered  in  his  purpose.  The  circum- 
stances in  which  he  was  placed,  and  the  objects  to- 
ward which  his  attention  was  necessarily  directed, 
combined  to  add  strength  to  his  convictions  and 
firmness  to  his  resolve.  He  had  of  course,  by  his 
residence  at  the  imperial  capital  and  his  connection 
at  the  university,  large  opportunities  for  information 
and  observation.  He  was  at  one  of  the  foci  where 
the  great  interests  of  European  Christendom  con- 
verged. There  especially  he  was  brought  to  under- 
stand the  real  condition  and  the  sad  degeneracy  of 
the  church.  There  he  heard,  from  teachers  and 
students,  not  only  from  Bohemia  and  Germany,  but 
in  some  instances  from  foreign  countries,  free  expres- 


56  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  II. 

sions  in  regard  to  the  evils  of  the  times,  and  he 
could  not  fail  to  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  great 
questions  that  were  agitating  and  dividing  the  Chris- 
tian world.  The  great  schism  which  had  already 
endured  for  many  years  was  the  scandal  of  Christen- 
dom. The  papacy  had  become  an  Augean  stable, 
demanding  for  its  cleansing1  a  more  than  fabled  Iler- 
cules.  But  the  mischief  was  not  merely  one  that 
was  far  remote.  The  church  was  enfeebled  and  dis- 
eased in  all  its  -members.  In  Bohemia,  and  within 
the  walls  of  Prague,  there  was  enough,  and  more 
than  enough,  to  excite  thoughtful  minds  to  grave 
reflection.  Huss  saw  on  all  sides  an  abounding  and 
prevalent  iniquity/*  He  noted  a  degree  of  corruption 
in  church  and  state  that  could  not  foil  to  excite  at 
once  grief  and  indignation.  In  the  contrast  between 
what  he  saw  around  him  and  a  primitive  Christi- 
anity, he  seemed  to  behold  the  gospel  travestied 
by  the  lives  of  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  expound 
it,  but  whose  whole  course  was  a  libel  upon  Christi- 
anity itself.  The  money-changers  had  established 
themselves  in  the  sacred  temple.  Bold  bad  men, 
intriguing  aspirants,  the  profligate  and  the  vicious, 
had  usurped  the  province  of  pastors  and  the  Sees  of 
bishops.  The  scriptures  gave  place  to  the  decretals, 
and  secular  passions  were  dominant  in  the  most 
sacred  spheres. 

Huss  was  profoundly  affected  and  afflicted  by  what 
he  saw  around  him.  In  common  with  many  others, 
he  recognized  the  necessity  of  a  thorough  and  radi- 
cal reform.  In  the  writings  of  Milicz  and  Janow, 
and  in  the  fruits  of  their  labors,  he  could  not  but 


Ch.  il]  wickliffe's  influence.  57 

have  discerned  signs  of  hope.  There  were,  more- 
over, others  conscientiously  adhering  to  the  old 
hierarchy,  but  demanding  its  renovation,  whose 
voices  must  have  reached  him  at  Prague.  But  the 
words  which  seemed  to  his  listening  ear  most  earnest, 
hearty,  and  effective,  came  to  him  from  beyond  the 
British  channel.  In  the  Oxford  professor,  driven 
from  his  public  post,  but  in  his  humble  parish  of 
Lutterworth  scarcely  escaping  by  a  peaceful  death 
the  vengeance  he  had  provoked,  Huss  recognized  a 
man  whose  bold  and  daring  views,  extraordinary 
ability,  and  scriptural  method  of  reform  were  power- 
fully to  confirm  the  bent  of  his  own  mind.  The  in- 
fluence of  Wickliffe  on  the  religious  movement  at 
Prague,  and  on  the  career  of  Huss,  was  most  impor- 
tant. The  death  of  the  English  queen  in  1394, 
leaving  her  Bohemian  attendants  free  to  return 
to  their  own  land,  occurred  before  Huss  had  com- 
pleted his  university  career;  and  through  them, 
doubtless,  the  writings  of  Wickliffe  were  extensively 
published. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  we  are  called  to  survey  the 
connection  of  the  Oxford  professor  with  the  student 
of  Prague. 

England  had  long  maintained  a  jealous  watchful- 
ness against  the  usurpation  of  the  See  of  Rome. 
From  the  time  when  the  first  Norman  seized  her 
sceptre,  she  seemed  more  deeply  conscious  of  her 
individuality  and  independence.  No  king  was  ever 
more  unpopular  than  John  Lackland,  who  mort- 
gaged the  kingdom  to  the  pope.  The  rude  barons, 
extorting  Magna  Charta  from  their  monarch,  were 


58  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [On.  IL 

little  inclined  to  surrender  rights,  if  possible  still 
more  precious,  to  a  foreign  potentate.     English  pa- 
triotism prepared  the  way  for  Wickliffe.     Men  re- 
garded him  as  the  champion  of  the  nation's  rights. 
For  once  religious  reform  was  supported  by  the  spirit 
of  the  nobles,  and  for  some  years,  Wickliffe's  pro- 
tector, the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  virtually  Bwayed  the 
sceptre,  and  enabled  him  effectually  to  defy  the  priests 
and  the  monks,  who  were  his  most  bitter  opponents. 
Wickliffe  was  born  in  1324,  in  the  small  village 
of  Wickliffe,  in  Yorkshire,  of  respectable  and  prob- 
ably somewhat  wealthy  parents.     He  was  educated 
at  Merton  college,  Oxford.     The  title  which  he  here 
won,  in  a  college  which  produced  Thomas  Bradwar- 
dine,  the  Profound  Doctor,  Walter  Burley,  the  Per- 
spicuous Doctor,  William  Occam,  the  Singular  Doc- 
tor, and  others  of  eminence  and  merit,  indicates  his 
ability  and  success.     Although  a  perfect  master  of 
the  scholastic  philosophy  to  which  he  applied  him- 
self, Wickliffe  was  honored  with  the  appellation  of 
the  Evangelical  or   Gospel  Doctor.      His   attention 
was  early  directed  to  the  study  and  investigation  of 
the  Bible.     In   this   respect   his   example  had  few 
precedents   in   the   university.     Fifty  years   before, 
Roger  Bacon  had  said  that  scholastic  studies  were  in 
higher  repute  than  the  knowledge  of  the  scriptures. 
At  first  no  exception  seems  to  have  been  taken  to 
Wickliffe's   course.     The    language   of  his   enemies 
attests  his  high  standing.     He  is  spoken  of  as  a  most 
eminent   theological   doctor,  "  accounted  second   to 
none  in  philosophy,  and  in  scholastic  attainments  in- 
comparable." 


Cn.  Ill  STEANGE    PORTENTS.  59 

The  first  of  his  works  which  he  made  public,  indi- 
cates his  acquaintance,  through  the  pages  of  the  New 
Testament,  with  a  Christianity  compared  with  which 
what  bore  its  name  was  a  distorted  and  grotesque 
caricature.  It  is  entitled  "The  Last  Age  of  the 
Church," x  and  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by  the 
general  apprehension  excited  throughout  Europe  on 
account  of  the  plague,  and  the  strange  phenomena  by 
which  it  was  accompanied.  Fearful  natural  visita- 
tions and  sisrns  filled  Christendom  with  alarm.  When 
Wickliffe  was  in  his  fourteenth  year,  the  great  comet 
appeared.  For  several  succeeding  years  the  rav- 
ages of  the  locusts  were  fearfully  destructive.  An 
earthquake  of  unusual  violence  devastated  Cyprus, 
Greece,  Italy,  and  the  valleys  of  the  Alps  as  far  as 
Basle.  Mountains  were  swallowed  up.  In  some 
places  whole  villages  were  overthrown.  The  air  was 
thick,  pestilential,  stifling.  Wine  fermented  in  the 
casks.  Fiery  meteors  appeared  in  the  heavens.  A 
gigantic  pillar  of  flame  was  seen  exactly  over  the 
papal  palace  of  Avignon.2  A  second  earthquake 
nearly  destroyed  Basle.  At  Avignon,  (1334,)  per- 
sons of  every  age  and  sex  were  said,  in  the  heat  and 
drought  which  prevailed,  to  have  changed  their  skins 
like  serpents.  Scales  fell  from  the  face,  the  neck,  the 
hands.  The  populace,  seized  with  madness,  scourged 
and  lacerated  their  half-naked  bodies  as  they  ran 
howling  through  the  streets. 

But  these  self-inflictions  were  not  to  be  compared 
with  the  excesses  that  the  Flagellants  were  guilty  of 
thirteen  years  later.     The  plague  that  now  ravaged 

1  The  authorship  of  this  work  is  disputed.     2  Life  of  Petrarch. 


GO  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  II. 

Europe  threatened  to  exterminate  its  inhabitants.  It 
touched  a  sound  and  healthy  body  as  fire  touches 
tinder,  and  from  the  first  moment  all  hope  was  aban- 
doned. The  victim  was  suddenly  covered  with  black 
spots  like  burns,  and  not  unfrequently  dropped  down 
dead  almost  before  he  was  aware  of  the  attack.  At 
Basle,  fourteen  thousand  people  were  destroyed  by 
it ;  at  Strasbourg  and  Erfurt,  sixteen  thousand ; 
while  in  Italy  its  progress. and  desolations  have  been 
immortalized  by  the  pen  of  Boccacio.  The  conster- 
nation was  universal.  Men  that  never  prayed  before, 
prayed  now.  Some  few  gave  themselves  up  to  vo- 
luptuous and  luxurious  indulgence ;  but  the  great 
mass  trembled,  and  thousands  went  so  far  as  to  join 
the  ranks  of  the  Flagellants.  Never  had  there  been 
such  seriousness,  such  alarm.  Vice  shrunk  back 
abashed  into  the  shade.  Crime  seemed  paralyzed  in 
its  stronghold.1 

All  these  things  were  familiar  to  "Wickliffe.  Some 
of  them  took  place  while  he  was  yet  a  student  at 
Oxford,  and  at  Oxford  he  met  students  from  the  con- 
tinent to  whom  the  scenes  themselves  had  been  pres- 
ent, witnessed  realities.  He  had  not  yet  taken  his 
second  degree  when  the  plague  visited  Europe.  His 
own  mind  undoubtedly  was  deeply  impressed;  and 
while  he  wrote  of  "The  Last  Age  of  the  Church,'' 
the  impression  had  not  passed  from  the  minds  of 
others.  Indeed,  it  was  not  until  August,  134S,  that 
the  destructive  malady  made  its  appearand1  at  Dor- 
chester in  England.  Its  havoc  was  dreadful.  It  was 
regarded  as  the  work  of  the  destroying  angel,  pre- 

1  Life  of  Petrarch. 


Ch.  II.]  THE    "  WESTEEN"    BABYLON."  61 

monitory  to  the  filial  doom  of  the  world.  The  gross 
and  revolting  corruptions  of  the  church  were,  by  men 
far  less  severe  in  their  convictions  than  WieklifFe,  ac- 
counted its  procuring  cause.  Wickliffe  seized  the 
occasion  to  speak  out  words  of  solemn  admonition 
and  threatening.  Worthless  in  its  prophetic  char- 
acter, the  treatise  is  valuable  chiefly  for  the  bold 
tone  of  utterance  in  which  it  denounces  the  prevalent 
sins  of  the  age.  It  would  be  eagerly  listened  to,  at 
least  by  many  of  his  countrymen — as  in  the  plague  of 
1666  even  the  Non-conformists  were  welcome  to  the 
pulpits  of  London,  and  thousands  hung  upon  their 
words. 

Never  was  a  rebuke  more  plainly  called  for.  The 
pictures  left  us  of  ecclesiastical  vice  and  abuse  are 
worthy  of  an  original  in  Pandemonium.  Petrarch, 
whose  devotion  sent  him  to  Rome  in  the  Jubilee  of 
1350,  and  carried  him  scrupulously  through  all  the 
prescribed  ritual  of  the  pilgrims  that  he  might  attain 
the  blessing,  was  shocked  to  observe  the  doings  in 
the  court  of  the  pope.'  Avignon  was  to  him  "  that 
Western  Babylon,  that  he  hated  like  Tartarus."  He 
describes  it  as  "  a  terrestrial  hell,  a  residence  of  fiends 
and  devils,  a  receptacle  of  all  that  is  wicked  and 
abominable."  "  Why,"  he  asks,  "  should  I  speak  of 
truth,  where  not  only  the  houses,  palaces,  courts, 
churches,  and  the  thrones  of  popes  and  cardinals,  but 
the  very  earth  and  air  appear  to  teem  with  lies  ?  A 
future  state,  heaven,  hell  and  judgment,  are  openly 

turned  into  ridicule   as   childish  fables 

Whatever  perfidy  and  treachery ;  whatever  barbarity 
and  pride;  whatever  immodesty  and  unbridled  lust 


62  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.IL 

you  have  ever  heard  or  read  of;  in  a  word,  whatever 
impiety  and  immorality  either  now  is  or  ever  was 
scattered  over  all  the  world,  you  may  find  here 
amassed  in  one  heap."  Rome  was  no  better  than 
Avignon,  and  the  poison  of  the  heart  spread  to  the 
extremities  of  the  ecclesiastical  body. 

What  the  state  of  England  was  can  easily  be 
gathered  from  the  complaint  of  "Piers  Plowman," 
and  the  pictures  left  us  in  Chaucer's  rhymes.  Wick- 
liffe saw  Antichrist  around  him  on  all  sides,  and  his 
words,  however  stinging,  were  too  palpably  true  to 
be  gainsayed.  His  career  was  largely  shaped  by  the 
influences  already  noted,  and  he  pursued  it  unfalter- 
ing to  the  end.  The  mendicant  monks,  at  first  ac- 
ceptable for  their  zeal  and  poverty,  had  now  become 
the  curse  of  Christendom.  They  were  the  militia  of 
the  pope — ecclesiastical  robbers  and  banditti.  At 
Paris  and  Prague,  as  well  as  Oxford,  they  had  be- 
come a  nuisance.  But  long  before  Gerson  exposed 
them,  they  were  arraigned  by  Wickliffe.  Hjs  blows 
fell  fast  and  heavy,  and  excited  against  him  the  en- 
venomed rage  of  his  foes.  He  succeeded,  however, 
in  greatly  limiting  their  rapacity  aud  turbulence. 
In  the  midst  of  this  conflict,  the  pope  revived  his 
claim  on  England  for  tribute  and  homage.  Edward 
III.  laid  the  claim  before  parliament.  It  was  re- 
solved that  it  should  be  resisted;  and  the  pen  of 
Wickliffe  was  summoned  to  the  task  of  its  refutation. 

But  WickliftVs  great  work  was  the  translation  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments — the  first  complete 
English  version  of  the  Bible.  He  employed  his 
"  poor  priests"  to  multiply  copies  of  it.    These  were 


Ch.  II.]  WKITINGS    OF   WICKLIFFE.  63 

widely  circulated.  The  effect  was  wonderful.  The 
germ  of  Protestantism  was  planted  in  English  soil, — 
two  centuries  later  to  spring  up  to  a  vigorous  growth. 
No  episcopal  scrutiny,  espionage,  or  authority  could 
root  it  out.  "The  Evangelical  Doctor"  vindicated 
the  justice  of  his  title.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  at- 
tempt was  made  to  silence  or  condemn  him.  To 
the  English  councils,  and  to  the  summons  of  the 
pope  at  Avignon,  he  paid  little  regard.  From  the 
first  he  was  shielded  by  persons  high  in  power ;  to 
the  last  he  replied  without  the  least  trepidation,  in 
plainer  language  than  papal  courts  were  wont  to 
hear.  Notwithstanding  all  the  measures  of  persecu- 
tion taken  against  him,  driving  him  first  from  the 
headship  of  Canterbury  Hall,  and  afterwards  from 
Oxford,  he  died  quietly  in  his  own  parish  of  Lutter- 
worth, at  the  age  of  sixty-one  years  (1384). 

The  writings  of  WicklifFe  were  numerous;  and 
though  some  of  them  were  obscured  with  scholastic 
subtilties,  yet  others,  in  which  he  sets  forth  his  re- 
ligious doctrines  based  on  the  sole  authority  of  scrip- 
ture, are  sufficiently  perspicuous.  Of  his  numerous 
treatises,  many  are  of  a  practical  character,  adapted 
to  the  comprehension  of  the  common  people.  Scat- 
tered among  them  are  passages  of  exceeding  beauty, 
and  some  in  which  we  recognize  the  deep  and  fer- 
vent devotion  of  the  author.  It  is  his  Trialogos, 
however,  that  has  acquired  most  notoriety.  It  is  in 
this  work  that  he  impugns  the  doctrine  of  transub- 
stantiation,  and  presents  what  may  be  regarded  as 
his  theological  system.  This  was  the  work  which 
traversed  Europe,  and  attracted  most  attention  at 


64  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  II. 

Prague.  It  is  a  compendious  review  of  the  religious 
questions  of  the  age,  and  embraces  the  sum  and 
substance  of  WicklihVs  religious  opinions. 

These  opinions  are  nearly  related  to  those  held 
two  centuries  later,  by  the  Puritans  of  the  Eliza- 
bethan age.  On  the  subject  of  justification  by  faith, 
his  views  are  indistinct  and  ill-defined  when  coin- 
pared  with  those  of  Luther.  But  the  same  is  true 
of  nearly  all  the  reformers  of  the  fourteenth .  and 
fifteenth  centuries.  His  predestinarian  notions  fall 
little,  if  at  all,  short  of  those  of  Calvin.  The  prev- 
alence of  pilgrimages  and  image  worship  led  him 
to  denounce  these  abuses  of  devotion  with  unsparing 
severity.  Of  excommunication  and  papal  interdict 
he  stood  in  no  fear.  He  treated  them  only  with  de- 
served contempt.  Whatever  an  ideal  pope  might 
be,  the  actual  pope  was  Antichrist.  It  was  enough 
that  the  church  had  one  Supreme  Head  in  heaven. 
To  give  it  another  on  earth  was  to  make  it  a  monster. 
The  order  of  the  hierarchy  was  odious  and  unscrip- 
tural.  Presbyters  and  bishops,  on  New  Testament 
authority,  he  accounted  equal  in  rank.  The  church 
invisible  was  the  simple,  and  the  church  visible  the 
mixed,  body  of  Christ.  The  seven  sacraments  of  the 
church  were  all  admitted,  though  in  a  qualified  sense, 
by  Wickliffe.  It  is  evident  that  his  exposition  of 
their  significance  would  strip  them  of  all  that  pe- 
culiar importance  which  was  attributed  to  them  by 
the  prevalent  superstitions  of  the  age.  The  fasts  of 
the  church,  which  substituted  fish  for  flesh,  were 
fool  fastings.  The  cumbrous  ceremonies  which  dis- 
figured its  services,  he  would   have   reduced  to  a 


Ch.  II.]  DOCTEIFAL   VIEWS    OF   WICKLIFFE.  65 

simpler  ritual.  Church  music  had  no  cliarms  for 
him,  when  it  charmed  the  thoughts  of  men  from  the 
words  sung  to  the  manner  of  performance.  Judicial 
astrology,  which  was  strangely  prevalent  in  his  age, 
found  in  him  an  unsparing  assailant.  Some  strange 
sentiments  have  been  ascribed  to  him  which  are  not 
to  be  found  in  his  writings,  but  which,  probably, 
were  extorted  from  his  scholastic  propositions.  One 
of  his  chief  heresies,  as  charged  upon  him  by  his 
enemies,  was  the  doctrine  that  "  Dominion  is  founded 
in  grace."  Here,  however,  he  seems  to  have  merely , 
followed  the  lead  of  the  apostle  Paul,  when  he  said, 
"All  things  are  yours ;!  'for  civil  authority  and  juris- 
diction found  nowhere  a  more  strenuous  defender 
than  Wickliffe.  The  fanaticism  of  the  later  Anabap- 
tists had  no  place  in  his  views  or  character.  He  did, 
indeed,  maintain  the  supremacy  of  civil  tribunals 
over  the  persons  of  ecclesiastics,  as  well  as  over  the 
accumulated  possessions  of  the  church;  but  these 
views  and  theories  were  justified  by  the  reformation, 
which,  less  than  two  centuries  later,  adopted  them  in 
England.  Church  endowments  Wickliffe  regarded  as 
inconsistent  with  the  purity  and  proper  constitution 
of  a  spiritual  body.  He  opposed  the  civil  jurisdic- 
tion of  ecclesiastics,  and  accounted  tithes  as  the  alms 
of  the  people,  and  not  to  be  extorted  against  their 
free  choice. 

It  is  evident  that  most  of  Wickliffe's  views  were 
drawn  from  scripture.  They  were  enforced  by  his 
own  peculiar  and  impressive  energy  of  language.  In 
the  university  of  Oxford,  as  well  as  in  various  parts 
of  England,  they  took  deep  root.     The  minds  of  men 

VOL.  I.  5 


66  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF  JO  I IX    HUBS.  [Cii.IL 

were  in  a  state  to  yield  them  a  careful  attention. 
The  singular  visitations  of  providence  by  earth- 
quakes and  the  plague,  the  incredible  and  enormous 
corruptions  of  the  church,  the  overgrown  pretensions 

and  claims  of  the  popes,  the  sympathy  of  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster  and  of  others  high  in  power  with  the 
new  opinions,  and  their  ad  mi  rat  ion  of  Wickliffe,  con- 
spired to  secure  for  his  words  a  favorable  reception, 
and  to  give  thein  a  powerful  effect.  His  writings 
had  acquired  a  notoriety  that  would  secure  them, 
after  his  death,  a  candid  and  careful  perusal  on  the 
distant  banks  of  the  Moldau.  It  was  all  in  vain 
that  the  bishops,  in  the  council  of  London,  con- 
demned them.  The  seed  was  sown — it  was  taking 
root,  and  no  ecclesiastical  police  could  root  it  out. 


CHAPTER    III. 

# 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  DOCTRINES  AT  PRAGUE. 

Wickliffe's  Doctrines  Disseminated  at  Prague.  —  Character  and  Course  op 
Jerome.  —  Wickliffe's  Books  Circulated.  —  They  are  Condemned  bt  the 
University.  —  Part  taken  by  Huss.  —  His  Position  and  Influence.  —  Hes- 
itation in  Receiving  the  Doctrines  of  Wickliffe.  —  Bethlehem  Chapel 
Founded.  —  Huss  Appointed  Preacher.  —  The  two  Englishmen.  —  Their 
Pictured  Sermon.  —  Patriotic  Feeling  of  the  Bohemians  in  the  Univer- 
sity.—  Their  Opposition  to  the  Claims  and  Privileges  of  the  Germans. — 
Huss  and  Wickliffe.  —  Luther's  Language  in  Regard  to  Huss.  —  Corrup- 
tion of  the  Church.  —  General  Testimony.  —  Progress  of  Huss  in  Approv- 
ing Wickliffe.  —  Others  Unite  with  him.  —  Temptation  Resisted.  —  The 
Miracle  at  Wilsnack.  —  Huss  Exposes  it.  —  The  Papacy  during  the  Four- 
teenth Century.  —  Origin  of  the  Schism. — Archbishop  Sbynco.  —  He  Ad- 
heres to  Gregory  XII. 

1399-1407. 

The  spread  of  Wickliffe's  doctrines  could  not  be 
confined  to  England.  There  were  various  channels 
by  which  they  would  be  sure,  ere  long,  to  reach  Bo- 
hemia. One  of  these  has  been  already  noted.  The 
attendants  of  Anne  of  Luxembourg,  queen  of  England, 
returning  upon  her  death  (1394)  to  their  native 
land,  would  naturally  spread  abroad  a  knowledge  of 
the  new  opinions.  Huss  himself  says  (reply  to  John 
Stokes,  1411)  that  for  twenty  years  they  had  been 
known  in  Bohemia.1    Of  course  they  must  have  been 

1  Mod..  Hussi,  i.  108. 


68  LIFE   AKD    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    IIUSS.  [Ch.  111. 

brought  to  Prague  before  the  death  of  "Wk-kliffe. 
X<»r  was  this  all.  It  was  a  common  practice  with 
the  scholars  of  that  age  to  visit  the  different  univer- 
sities  of  Europe,  disseminating  their  own  philosoph- 
ical and  theological  views,  and  at  the  same  time  im- 
bibing  those  of  others.  By  their  means  every 
novelty  in  the  moral  or  religious  world  was  soon 
ventilated  and  spread  abroad. 

But  among  these  knights-errant  of  literature,  no 
one  in  that  age  exhibited  a  more  adventurous  and  en- 
terprising spirit  than  Jerome  Faulfisch,1  or  Jerome 
of  Prague,  as  he  is  more  commonly  called.  lie  was 
by  several  years  the  senior  of  Huss,  full  his  equal  in 
zeal  for  knowledge,  far  more  impulsive  in  feeling,  and 
remarkably  enthusiastic  in  his  devotion  to  whatever 
enterprise  he  undertook. 

He  had  travelled  through  different  lands,  but 
made  the  longest  stay  in  England.  At  Oxford  he 
became  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  Wickliffe. 
The  fame  of  the  Evangelical  Doctor  was  yet  fresh 
within  its  halls,  and  his  views  were  embraced  or  fa- 
vored by  a  large  number  of  the  students.  Jerome 
was  struck  with  the  ability  with  which  they  were 
presented,  and  was  especially  gratified  by  the  manly 
tone  in  which  they  rebuked  the  errors  and  vices  of 
the  age.  He  transcribed  several  of  his  books,  or 
caused  them  to  be  transcribed,  and  bore  them  back 
with  him  on  his  return  to  Bohemia  (1397-8  ).a 

Jerome  was  not  a  man  to  conceal  his  sentiments  or 
disguise  his  aims.     He  gave  free  expression  to  his 

1  Palacky  denies  that  his  family  bearer  of  this  name  has  been  mis- 
name was  Faulfisch.      The  rightful     taken  for  Jerome.  a  llelfcrt 


Ch.  hi.]         wicexiffe's  books  ciecttlated.  69 

opinions  on  the  subjects  discussed  by  the  English  re- 
former, and  to  his  estimate  of  the  man.  He  found 
himself  at  Prague  surrounded  by  many  inquiring 
minds,  and  the  new  views  which  he  advanced  could 
not  fail  to  draw  attention.  But  among  the  members 
of  the  university  opinions  were  divided.  Some  were 
bitterly  opposed  to  the  positions  taken  by  the  "  Evan- 
gelical Doctor,"  and  few  if  any  voices  were  raised 
decidedly  in  their  favor. 

At  first — so  we  are  assured  by  one  historian1 — Huss 
himself  shared  deeply  in  the  popular  prejudice. 
Shortly  after  his  return  from  Oxford,  in  1398,  Je- 
rome is  said  to  have  shown  Huss  one  of  the  books 
of  WicklifFe  which  he  had  brought  back  with  him. 
Huss  regarded  it  as  heretical,  and  spoke  severely 
against  it.  He  advised  Jerome  either  to  burn  it  or 
throw  it  into  the  Moldau,  lest  it  should  fall  into  the 
hands  of  persons  eager  for  innovation.  The  story  at 
least  is  not  improbable.  To  the  last,  there  were 
some  of  WicklifFe's  views  which  Huss  never  accepted, 
and  at  this  early  period  he  was  probably  acquainted 
with  but  a  small  portion  of  his  writings. 

But  in  the  following  years  (previous  to  1403)  the 
books  of  Wickliffe  seem  to  have  been  more  exten- 
sively read  and  circulated  at  Prague.  They  began 
at  least  to  attract  in  a  special  manner  the  attention 
of  the  university.  A  large  number  of  his  articles 
had  been  already  condemned  by  the  London  synod, 
and  it  did  not  become  the  masters  of  Prague  to  be 
less  orthodox  than  the  English  clergy.  A  still  larger 
number  was  selected  from  the  books  of  the  English 

1  Theobald,  i.  4.     Quoted  by  Bonnechose. 


70  LIFE   AND    TIMES   OF   JOIIX   IIUSS.  [Cn.  IIL 

reformer  by  John  Iliibner,  who  proposed  their  con- 
demnation by  the  university. 

To  propose  was  to  secure  their  sentence,  especially- 
after  they  had  been  interpolated,  as  is  asserted,  by 
Master  Iliibner.  A  blind  prejudice  existed  against 
whatever  bore  the  name  of  Wickliffe.  It  was  enough 
that  his  views  had  been  pronounced  heretical  by  the 
English  synod,  and  that  his  course  had  enraged  the 
English  clergy.  To  add  a  new  impulse  to  the  zeal 
of  the  German  party  in  the  university,  Wickliffe's 
philosophy — for  he  was  a  Realist — greatly  contrib- 
uted. The  Germans  were  Nominalists,  while  the 
Bohemians  inclined  to  side  with  Wickliffe. 

A  convocation  of  the  university  was  summoned 
(May  28,  1403)  to  examine  and  pronounce  upon  the 
controverted  doctrines.1  The  theological  faculty  met 
also.  A  third  and  full  assembly  of  the  doctors, 
masters,  bachelors,  and  all  the  students  of  the  Bo- 
hemian portion  of  the  university,  was  held  at  the 
hall  called  Nigra  Rosa.  Huss  himself  is  said  to 
have  been  present.  But  few  voices  were  lifted  in 
favor  of  the  obnoxious  doctrines.  Huss  was  not  him- 
self prepared  to  defend  them,  for,  by  his  own  account, 
there  were  certain  portions  of  them  which  he  could 
not  accept.  He  sought,  however,  to  prevent  any  de- 
cisive action.2     But  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  hini- 

1  Cochleius,  p.  12.  author  intended."   A  little  before,  two 

*  Helfert  Bays,  p.   G4,  that  "Huss  persons    had     been     sentenced    and 

and  bis  friends  exerted  themeelrea  to  burned  in  Prague   for  adulterating 

their  utmost  to  prevent  the  proposed  drugs.    "Are  not  these,"  asked  1 1  us-, 

sentence.     They  tried   to  show   that  "more    worthy  of  punishment  who 

the  extracted  articles  were  not  fairly  distort  the   sense   of  doctrines,  than 

selected,  and  that  a  quite  different  those   who   merely  adulterate   their 

sense  was  attributed  to  them  than  the  saffron  ?  " 


Ch.  in."]      wickliffe's  doctkines  condemned.  71 

self  and  his  friends,  sentence  against  them  was  pro- 
nounced in  the  following  words :  "  Know  all  men, 
that  all  the  doctors  and  masters  here  assembled, 
with  one  consent,  and  with  scarcely  the  show  of 
objection,  have  rejected,  refuted,  and  condemned  the 
forty-five  articles  of  Wickliffe,  as  in  their  sense  heret- 
ical, erroneous,  or  scandalous."  And  they  "  charge 
all  and  each,  subjects  of  this  nation,  that  no  one 
shall  rashly  presume  to  defend  or  teach,  whether 
openly  or  secretly,  any  articles  of  such  nature,  and 
this  under  penalty  of  expulsion  from  the  said 
nation." 

When  this  sentence  was  pronounced,  neither 
Jerome  nor  the  king  was  present  at  Prague. 
The  former  is  said  to  have  gone  on  a  journey  to 
the  east,  from  which  he  did  not  return  to  Bohe- 
mia till  1409.  The  king  was  not  yet  released 
from  his  imprisonment  at  Vienna.  (March  16, 
1402  —  Nov.  11,  1403.) 

Whatever  the  views  of  Huss  may  have  been — and 
undoubtedly  he  accepted  some  of  the  condemned 
articles — at  this  time  he  made  no  strenuous  show  of 
opposition  to  the  sentence.  He  was  probably  aware 
that  it  would  have  been  utterly  ineffectual.  But 
the  decision  may  have  been,  and  probably  was,  the 
means  of  drawing  his  attention  to  a  closer  examina- 
tion of  the  whole  subject.  He  at  least,  as  a  master 
of  the  university,  was  not  prohibited  from  the  perusal 
of  Wickliffe's  books.  He  might  be  willing  to  wait 
and  improve  future  opportunities  for  pursuing  the 
course  that  he  should  deem  wisest  after  more  mature 
deliberation.^ 


*72  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  III. 

Meanwhile  the  career  of  IIuss  was  opening  with 
bright  ]>n>mise.  His  position  was  one  of  high  influ- 
ence, and  was  becoming  stronger  and  more  important 
every  'lay.  He  was  popular  not  only  in  the  univer- 
sity, but  in  the  pulpit.  In  1401  he  had  been  selected, 
for  his  zeal  and  eloquence  as  well  as  his  purity  of 
life  and  religious  devotion,  to  occupy  one  of  the 
most  important  posts  in  the  whole  kingdom.  lie 
was  made  Confessor  of  Queen  Sophia  of  Bavaria, 
second  wife  of  King  Wenzel.  She  was  a  woman  of 
st-ron cr  mind  and  hicrh  character.  Through  her  in- 
fluence  IIuss  was  received  with  favor  at  court,  and 
acquired  powerful  friends. 

Through  one  of  these,  the  founder  of  Bethlehem 
chapel,  then  resident  at  Prague  and  present  at  court, 
he  was  soon  called  to  occupy  a  position  of  still  more 
commanding  influence.  It  was  in  the  pulpit  of  that 
chapel  that  the  great  work  of  Huss's  life  was  to 
be  achieved.  We  must  trace  the  erection  and  en- 
dowment of  this  edifice  to  two  causes, — one,  the  en- 
terprise excited  by  the  example  of  the  emperor  in 
his  architectural  improvements,  and  the  other  to 
that  zeal  for  more  popular  religious  instruction  which 
had  been  enkindled  by  the  labors  of  Conrad,  Milicz, 
and  Janow.  To  add  to  the  architectural  beauty  of 
Prague  by  the  erection  of  an  elegant  structure  for 
public  worship,  and  to  afford  facilities  for  the  preach- 
ing of  the  word  of  God  independent  of  the  en- 
cumbrance of  rites  and  ceremonies,  were  objects 
which  combined  to  draw  out  the  large  liberality  of 
the  two  men  most  concerned  in  the  founding  of  the 
chapel. 


A 


Ch.  III.]         FOUNDING    OF   BETHLEHEM    ClTAPEL.  73 

It  was  built  in  the  closing  years  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  A  rich  merchant  of  Prague — Kreutz  by 
name — gave  the  ground,  and  John  of  Mulheim 
founded  the  chapel.  The  intention  of  the  latter  is 
expressed  in  the  deed  of  foundation.  Anxious  for 
the  salvation  of  his  own  soul,  and  the  spiritual  re- 
freshment of  believers ;  and  considering  that,  while 
in  Prague  there  were  many  places  suitable  for  pur- 
poses of  divine  worship,  there  was  none  specially 
provided  simply  for  the  preaching  of  the  word  of 
God,  and  that  preachers  in  the  Bohemian  tongue 
especially  were  thus  forced  to  go  from  place  to  place 
in  private  houses  and  secret  conventicles,  he  deter- 
mines to  erect,  on  the  ground  granted  by  the  mer- 
chant Krutz,  a  chapel  in  honor  of  the  Holy  Inno- 
cents, to  be  known  by  the  name  of  Bethlehem,  with 
the  simple  intent  that  common  people  and  Christian 
believers  might  there  "  be  refreshed  by  the  bread  of 
holy  preaching." 1 

The  erection  of  the  building  was  commenced  in  the 
year  1391,  but  it  was  not  completed  till  1400.  The 
first  occupants  of  the  pulpit  were  John  Protiva,  of 
Neudorf,  and  afterwards  Stephen  of  Colin,  both  of 
them  learned  theologians  and  glowing  patriots. 1  But 
at  the  court  of  the  king  the  founder  of  the  chapel  be- 
came acquainted  with  Huss,  and  a  warm  friendship 
sprang  up  between  the  nobleman  and  the  youthful 
preacher.  The  result  was,  that  the  founder  himself 
selected  Huss  to  fill  the  pulpit  of  Bethlehem  chapel 
(1402).  Doubtless  he  discerned  in  him  those  charac- 
teristics and  qualifications  which  fitted  him  to  carry 

1  The  deed  of  foundation  is  given  by  Gieseler,  iii.  415.       2  Helfert,  p.  58. 


74  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIL'SS.  [Cn.  III. 

out  the  original  design  of  the  endowment.  A  wiser 
choice  could  not  have  been  made.  It  justified  the 
Bagacity  of  the  nobleman,  whose  friendship  was 
waii nly  reciprocated  by  Huss.  The  latter  speaks  of 
him  frequently  in  his  letters,  and  makes  mention  of 
him  in  terms  of  kindness  and  respect. 

Thus  the  chapel  becomes  identified  with  the  life 
and  career  of  Huss.1  Here  for  full  twelve  years2  he 
occupied  an  independent  position.  The  benefice,  if 
such  it  must  be  called,  was  not  the  gift  of  prelatic 
favor,  but  left  its  possessor  free  from  ecclesiastical  re- 
straint. 

The  recorded  design  of  the  founder  of  the  chapel 
throws  light  upon  the  successful  efforts  of  Milicz  and 
Janow  in  bringing  over  others  to  their  views.  John 
of  Mulheim  was  evidently  one  of  a  class  at  Prague 
who  were  zealous  for  the  dissemination  of  scripture 


1  "  In  the  chapel,"  says  the  Jesuit  ground  with  him,  and  this  evangelical 

Balbinus,  "  were  the  arms  and  the  tri-  succession  was  for  many  years  con- 

omphal  chariot  of  IIuss."     lie  refers  tinued.     Theobald,  who  wrote  not  far 

to  the  pulpit,  and  the  pictures  on  the  from  two  centuries  later,  speaks  of 

walls.     In   his   prison   at  Constance  Bethlehem  chapel  as  still  standing. 

IIuss  dreamed  that   he  had  painted  He  speaks  of  having  seen  the  pulpit 

Christ  and  his  Apostles  on  the  walls  of   Huss,  which  was   made  of    pine 

of  his   chapel.     The   pope   came   to  covered  with  cloth.     On  the  right  of 

erase  them,  but  skilful  painters  ap-  it  was  a  picture  of  Jerome  bound  to 

peared   to   restore   what   he   erased,  the  stake;  in  the  centre  of  the  pulpit 

They  defied  the  priests  and  bishops.  Huss  was  seen,  amid  the  flames  hiiul- 

"  I  thought,"  says  Huss,  "  that  I  saw  ling  around  him,  while  his  bed,  books, 

the  people  assembled,  and  exulting  at  <fcc.  are  cast  on  the  blazing  pile  to  be 

the  eight.     For  myself,  when  I  woke  consumed  with  him.    On  the  left  IIuss 

up,  I  had  a  hearty  Laugh."  is  again   exhibited,  subjected  to  the 

The  friends  of  Huss  nave  his  dream  torture.     The  executioner  is  pouring 

a  favorable    interpretation.     By  the  blazing  oil  On  his  head.    In  the  vestry, 

image  of  Christ  fchey  understood  his  the  robe  of  IIuss,  of  black  silk,  was 

gospel,  which  should  still  be  preached  carefully  preserved.    The  pulpit  had 

in  the  chapel     In  fact  the  successors  been  mutilated  to  procure  memorials 

of  Huss  in  his  pulpit  took  the  same  of  the  reformer. 
"  So  Huss  says  in  his  letters. 


Ch.  III.]  OBJECT    OF   THE    FOUNDER.  T5 

truth.  Nor,  unless  lie  had  "been  cognizant  of  a  state 
of  things  which  would  warrant  the  measure,  would 
he  have  made  provision  for  the  endowment  of  the 
chapel.  He  was  confident  that  a  preacher  there 
would  not  lack  for  an  audience,  and  he  intended  that 
the  endowment  should  be  a  perpetual  foundation.  So 
long  as  the  yearly  income  of  the  endowment  did  not 
exceed  a  certain  amount,  it  was  to  be  given  to  the 
support  of  the  preacher.  In  case  of  an  excess,  pro- 
vision was  to  be  made  for  the  care  of  the  chapel  and 
the  purchasing  of  such  books  as  the  preacher  might 
need.  When  it  had  increased  so  as  to  suffice  for' the 
support  of  two  preachers,  another  was  to  be  chosen 
as  a  colleague  of  the  first.  In  case  there  was  still  an 
excess,  the  balance  should  be  devoted  to  the  support 
of  charity  students  at  the  university. 1 

The  preacher  was,  moreover,  obligated  to  personal 
residence  in  the  city.  He  was  not  to  imitate  those 
who  sought  their  own  and  not  the  things  of  Christ, 
receiving  the  pay  but  not  performing  the  labors; 
and  he  was  to  withdraw  from  his  post  of  duty  only 
in  case  of  necessity,  and  with  the  permission  of  the 
archbishop  or  his  vicar. 

The  election  of  the  preacher,  after  the  founder's 
death,  was  to  be  vested  in  the  three  senior  masters 
of  the  Caroline  college,  belonging  to  the  Bohemian 
nation,  who  were  to  sit  and  advise  with  the  mayor 
of  the  old  city.  The  last  was  to  select  one  of  three 
whom  the  first  should  nominate  as  most  capable  of 
discharging  the  duties  of  the  office.  The  three  mas- 
ters, together  with  the  preacher,  should  direct  in  re- 

1  Helfert. 


76  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  HI. 

gard  to  the  disposition  of  the  fund  for  charity  >tu- 
dents,  and  the  conduct  of  those  by  whom  it  should 
"be  received. 

The  king  sanctioned  the  endowment;  Archbishop 
John  of  Jenstein  laid  the  corner-stone  of  the  edifice ; 
and  the  pope,  some  years  later,  confirmed  the  foun- 
dation. The  mayor  and  city  council  released  the 
ground  without  requiring  the  payment  of  the  cus- 
tomary tax  paid  on  the  transfer  of  pro]:>erty  from 
municipal  to  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  declared 
it  free  from  all  future  city  taxes  and  assessments. 

Although  the  edifice  was  not  completed  till  some 
years  later,  the  first  preacher,  Protiva  of  Xeudorf, 
commenced  his  labors  as  early  as  1395.  The  mer- 
chant Kreutz,  in  the  following  year,  appointed  as 
altarist  Matthias  of  Tucap,  who  probably  remained 
at  his  post  till  1403.  But  previous  to  this  time  Huss 
had  commenced  his  labors  as  the  preacher  of  the 
chapel.  He  was  inducted  by  the  vicar  of  the  arch- 
bishop, March  14,  1402. J 

His  appointment  seems  to  have  been  received 
with  general  favor.  The  archbishop  was  his  warm 
and  steadfast  friend.  He  cooperated  with  him  in 
several  measures  of  reform,  and  manifested  such  con- 
fidence as  to  invite  information  from  him  in  regard 
to  the  abuses  and  corruptions  of  the  church. 

From  the  first  Huss  was  popular  among  the  citi- 
zens, and  his  personal  qualities  combined  with  his 
eloquence  to  secure  their  love  and  attachment. 
Bethlehem  chapel,  notwithstanding  its  spaciousness, 
was  crowded  by  throngs  eager  to  hear  the  youthful 

1  Helfert,  270-275. 


Ch.  III.]  POPULARITY    OF   HUSS.  77 

preacher  expound  the  word  of  God.  With  honest 
zeal  he  set  forth  the  divine  commands,  reprehending 
with  just  severity  every  departure  from  them.  The 
excesses  and  vices  of  every  class  were  faithfully,  per- 
haps often  sternly,  rebuked.  The  blameless  life  of 
the  preacher  gave  double  force  to  his  words.  Men 
were  forced  to  respect  him  in  his  conscientious  dis- 
charge of  official  duty.  They  saw  in  him,  not  the 
actor  nor  the  mere  orator,  but  the  devoted  minister 
of  Christ,  who  practised  himself  what  he  preached 
to  others. 

For  several  years  he  continued  to  fill  the  pulpit 
under  no  suspicion  of  heresy.  Many,  it  is  true,  must 
have  felt  the  severity  of  his  admonitions — the  in- 
direct condemnation  of  their  lives  by  the  doctrines 
which  he  taught — and  have  been  forced  to  regard  him 
with  secret  hate.  But,  strong  at  court  and  in  popular 
favor,  it  was  only  in  whispers  that  dissatisfaction 
with  him  could  be  expressed. 

Meanwhile  he  was  himself  taking  enlarged  views 
of  the  great  question  of  reform/5'  To  this  result  he 
was  brought  in  part,  undoubtedly,  by  the  perusal  of 
Wickliffe's  writings.  The  more  he  perused  them, 
the  more  accordant  they  appeared  to  be  with  his 
own  views.  Speaking  on  this  point  at  a  later  period, 
he  says,  himself,  "  I  am  drawn  to  him  ( Wickliffe)  by 
the  reputation  he  enjoys  with  the  good,  not  the  bad 
priests  at  the  university  of  Oxford,  and  generally 
with  the  people,  although  not  with  bad,  covetous, 
pomp-loving,  dissipated  prelates  and  priests.  I  am 
attracted  by  his  writings,  in  which  he  expends  every 
effort  to  conduct  all  men  back  to  the  law  of  Christ, 


78  LIFE   AND    TIMES    GE   JOHH    HUBS.  [Cn.  m. 

and  especially  the  clergy,  inviting  them  to  let  go 
pomp  and  dominion  of  the  world,  and  live,  with  the 
apostles,  according  to  the  law  of  Christ. m  I  am  at- 
tracted by  the  love  he  has  for  the  law  of  Christ. 
maintaining  the  truth,  and  holding  that  not  one  jot 
or  tittle  of  it  could  fail."  x 

We  discern  here  the  grounds  upon  ivhich  IIuss 
sympathized  with  Wickliffe.  His  philosophical  views 
were  not  matter  that  should  afford  charge  for  heresy, 
and  throughout  all  his  theological  writings  he  con- 
ceded  to  scripture,  and  to  scripture  alone,  the  su- 
preme authority.  Huss  felt,  therefore,  that  he  could 
not  reject  Wickliffe  as  a  heretic,  or  condemn  his 
fundamental  position  as  heretical,  without  depriving 
himself  of  the  very  grounds  upon  which  he  rested 
his  own  views. 

AYickliffe's  writings  had  been  condemned  in  1403. 
In  the  following  year  two  learned  Englishmen, 
James  and  Conrad  of  Canterbury,  came  to  Prague, 
and  became  members  of  the  university.00  From 
policy,  it  may  be,  or  under  fear  produced  by  the 
sentence  of  condemnation,  they  spoke  but  little  of 
AYickliffe,  while  they  maintained  some  of  his  most 
objectionable  doctrines  in  public  theses  before  the 
university.  Among  the  questions  they  discussed 
were  these :  whether  the  pope  is  possessed  of  more 
power  than  any  ordinary  priest;  whether  the  bread 
which  he  blesses  in  the  mass,  has  any  more  efficacy 
than  when  blessed  by  any  other  priest?  They  pro- 
fessed it  as  their  purpose  in  these  discussions  only  to 
settle  more  firmly  their  attachment  to  the  faith.  Yet 

1  Monumcntn  i.  109. 


Ch.  III.]  THE    PICTURED    SEEM01ST.  *79 

silence  was  imposed  upon  them,  and  they  were  com- 
pelled to  spread  their  views  in  secret.  Even  thus, 
many  of  the  teachers  of  the  university  were  found 
ranged  upon  their  side.  The  method  which  they 
were  driven  to  adopt  to  maintain  their  views  was 
one  certainly  more  effective  with  the  populace  than 
public  disputation.  The  name  of  their  host  was 
Luke  Welensky.  They  gained  his  consent  to  their 
spreading  a  painting  on  the  walls  of  a  room  in  his 
house  in  the  outskirts  of  Prague.  That  picture  was, 
in  fact,  the  contrast  of  a  pure  with  a  corrupt  Chris- 
tianity, and  spoke  its  lessons  to  every  eye.  It  could 
be  comprehended  at  a  glance.  Men  crowded  to  see 
it,  and  heard  a  sermon  while  they  gazed  in  silence 
and  made  their  own  comments.  On  one  side  of  the 
picture  was  Christ,  in  his  humble  entrance  into 
Jerusalem,  seated  upon  an  ass,  while  the  people  and 
children  surrounded  him,  casting  olive  leaves  and 
branches  in  his  way;  and  his  disciples,  with  their 
feet  bare,  followed  after.  On  the  other  side  was 
pictured  the  procession  of  the  pope,  mounted  on  a 
large  charger  which  was  covered  with  ornaments  of 
gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  while  soldiers  with 
drums  and  trumpets,  spears  and  halberds,  were  in 
attendance ;  and  behind  followed  the  cardinals, 
mounted  on  horses  in  golden  trappings.  It  was  a 
pictured  sermon.  Huss  spoke  of  it  approvingly  from 
the  pulpit  as  the  true  antithetical  representation 
of  Christ  and  Antichrist.  However  he  might  as 
yet  be  disposed  publicly  to  treat  the  name  of  Wick- 
liffe,  he  admired  at  least  some  portions  of  his  doc- 
trines, when  unveiled  and  brought  out  to  popular 


80  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   LTUSS.  [Cii.  III. 

comprehension.  AVitli  his  mind  in  such  a  state,  sev- 
eral years  passed  on.     He  was  highly  respected,  and 

almost  idolized  by  the  patriot  feeling  of  the  nation. 
He  felt  that  his  position  justly  pointed  him  out  as 
the  champion  of  its  rights,  the  reformer  of  its  abuses. 

An  occasion  for  his  activity,  in  both  these  respects, 
was  not  wanting.  The  German  party  of  the  uni- 
versity,  by  mere  numbers,  possessed  an  overpowering 
strength  and  influence,  and,  united  as  they  were  with 
the  more  strenuous  of  the  Bohemian  clergy  in  their 
opposition  to  Wickliffe,  carried  all  before  them. 
Huss  felt  indignant  at  what,  with  a  patriot's  feel- 
ings, he  could  not  but  deem  an  usurpation.  Each  of 
the  three  foreign  nations  in  the  university  possessed 
the  same  power  with  the  Bohemian  nation.  He 
preferred  that  the  university  of  Prague  should  be 
modelled  more  perfectly  after  the  mother  university 
at  Paris,  and  that  all  the  foreign  nations,  as  in  the 
latter  institution,  should  have  but  one  vote  instead 
of  three.  He  must  have  found  a  strong  feeling  in 
favor  of  the  project,  to  warrant  him  in  attempting 
to  carry  it  out.  But  he  did  attempt  it,  and  he  finally 
succeeded.  In  this  he  was,  no  doubt,  aide.d  by  his 
influence  at  court,  the  favor  of  the  queen,  and  the 
anxiety  of  the  Bohemian  party  to  secure  a  larger 
share  of  the  offices  and  honors  of  the  university. 
To  the  progress  of  this  struggle  we  shall  again  have 
occasion  to  refer. 

During  this  period  the  views  of  Wickliffe  con- 
tinued steadily  to  gain  new  adherents.  The  public 
attention  which  had  been  drawn  to  them  by  their 
condemnation  abroad  as  well  as  by  the  university, 


Ch.  hi.]    luther's  first  knowledge  of  huss.         81 

created  a  more  extended  curiosity  and  eagerness  to 
peruse  thein,  and  many  copies  of  his  books  were 
transcribed,  and  circulated  from  hand  to  hand.  The 
labors  of  Milicz  and  Janow — the  leavening  influence 
of  those  in  Prague,  who,  in  large  numbers,  still 
cherished  their  memory — the  repeated  occasions  upon 
which  a  true  was  held  up  in  contrast  with  a  false 
Christianity, — as  in  the  sermons  of  Huss,  and  the 
picture  of  the  two  Englishmen — all  contributed  to 
the  notoriety  and  spread  of  the  obnoxious  doctrines. 

Huss  himself  lost  all  his  horror  at  their  heresy. 
A  favorable  change  in  his  views  of  them  was 
wrought  by  fuller  acquaintance  with  them.  His  de- 
sire was  simply  to  know  the  truth.  No  matter  from 
what  source  it  came,  it  was  always  acceptable.  At  a 
later  period,  in  his  treatise  on  the  church,  he  says, 
"  Often  have  I  allowed  myself  to  be  set  right,  even 
by  one  of  my  own  scholars,  when  I  saw  that  the 
reasons  were  good ;  and  I  felt  bound  to  thank  him 
for  the  correction."  This  is  not  obstinacy,  but  the 
candor  of  a  truth-loving  spirit. 

There  is,  it  seems  probable,  a  striking  parallel 
between  the  manner  in  which  the  prejudices  of  Huss 
were  overcome  in  favor  of  Wickliffe,  and  the  manner 
in  which  those  of  Luther  were  overcome  in  favor  of 
Huss.  It  was  Luther  who  said  of  the  works  of 
Huss,  "  When  I  was  studying  at  Erfurt,  I  found  in 
a  library  o^  the  convent  a  book  entitled  'Sermons 
of  John  Huss.'  I  was  seized  with  a  curiosity  to 
know  what  doctrines  this  heresiarch  had  taught. 
This  reading  filled  me  with  incredible  surprise.  I 
could  not  comprehend  why  they  should  have  burned 

VOL.  r.  6 


82  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.HL 

so  great  a  man,  and  one  who  explained  scripture  with, 
so  much  discernment  and  wisdom.  But  inasmuch  as 
the  very  name  of  Hubs  was  such  an  abomination  that 
I  imagined  that  at  the  mention  of  it  the  heavens 
would  fall  and  the  sun  be  darkened,  I  shut  the  book 
with  a  sad  heart.  I  consoled  myself,  however,  by 
the  thought  that  perhaps  he  wrote  it  before  he  fell 
into  heresy ;  for,  as  yet,  I  knew  nothing  of  the  doings 
of  the  council  of  Constance."  1  Similar  to  this  may 
have  been,  and  doubtless  was,  the  experience  of  Huss 
with  regard  to  Wickliffe. 

But  the  growing  corruption  of  the  Romish  hie- 
rarchy, the  identification  of  the  foreign  party  to 
which  he  was  opposed  with  the  opposition  to  Wick- 
liffe, and  his  own  clearer  convictions  on  the  subjects 
of  which  the  English  reformer  had  treated,  prepared 
Huss  for  an  unprejudiced  judgment  of  his  writ- 
ings. He  was  well  aware  that  those  writings  must 
stand  or  fall  on  their  own  merits.  He  knew  that 
few  of  those  who  pronounced  sentence  on  them  had 
ever  read  or  examined  them,  that  far  less  than  him- 
self were  they  qualified  to  condemn  or  approve,  and 
that  such  a  sentence  as  that  which  the  university  had 
pronounced  could  have  but  little  weight  with  men 
of  sound  sense  and  sober  judgment. 

Meanwhile  daily  events  were,  to  the  eye  of  Huss,  a 
running  commentary  on  the  truths  he  found  so  boldly 
stated  and  so  ably  maintained  in  the  books  of  Wick- 
liffe. Christendom  was  scandalized  at  the  Audacious 
impiety  of  the  popes.  Men  could  hardly  believe 
their  own  eyes  when  they  saw  the  length  and  breadth, 

1  Luther's  Preface  to  Letters  of  IIuss. 


Ch.  III.]  COKKUPT   STATE    OF   THE   CHUECH.  83 

the  height  and  depth,  to  which  corruption  had  at- 
tained, in  the  very  heart  of  the  church.  All  the 
prominent  historians  of  the  age,  of  every  class  and 
party,  are  unanimous  in  their  condemnation  of  the 
prevalent  and  abounding  iniquity.  The  very  men 
by  whose  influence  and  decision  Huss  at  last  perished, 
were  those  who  exposed  the  evil  with  most  unspar- 
ing severity.  At  this  time  they  were  speaking  at 
once  the  language  of  his  convictions  and  of  their  own. 
Any  one  who  listened  merely  to  their  words  and  re- 
garded their  common  anxieties,  would  have  imagined 
that  they  would  have  rushed  as  brothers  into  one 
another's  arms.  Huss  never  used  language  more  se- 
verely scathing  and  vindictive  in  regard  to  the  cor- 
ruptions of  the  Romish  church  than  what  remains  to 
us  from  the  pens  of  some  of  his  most  virulent  op- 
posers.  The  power  of  human  expression  is  tasked  to 
its  utmost  capacity  to  depict  what  Theodore  Vrie 
calls  the  "  arrogance  and  pomp,  the  tyranny  and 
sacrilege,  the  pride  and  simony,  of  popes,  cardinals, 
prelates,  and  bishops."  Their  iniquity  is  only  paral- 
leled by  their  ignorance  and  effrontery.  The  Eng- 
lish Ullerston,  the  Italian  Zabarella,  and  that  remark- 
able triumvirate  of  the  university  of  Paris, — Gerson, 
D'Ailly,  and  Clemengis — men  to  whom  attached  no 
taint  of  heresy — seem  to  vie  with  each  other  in  the 
effort  to  exhibit  the  wickedness  of  the  times,  and  hold 
it  up  to  indignant  rebuke.  There  is  in  existence  a 
small  pamphlet  from  the  pen  of  Clemengis,  in  which 
he  lashes,  with  blows  that  must  have  stung  like 
scorpions,  the  vices  of  the  whole  ecclesiastical  order. 
He  spares  no  class  of  the  clergy,  to  use  his  own 


84:  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOITN"   HUSS.  [Cn.  IIL 

words,  from  "  the  golden  head  of  the  image  to  the 
toes  of  clay."  In  a  torrent  of  burning  and  indignant 
eloquence,  he  appeals  to  the  facts  of  a  corruption  too 
notorious  for  denial ;  bids  "  the  church  look  to  the 
vision  of  the  Apocalypse,  there  read  the  damnation 
of  the  great  harlot  that  sitteth  upon  many  waters, 
and  then  contemplate  her  own  marked  doings  and 
the  dire  calamity  that  shall  come  upon  her."  We 
shall  see,  as  we  progress,  that  this  language  in  all  its 
severity  was  well  merited.  Men  spoke  thus  because 
they  were  forced  to  it, — more  in  sorrow  than  in  an- 
ger. They  loved  the  church;  and  because  they  loved 
her,  they  could  not  bear  to  see  her  fondle  in  her 
bosom  the  viperous  brood  of  iniquity. 

Huss  followed  up  the  study  of  Wickliffe's  writings, 
and  he  could  not  but  recognize  in  the  Englishman  a 
brother  reformer.  His  earlier  prejudices  gave  way 
to  the  convictions  produced  by  a  more  careful  exam- 
ination. The  more  he  read,  the  more  fully  he  was 
led  to  approve  and  commend.  Some  of  his  fellow- 
collegians  detected  him  in  the  perusal  of  the  works 
of  the  arch-heretic.  In  a  reproachful  way  they  re- 
marked, that  by  a  decree  of  the  council  his  soul  had 
been  sent  to  hell.  Huss  replied,  "  I  only  wish  that 
my  soul,  when  it  leaves  this  body,  may  reach  the 
place  where  that  of  this  excellent  Briton  now  dwells."  * 

1  This  language  "was  probably  used  matters,  we  ought  of  our  neighbors 

under  the   impulse  of  the   moment,  to  prefer  the  more  charitable  opin- 

The    more   deliberate    judgment   of  ion."     Mod.  Ilussi.  i.  109.     Again  he 

Huss,   pronounced  some   years   later,  says,  (p.  1(>'.>.)  "  Of  no  one  should  we 

was  as  follows:  "  I  do  not  believe  or  mortal  men  assert,  without  revelation 

grant  that  Wiekliffe  was  a  heretic,  or  sacred  scripture,  that  he  is  eternal- 

but  neither  do  I  deny  it ;  but  I  hope  ly  damned." 
that   he  was   not;    for,   in   doubtful 


Ch.HL]  STANISLAUS    A1STD    PALETZ.  85 

The  minds  of  others  were  favorably  impressed,  as 
well  as  his  own,  by  a  perusal  of  the  writings  of 
Wickliffe.  Stanislaus  of  Znoyma,1  a  former  teacher 
of  Huss,  spoke  out  boldly  in  their  favor,  in  disregard 
of  the  sentence  of  the  university.  He  did  this  pub- 
licly, and  offered  to  maintain  his  position  against  any 
who  were  disposed  to  impugn  it.2  From  his  chair  in 
the  university  he  praised  Wickliffe ;  spoke  of  him  as 
an  "  abused  man,"  a  profound  theologian  and  philos- 
opher ;  deprecated  the  detraction  of  those  who  would 
count  him  a  heretic,  declaring  that  from  his  writings 
"  the  most  beautiful  flowers  might  be  gathered." 8 

Nor  was  he  alone  in  this.  Paletz — whom  we  shall 
meet  again  as  the  accuser  of  Huss,  but  now  his  com- 
panion and  bosom  friend — was  equally  outspoken. 
On  a  public  occasion  he  had  praised  Wickliffe  before 
the  university,  declaring  that  his  argument  was  unan- 
swerable, and  throwing  his  book  in  full  congrega- 
tion, in  the  midst  of  the  masters,  exclaiming,  "  Let 
who  will  impugn  a  single  word,  I  will  defend  it." 

These  men,  along  with  Huss,  embraced  many  of 
the  views  of  Wickliffe  and  spoke  in  their  defence. 
But  persecution  tried  them  and  found  them  wanting. 
At  the  critical  moment  they  abandoned  their  ground. 
But  Huss  »uniformly  and  without  wavering  main- 
tained his.  He  adopted  the  new  views,  not  because 
they  were  Wickliffe's,  or  because  they  were  plausibly 
set  forth,  but  because  he  found  them  accordant  with 
the  word  of  God :  by  this  he  had  already  learned 

1  Oftener  written  Znaim.  doctors  could  not  endure  it,  and  in 

2  On  one  occasion,  when  Stanislaus  consequence   rose   abruptly  and  left 
was  arguing  with  great  vehemence  in  the  assembly.     Mon.  Husxi,  i.  267. 
defence  of  Wickliffe,  some  of  the  older  3  Mon.  Hussi.  i.  267. 


LIFE    AM"    TIMES    OF   JOHN    111  J6.  [Or.  III. 

to  put  all  human  opinions  and  teachings  to  the  test. 
In  reply  to  Paletz,  he  afterwards  said — and  liis 
whole  career  is  a  fitting  comment  on  the  truth  of  his 
word- — "Though  WlcklifFe,  or  an  angel  from  heaven 
taught  otherwise  than  the  scripture  teaches,  I  could 
not  follow  him.  I  disobey  the  perverse  mandates 
of  my  superiors,  because  Bcripture  teaches  me  to 
ob(  \   God  rather  than  man."1 

Yel  he  had  attained  to  this  position  not  with- 
out a  severe  struggle.  His  age  was  just  the  one  for 
a  supple,  adroit,  and  able  man  to  achieve  suec  33. 
It  was  an  age  of  temporizers — an  age  when  the 
necessary  capital  for  business,  whether  in  secular 
or  ecclesiastical  spheres,  was,  in  the  judgment  of 
most,  first  of  all  an  easy  conscience.  The  man  of 
real  ability,  whose  convictions  were  in  the  market, 
might  aspire  to  almost  any  eminence  he  chose. 

IIu-s  was  not  Mind  to  this  fact  lie  had  before 
him  inviting  avenues  of  ambition.  lie  saw  the  most 
tempting  prizes  almost  within  his  grasp,  and  luring 
him  to  betray  his  own  convictions.  To  forego  them, 
to  3Com  them,  and,  moreover,  to  incur  reproach  or 
hatred  or  persecution  for  the  cause  of  truth — to 
stand  independent  of  the  corrupt  influences  around 
him,  and  abide  fast  by  his  convictions,  was  no  easy 
task. .  Yet  this  task  he  achieved,  in  a  strength  which 
he  ascribed  to  a  higher  than  any  human  source. 

I  p  to  this  time  no  BUSpicioo  of  heresy  had  at- 
tached to  IIuss.  lie  had  indeed  more  than  (Mice 
already  offended  against  the  slavish  and  superstitious 

1  In  his  controversy  with  Palets,  because  he  Bays  them,  but  because 
Hobs  subsequently  s.iys.  ••  I  hold  to  soriptore,  or  infallible  reason  teaches 
the  true  opinions  of  \\  loUiffe,  not    them."    Mon.  HmH,  i.  _o4. 


Cn.  III.]  A   FALSE   MIRACLE    EXPOSED.  87 

notions  of  a  corrupt  hierarchy.  In  1403,  Sigismund, 
king  of  Hungary,  who  took  during  Wenzel's  im- 
prisonment the  title  of  Governor  of  Bohemia,  and 
who  afterwards  became  emperor,  was  at  variance 
with  the  pope,  Boniface  IX.  The  latter  had  sus- 
tained and  encouraged  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples,  as 
a  rival  claimant  of  the  throne.  In  revenge,  Sigis- 
mund forbade  the  levying  of  money  for  Rome  within 
the  precincts  of  the  kingdom.  Huss,  on  this  occasion, 
preached  boldly  against  the  indulgences  granted  by 
the  pope.  But  then  it  was  neither  crime  nor  heresy. 
Sigismund  approved  it.  His  brother  Wenzel  had 
his  grievances  with  the  pope  also.  Boniface  had 
consented  to  his  deposition,  and  both  the  royal  broth- 
ers could  not  have  disliked  the  severity  of  Huss,  so 
fully  warranted  by  the  scandals  of  the  popedom. 

It  must  have  been  not  long  after  this  that  he  ex- 
posed to  popular  reprehension  and  derision  a  pre- 
tended miracle  invented  by  clerical  avarice.  He 
went  so  far  as  to  write  a  tract  against  it,  and  his 
course  was  approved  by  the  archbishop.  A  priest  at 
Wilsnack  had  declared  that,  in  a  conflagration  which 
had  taken  place,  he  had  found  the  host  in  the  fire, 
unconsumed,  and  sprinkled  with  drops  of  blood, 
which  he  declared  to  be  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ. 
This  was  soon  noised  abroad.  The  story  was  spread 
that  at  a  sight  of  the  host  miracles  had  been 
wrought.  Throngs  crowded  to  behold  the  wonder- 
ful object.  The  sick  and  maimed  hoped  to  derive  a 
benefit  from  their  journey  to  Wilsnack.  They  came 
from  every  direction,  even  from  as  far  as  Prague 
Huss   burned  with  indignation  at  the  sacrilegious 


88  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   Jo  I IX    JIL'SS.  [Cn.  III. 

trick.  He  argued  before  the  citizens  that  the  whole 
thing  was  an  imposture.  The  blood  of  Christ  had 
been  glorified  with  his  body  in  the  resurrection,  and 
was  quite  inseparable  from  it.  Hence  none  could 
adore  it  on  the  earth  while  it  was  not  here.  The 
wickedly  avaricious  priests  would  not  hesitate  to 
sprinkle  their  own  blood  on  the  host,  to  make  fools 
believe  it  to  be  the  blood  of  Christ.  As  to  the  ob- 
jection that  other  relics  of  Christ — his  crown  of 
thorns,  his  robe,  his  cross — were  preserved  and  seem 
to  be  stained  with  blood,  he  answers  in  a  manner  to 
show  his  incredulity :  and  as  to  the  asserted  preser- 
vation of  the  circumcised  flesh  of  the  Saviour,  he 
says,  "  Let  us  have  the  proof  of  it ;  but  sooner  will 
the  last  trumpet  sound  for  judgment  than  that  proof 
will  appear."  "  As  to  such  deceptions,  I  See  nothing 
more  strange  in  them  than  what  is  practised  here 
in  Prague,  of  exhibiting  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ 
mingled  with  the  milk  of  the  Virgin  Mary."  As  to 
the  objection  that  the  miracle  might  be  wrought  by 
God's  omnipotence,  he  replies  by  drawing  a  distinc- 
tion between  what  God  can  and  what  God  will  do. 
As  to  the  miracles  claimed  to  have  been  wrought, 
he  denies  them  altogether,  and  asserts  that  a  false 
priest  would  not  hesitate  to  sustain  his  lying  impos- 
ture with  new  lies.  He  then  gives  a  list  of  false 
miracles,  wrought  by  the  pretended  blood  of  Christ, 
which  had  been  detected  and  exposed  in  Hungary, 
Germany,  and  elsewhere.1 

It  may  have  been  in  consequence  of  Huss's  de- 
cided action  and  prompt  exposure  of  the  imposture 

1  3Ion.  HuBSi,  i.,  154-163. 


\ 

Ch.HI.]  the  shrunken  hand.  89 

that  a  certain  citizen  of  Prague,  Peter  Zicko,  deter- 
mined to  visit  Wilsnack.  He  had  a  shrunken  hand ; 
and  taking  with  him  a  hand  formed  of  silver,  he 
communicated  to  the  priests  his  intention  of  bestow- 
ing the  latter  on  them,  in  case  the  former  was  re- 
stored to  soundness.  For  three  days  he  waited  pa- 
tiently to  hear  the  result.  At  length  it  was  thus 
announced  by  a  priest  to  the  assembled  multitude  : 
"  listen,  my  children,  to  a  new  miracle.  A  citizen 
of  Prague  has  been  healed,  in  virtue  of  Christ's 
blood,  of  a  shrunken  hand.  In  testimony  of  it  he 
has  presented  this,"  holding  up  to  them  the  hand  of 
silver.  Zicko, — who,  till  that  moment,  had  proba- 
bly remained  concealed, — at  once  arose,  and  lifting 
up  his  hand,  said  in  a  loud  tone  of  voice,  "  O  you 
priest !  why  do  you  lie  ?  Here  is  my  withered  hand 
just  as  it  was  before."  1 

He  returned  to  Prague  and  told  his  story.  It 
confirmed  the  words  of  Huss.  The  archbishop 
Sbynco,  afterwards  the  open  enemy  of  the  reformer, 
commanded  and  ordered,  under  penalty  of  excom- 
munication, directing  that  proclamation  should  be 
made  by  every  priest  in  Prague,  that  no  one  should 
visit  Wilsnack.  Several  works  beside  that  of  Huss 
appeared  on  the  subject.  The  doctors  of  Erfurth 
also  refuted  this  idolatry. 

The  cry  against  Huss  for  heresy  was  of  nearly 
the  same  date  with  the  struggle  between  the  Bohe- 
mian and  other  nations  in  the  university,  and  was  no 
doubt  very  closely  connected  with  it.  But  for  the 
time  it  was  disregarded.      Other  matters  of  more 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.,  162. 


90  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Ch.  III. 

importance  absorbed  the  attention  of  the  Christian 
world.  The  state  of  the  papacy  was  such,  that  two 
popes  possessed  each  a  divided  allegiance  ;  while  some 
nations,  as  France  for  a  short  period,  were  for  with- 
holding obedience  from  both.  IIuss  held  these  view<, 
and  so  accorded  with  many  of  the  wisest  and  best 
men  of  Europe.  He  wished  to  have  Bohemia  with- 
draw herself  from  each  party,  and  join  with  that 
portion  of  the  cardinals  who  rejected  both  popes  in 
the  election  of  one  whom  all  should  recognize  as  the 
head  of  the  church.  But  to  understand  his  position, 
we  must  take  a  brief  retrospect  of  the  condition  of 
the  papacy  for  the  previous  century. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  fourteenth  century 
the  papal  chair  was  occupied  by  a  man  who  revived 
the  spirit  and  pretensions  of  Gregory  VII.  and  Inno- 
cent III.  Boniface  VIII.  was  a  man  whose  unscru- 
pulous character  and  great  abilities  were  united  with 
craft  and  arrogance,  and  "an  ambition  as  boundless 
as  his  avarice."  Interposing  as  mediator  between 
the  kings  of  France  and  England,  he  soon  assumed 
the  authority  of  a  judge,  and  imposed  conditions 
which  aroused  indignation.  Philip  the  Fair  soon  had 
an  opportunity  to  resent  the  wrong,  although  his 
course  was  dictated,  probably,  as  much  by  the  inter- 
ests of  his  kingdom  as  by  the  spirit  of  revenge. 
Large  sums  of  money  were  constantly  levied  in 
France,  and  under  various  pretences  transmitted  to 
Home.  The  king,  whose  treasury  stood  in  great 
need  of  funds,  published  an  ordinance  prohibiting 
the  exportation  <>t*  gold  and  silver,  coined  or  un- 
coined, from  the   kingdom  without  his  permission. 


Ch.  III.]  "THE   BABYLONIAN   CAPTIVITY."  91 

Boniface  retaliated  by  his  famous  constitution,  in 
which  he  forbade  secular  princes,  save  by  his  approv- 
al, to  exact  any  sum  or  sums  of  money  from  ecclesi- 
astical revenues.  A  war  of  manifestoes  followed, 
which  was  temporarily  closed  by  a  hollow  truce. 
New  causes  of  complaint  arose.  The  pope  threat- 
ened to  absolve  Philip's  subjects  from  their  allegi- 
ance. The  king,  supported  by  the  three  estates  of 
the  kingdom  and  the  advice  of  his  barons,  defied  the 
threat.  His  excommunication  followed.  France 
was  put  under  interdict,  and  the  universities  were 
deprived  of  their  privileges.  Philip  retaliated  by 
arresting  the  pope,  who  with  his  court  was  then  at 
Anagui.  One  of  those  who  seized  him  struck  him 
with  his  gauntlet  and  drew  blood.  He  was  soon, 
however,  rescued  from  the  hands  of  the  conspirators, 
but,  overwhelmed  with  grief  and  shame  at  the  vio- 
lence offered  him,  he  soon  died  delirious. 

Benedict  XL,  who  succeeded  Boniface  in  1303, 
was  a  man  of  milder  temper,  but  his  reign  was  short ; 
and  in  the  following  year  Clement  V.,  a  Frenchman, 
was  chosen  pope.  He  was  crowned  at  Lyons,  and  as 
the  creature  of  Philip  took  up  his  residence  at  Avig- 
non. Thus  commenced  what  the  Italians  called  "  the 
Babylonian  captivity."  For  nearly  seventy  years 
the  popes  were  the  liegemen  of  the  kings  of  France. 
One  or  two  of  them  are  deserving  of  honorable 
mention ;  but  the  names  of  John  XXIL,  Clement 
VI.,  and  Gregory  XL  are  covered  with  deserved 
infamy.  The  first  was  for  many  years  at  open  feud 
with  the  German  emperor,  and  in  common  with 
the  others  endeavored  to  satiate  his  avarice  by  a 


92  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cii.  IIL 

simony  too  notorious  to  allow  of  concealment.  They 
all  amassed  prodigious  wealth  by  the  abuse  of  An- 
nates, and  the  reservation  and  disposal  of  benefices. 
These  were  the  men  who  converted  Avignon  into 
that  "western  Babylon"  which  Petrarch  hated  "like 
Tartarus."  In  1376  Gregory  XL  determined  to 
return  to  Rome.  The  insurrections  and  disorders  of 
that  city,  as  well  as  of  many  parts  of  Italy,  demanded 
his  presence.  But  a  short  period  sufficed  to  make 
him  repent  of  his  purpose.  He  resolved  to  return 
to  France,  but  before  he  could  execute  his  resolution 
he  died  (1378). 

The  cardinals  assembled  at  Kome  to  elect  a  suc- 
cessor. Alarmed  by  the  tumultuous  cries  of  the 
mob,  who  were  determined,  to  have  no  Frenchman 
elected,  their  choice  fell  uj>on  the  archbishop  of  Baii, 
a  Neapolitan,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Urban  VI. 
The  harshness  and  arrogance  of  Urban  soon  alienated 
from  him  the  minds  of  his  cardinals.  Several  of 
them,  protesting  that  the  former  election  had  not 
been  free,  withdrew,  and  elected  to  the  pontificate  a 
Frenchman,  who  took  the  name  of  Clement  VII., 
and  established  his  court  at  Avignon. 

Thus  commenced  the  great  schism  of  the  Western 
church.  Christendom  was  divided  into  two  obe- 
diences, one  acknowledging  a  pope  at  Borne,  the 
other  a  pope  at  Avignon.  For  nearly  forty  years 
the  church  was  thus  presented  as  "a  monster  with 
two  heads."  The  avarice,  arrogance,  and  ambition 
of  the  pontificate  were  exposed  to  the  scorn,  and 
became  the  scandal  of  Europe.  Boniface  IX.  suc- 
ceeded Urban  VI.  at  Home  in   1389,  and  Peter  de 


Ch.  III.  ]  THE  GEEAT  QUESTION  OF  THE  CHUECH.     93 

Luna,  known  as  Benedict  XIII,  was  elected  in  1394, 
in  place  of  Clement  VII.  at  Avignon.  Successive 
efforts  were  made  to  induce  one  or  both  to  resign, 

O      7 

and  thus  restore  peace  and  unity  to  the  church ;  but 
all  proved  futile.  On  the  death  of  Boniface  IX.  at 
Rome,  Innocent  VII.  was  chosen  his  successor ;  and 
in  1406  he  in  his  turn  gave  place  to  Gregory  XII., 
whose  pontificate  continued  to  the  assembling  of  the 
council  at  Constance.  The  great  question  that  agi- 
tated Europe  was,  what  measures  should  be  adopted 
for  giving  peace  and  restoring  unity  to  the  church. 
At  Oxford,  at  Paris,  at  Prague,  men  discussed  the 
subject,  and  the  majority  seemed  everywhere  to  in- 
cline to  what  was  called  "the  way  of  cession."  They 
would  have  both  claimants  to  the  tiara  resign  their 
pretensions,  and  a  general  council,  summoned  for  the 
purpose,  elect  a  new  pontiff,  in  whose  authority^all 
might  acquiesce.  Each  of  the  contending  popes 
however  had  still  his  partisans,  and  wherever  these 
were  found  the  church  was  divided  and  convulsed. 
Archbishop  Sbynco  followed  the  obedience  of  Greg- 
ory. Huss  rejected  both  popes,  and,  with  the  theo- 
logians of  the  university  of  Paris,  preferred  the  way 
of  cession.  This  fact  must  be  taken  into  account,  iD 
order  fully  to  understand  the  relations  of  Huss  and 
the  archbishop.  Until  about  the  time  of  the  council 
of  Pisa  (1408)  they  seem  to  have  been  on  the  most 
friendly  terms,  and  to  have  cooperated  to  some  ex- 
tent in  promoting  measures  of  reform.  A  few  years 
later  we  find  them  antagonists.  Sbynco  was  a  man 
who  paid  some  slight  regard  to  the  external  proprie- 
ties and  purity  of  the  church.     Huss  looked  to  the 


04 


LITE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS. 


[Cn.  III. 


reviving  of  a  new  and  better  spirit  within  it.  Sbynco 
adhered  to  Gregory.  Huss  favored  the  action  of 
the  council.1  Even  the  controversy  of  the  different 
nations  in  the  university  was  insufficient  to  throw 
the  greater  question  of  the  peace  and  unity  of 
Christendom  into  the  shade.2 


1  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  236. 

9  So  far  as  the  doctrine  of  tran- 
substantiationis  concerned,  we  shall 
see  that  Huss  was  not  obnoxious  to 
the  charge  of  heresy.  Yet  Palacky 
(in.  i.  197,  8)  holds  that  previous 
to  the  decision  of  the  university 
condemning  (1403)  Wickliffe's  arti- 
cles, the  views  of  Huss  were  un- 
settled, but  that  on  the  whole  he 


inclined  to  side  with  the  English 
Reformer.  Stanislaus  certainly  did, 
although  he  subsequently  denied  on 
oath  the  authorship  of  a  treatise  in 
which  he  had  presented  Wickliffe's 
opinion.  Palacky  ascribes  the 
doubts  of  Huss  as  to  transubstan- 
tiation  to  a  date  anterior  to  1403. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE    COUNCIL    OF    PISA.1 

State  of  Europe.  —  Anarchy  and  Violence. — Ecclesiastical  Abuses. — Ef- 
forts for  Union.  —  Ambition  and  Craft  of  Benedict.  —  France  Withdraws 
her  Allegiance. — Proposed  Conference  of  the  Popes.  —  Gregory's  Pro- 
testation.—  Benedict's  Strategy.  —  Gregory's  Cardinals  Dissatisfied. — 
They  Desert  Him.  —  Their  Appeal.  —  Circumstances  of  Benedict.  —  Royal 
Letter.  —  Cardinals  of  Gregory  and  Benedict  Unite.  — Gregory  Summoned 
by  his  Cardinals  to  Lucca.  —  Council  Summoned. — Regarded  with  General 
Favor.  —  Views  Prevalent  in  Bohemia. — The  King's  Decision.  —  Opposition 
of  the  University.  —  Influences  Arrayed  Against  the  Council.  —  Benedict 
and  his  Adherents.  —  Benedict  Appoints  a  Council.  —  Gregory  Does  the 
Same.  —  The  Three  Parties.  —  The  Council  in  Germany.  —  Terrible  Con- 
flict at  Liege.  —  General  Alarm.  —  Benedict's  Council.  —  Its  Futile 
Issue.  —  Council  of  Pisa.  —  Position  of  the  City.  —  Members  in  Attend- 
ance.—  Opening  of  the  Council.  —  Objections  in  the  Council  to  its  Pro- 
ceedings. —  Gerson's  Vindication.  —  Ambassadors  of  Robert.  —  Ladislaus.  — 
Sentence  Against  the  Anti-Popes.  —  The  Conclave.  —  Alexander  V 
Elected.  —  His  Life  and  Character.  —  Coronation.  —  Close  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Pisa.  —  Gregory's  Council  at  Friuli. — Danger  of  his  Arrest. — 
His  Chamberlain  Seized.  —  Gregory  Escapes.  —  Alexander's  Election  Fa- 
vorably Received.  —  Bohemia.  —  Disappointment  in  the  Results  of  the 
Council.  —  Views  of  Glemengis.  —  Of  Boniface  of  Ferrara.  —  Lack  of  Gen- 
eral Enthusiasm.  —  Theodore  de  Vrie. —  Relative  Authority  of  Popes 
and  Councils.  —  Peter  D'Ailly.  —  Alexander  V.  and  the  Mendicants. — 
Their  Privileges  and  Arrogance. — Spread  and  Power  of  the  Order. — 
Difficulties  at  Paris.  —  Gerson's  Sermon  on  the  Subject. — Unpopularity 
of  Alexander.  —  Position  of  Sbynco  at  Prague. 

1407-1409. 

The  best  minds  of  Europe  were  fully  convinced 
that  the  time  had  at  length  arrived  when  more  vig- 

1  The  materials  for  this  sketch  of  vidual  views  are  expressed,  are  "  Ger- 

the  Council  of  Pisa  have  been  drawn  son's  Works,"  "  Cleuiengis'  Life   and 

mainly  from  Monstrelet,  "  L'Enfant's  Letters,"  and  the  writings  of  De  Niem, 

History  of  the  Council,"  "  Schrockh's  De  Vrie,  and  Aretin.    Some  of  the 

Church  History,"  and  the  "  Continua-  latter  are  found  in  Von  der  Hardt'a 

tions  of  Fleury."    The  authorities  on  Compilation, 
various  incidental  points  where  indi- 


9G  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

orous  efforts  should  be  made  to  put  an  end  to  that 
scandal  of  Christendom, — the  papal  schism.  It  had 
already  endured  for  thirty  years,  yet  with  no  pros- 
pect that  either  of  the  rival  pontiffs  or  conclaves 
would  yield  his  claims. 

Meanwhile  violence  and  anarchy  prevailed  largely 
throughout  Europe.  Wenzel,  the  oldest  son  of  the 
emperor  Charles  IV.,  though  still  the  king  of  Bohe- 
mia, had  been  deposed  from  the  imperial  throne  and 
deprived  of  his  hereditary  rights,  and  Robert  had 
been  elevated  by  the  electors  to  the  vacant  dignity. 
Sigismund,  the  second  son  of  the  emperor,  who,  in 
the  partition  of  the  imperial  domain,  had  secured 
Hungary  for  his  portion,  was  pressed  by  the  terror 
of  Moslem  invasion,  while  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples, 
contested  as  a  rival  his  right  to  the  Hungarian 
throne.  Poland  and  the  Teutonic  knights  stood  in 
hostile  attitude  to  one  another,  and  a  fierce  and  pro- 
tracted conflict  had  spread  desolation  on  all  Bides. 
The  German  princes  were  often  at  feud,  involving 
the  whole  land  in  intestine  commotions.  France,  un- 
der the  authority  of  a  weak  and  feeble  monarch — 
sometimes  so  deranged  as  to  leave  the  throne  virtu- 
ally vacant — was  torn  by  contending  factions.  The 
rival  dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Orleans  grasped  at  and 
alternately  secured  the  preponderating  influence,  till 
the  unscrupulous  violence  of  the  former  (1407)  re- 
moved his  competitor  by  the  stroke  of  the  assassin. 

Everywhere  there  were  turbulence,  crime,  lawless- 
ness, and  impunity.  Nor  was  this  all.  Profligacy 
and  corruption  pervaded  the  hierarchy.  The  sacred 
offices  of  the  church  were  bartered  and  sold.   Priestly 


Ch.  IV.]  PONTIFICAL    OBSTINACY.  97 

avarice  and  arrogance  had  assumed  an  unblushing 
front.  Deeds  of  darkness,  that  disgraced  the  highest 
dignitaries  of  the  church,  were  performed  in  the  light 
of  day,  and  shamelessly  avowed;  and  the  demand 
was  almost  universal  that  some  limit  should  be  set 
to  these  abuses. 

Nearly  all  these  mischiefs,  political  and  ecclesias- 
tical, were  attributed  to  the  schism  of  the  church. 
Pontifical  authority  might  have  exercised  a  restrain- 
ing and  controlling  influence,  but  the  rival  pontiffs 
fulminated  against  each  other,  and  the  corruption 
which  made  their  courts  the  Augean  stables  of 
Christendom,  destroyed  all  respect  for  the  tiara. 

Successive  efforts  were  made  to  remedy  the  evil ; 
but  the  kingdoms  were  divided  in  their  allegiance. 
Some  held  with  the  French,  and  some  with  the 
Italian  pope.  At  first  there  was  hope  that  on  the 
death  of  one,  his  cardinals  would  refuse  to  elect  a 
successor,  and  join  themselves  to  the  conclave  of  the 
other.  Yet  this  hope  was  disappointed.  Benedict 
XIII.  continued  the  French  succession. 

But  his  own  ambition  overshot  its  mark.  He  was 
too  arrogant  in  his  claims,  and  France  began  to  waver 
in  her  allegiance.  The  university  discussed  the 
problem  of  peace  and  union.  By  its  advice  deputa- 
tions were  sent  to  Benedict,  urging  him  to  cede.  He 
temporized — played  his  part  as  hypocrite  with  adroit 
skill ;  but  finally,  forced  to  show  his  hand,  broke  out 
in  bold  defiance,  and  declared  that  he  would  never 
betray  the  sacred  trust  of  the  flock  of  Christ  by  re- 
signing his  pretensions.  This  provoked  indignation. 
France   was   exasperated,  and   withdrew   her   alle* 

VOL.  I.  7 


98  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IICSS.  [Cu.  IV. 

giance.  Benedict  was  not  terrified  even  by  this.  He 
issued  his  bull  of  excommunication  against  all  who 

had  been  concerned  in  the  act.  The  bull  was  intro- 
duced into  the  French  parliament,  and  torn  and  cut 
with  knives  as  the  soldiers  passed  it  from  hand  to  hand  ; 
while  the  messengers  who  brought  it  were  arrested, 
clad  in  ignominious  robes,  and  marched  through  the 
streets  amid  the  hootings  of  the  rabble.  Nor  was 
this  all.  Marshal  Boucicaut  was  ordered  to  arrest 
the  pope.  With  his  armed  bands  he  proceeded  to 
Avignon ;  but  the  wily  pontiff  had  received  timely 
warning,  and  managed  to  escape  his  hands. 

But  Gregory,  as  well  as  Benedict,  had  been  elected 
under  the  solemn  pledge  to  use  his  influence  to  give 
peace  to  the  church.  If  necessary,  he  was  to  cede 
his  office.  It  was  urged  that  the  two  contendents 
should  meet  together  and  effect  some  compromise 
by  which  a  union  of  the  church  should  be  secured. 
Both  professed  extreme  readiness  to  do  this.  Each 
proclaimed  himself  eager  to  meet  the  other.  Indeed, 
when  professions  were  so  cheap,  and  pontifical  verac- 
ity had  not  altogether  lost  credit,  it  could  scarcely 
be  otherwise.  Probably  Gregory  was,  if  not  more  sin- 
cere, at  least  less  perfidious.  Previous  to  his  election 
he  had  sworn,  and  at  his  suggestion  all  the  cardinals 
had  sworn,  with  a  solemn  oath,  to  do  whatever  was 
practicable  to  effect  peace  and  union  in  the  church. 
In  his  sermon  after  his  election,  he  had,  to  the  great 
joy  of  his  hearers,  exhorted  the  cardinals  to  labor 
with  him  for  this  object.  "To  whatever  place,"  said 
he,  "it  is  possible  that  a  union  can  be  secured  in,  I 
am  resolved  to  go.     If  destitute  of  gallies,  I  will  em- 


Ch.  IV.]  FUTILE    PLAN    OP    CONEEEENCE.  99 

bark  in  a  skiff;  and  if  the  journey  must  be  by  land, 
and  horses  cannot  be  procured,  I  would  sooner  go 
staff  in  hand  on  foot,  than  fail  to  keep  my  word." 

But  the  possession  of  power  had  begotten  the  love 
of  it.  The  fingers  that  had  grasped  the  sceptre  as 
flesh,  had  been  turned  to  iron,  and  would  not  relax 
their  rigid  hold.  Nor  was  Benedict  behind  Gregory 
either  in  protestations  or  lack  of  performance.  But 
in  maneuvering  against  his  antagonist  he  gained  the 
weathergage.  A  place  was  appointed  for  the  pro- 
posed conference,  and  Benedict  was  present  at  the 
time  specified.  Gregory  was  too  late,  and  his  cun- 
ning rival  threw  upon  him  the  odium  of  the  failure 
of  a  project  which  it  was  impossible  should  succeed. 
After  this,  neither  would  accede  to  the  propositions 
of  the  other.  One  would  not  leave  the  sea-coast, 
and  the  other  would  not  approach  it.  Gregory  com- 
plained that  he  had  no  gallies ;  and  Benedict  would 
not  venture  into  the  heart  of  Italy,  where  he  would 
be  powerless  and  his  person  insecure.  It  was  face- 
tiously said  of  them,  that  one  was  a  land-animal 
afraid  of  the  sea,  and  the  other  a  sea-animal  afraid 
of  the  land. 

Gregory's  adherents  began  to  mistrust  him.  His 
cardinals,  and  numerous  ambassadors  from  different 
kingdoms  and  provinces,  pressed  him  to  active  meas- 
ures. But  the  old  man  was  inflexible  to  all  remon- 
strance. His  oath 'was  forgotten,  or  a  construction, 
the  reverse  of  the  obvious  one,  was  put  upon  it. 
Just  at  the  critical  moment,  when  it  seemed  that  he 
must  yield,  he  heard  that  his  ally,  Ladislaus  of  Na- 
ples, had  made  his  triumphal  entry  into  Borne.   This 


100  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JoIIX    III  [Cii.  IV. 

was  glad  intelligence  to  the  exiled  pontiff,  who, 
though  an  Italian  pope,  bad  been  driven  from  its 
walls.  He  was  inspired  with  fresh  hopes.  AVitli 
Rome  in  his  possession  he  felt  that  he  might  defy 
his  rival.  To  increase  the  number  of  his  partisans 
he  created  several  new  cardinals.  The  old  ones 
vainly  opposed  his  project.  A  Carmelite,  who  had 
withstood  it  in  presence  of  the  ambassadors,  was 
thrown  into  prison,  and  would  have  perished  but  for 
the  intercession  of  powerful  friends.  Gregory  would 
allow  no  sermon  to  be  preached  before  him  that  had 
not  first  been  examined  and  approved.  But  such 
proceedings  were  suicidal.  His  old  cardinals  forsook 
him,  some  on  one  pretext,  some  on  another.  Some 
fled  to  Lucca,  others  to  Naples.  Only  seven  were 
left,  and  a  majority  of  these  of  the  new  creation. 
The  others  vainly  strove  to  bring  him  back  to  rea- 
son. Disappointed  in  the  effort,  they  drew  up  an 
appeal  from  Gregory  to  a  general  council,  and  noti- 
fied Christendom  of  the  withdrawal  of  their  allegi- 
ance. 

The  statement  of  the  grounds  of  their  appeal  is 
instructive.  They  describe  Gregory  as  an  unscrupu- 
lous tyrant,  in  whose  power  they  were  always  in 
fear  of  prison  or  of  massacre.  Some  of  them  had 
been  selected  for  assassination,  and  soldiers  had  been 
stationed  in  the  pajml  palace  to  execute  the  deed. 
They  were  not  allowed  to  meet  except  by  the  pope's 
express  order.  For  these  and  other  reasons  they 
appealed  "from  the  pope  ill-informed  to  the  pope 
better  informed ;  from  the  pope  to  Jesus  Christ,  of 
whom  he  is  vicar ;  from  the  pope  to  a  general  coun- 


Ch.  iv.i  benedict's  cause  at  paeis.  101 

cil,  to  whom  it  belongs  to  judge  the  sovereign  pon- 
tiff; from  the  present  pope  to  a  future  pope,  who 
shall  be  authorized  to  redress  what  his  predecessor 
has  unwarrantably  ordained." 

Gregory  answered  the  appeal,  but  he  could  not 
bring  back  his  cardinals.  He  excommunicated  them. 
He  deprived  them  of  their  dignities  and  benefices. 
But  his  spiritual  thunders  had  lost  their  terror.  The 
cardinals  responded  with  specific  accusations,  posted 
up  on  the  church  doors  of  Lucca.  In  these  they  ex- 
hausted the  vocabulary  of  opprobrious  epithets  to 
describe  "  the  monster."  They  summon  him,  as  un- 
worthy of  his  title,  to  appear  before  them  at  Lucca 
and  hear  his  sentence  of  deposition. 

Meanwhile  it  fared  but  little  better  with  Benedict. 
He  had  been  forced  to  leave  Avignon.  At  Paris  his 
adherents  were  in  personal  danger.  DAilly  hid 
himself.  Clemengis  fled  to  his  obscure  retreat  at 
Langres.  The  edict  of  neutrality  was  published. 
No  hall  or  square  could  contain  the  crowd.  The  vio- 
lence of  the  people  could  scarce  exceed  that  of  the 
university.  The  regent  of  theology  used  language 
on  one  occasion  against  the  pope  so  vulgar  and  out- 
rageous as  to  be  unfit  to  be  repeated.  Some  were 
disgusted  by  it  and  left  the  assembly,  but  there  was 
no  mistaking  the  current  of  the  national  feeling.  It 
was  in  deadly  opposition  to  Benedict. 

Notification  of  the  withdrawal  of  obedience  was 
sent  under  the  kind's  seal  to  different  courts.  The 
princes  were  exhorted  to  renounce  allegiance  both  to 
Benedict  and  Gregory.  Urged  by  the  university, 
the  king  wrote  to  the  cardinals  of  both  j)opes  ex- 


102  LII -I:    A.M»    TIMES   OF   JOILN"   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV 

horting  them  to  unite  and  summon  a  general  council. 
They  did  in  fact  unite.  Four  of  Benedict's  cardi- 
nals, who  had  followed  him  from  Porto  Venere  to 
Perpignan,  whither  he  had  fled  for  security,  left  him 
and  withdrew  to  Livorno.  Here  they  were  joined 
by  the  cardinals  of  Gregory,  and  both  parties  united 
to  form  one  college. 

They  responded  in  approval  to  the  letter  of  the  king 
of  France,  and  informed  him  that  they  were  about  to 
convoke  a  council.  In  this  reply  the  popes  are  not 
spared,  and  the  authors  of  the  schism  are  represented 
as  worse  than  the  Jews  and  the  pagan  soldiers,  who, 
though  they  crucified  Christ,  spared  his  seamless 
robe.  The  united  college  appointed  the  convocation 
of  the  council  at  Pisa  for  March  25,  1409.  To  this 
they  invited  the  prelates  and  ambassadors  of  Christ- 
endom. The  cardinals  of  each  obedience  summoned 
their  chief  to  meet  them  there.  Those  of  Gregory, 
however,  refused  to  treat  him  any  longer  as  pope. 
Their  letter  to  him  is  full  of  bitter  recriminations. 
They  remind  him  of  his  oaths  and  perjuries,  his  vio- 
lence and  oppression.  He  had  required  them  to  vio- 
late their  oaths,  "as  if  in  taking  the  keys  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  he  had  acquired  the  authority  to 
perjure  himself  and  to  give  license  to  others  to  do 
the  same."  In  justice  to  themselves  and  the  church 
they  withdraw  from  Ms  society  and  his  tabernacles, 
and  close  with  warning  him,  under  severe  penalties, 
to  be  present  for  trial  at  the  council. 

Intelligence  of  the  proposed  council  was  received 
with  very  extensive  and  general  approval.  England 
and  France  wire  strongly  in  its  favor.     Germany  in- 


Ch.IV.]  views  of  wenzel.  103 

clined,  though  witli  less  unanimity,  in  the  same 
direction,  for  the  emperor  Robert  was  the  partisan 
of  Gregory,  and  was  suspicious  of  a  council  convoked, 
in  part,  by  his  recusant  and  rebellious  cardinals. 
Through  the  influence  of  that  adroit  and  unscrupulous 
tactician,  Balthasar  Cossa,  afterwards  John  XXIII., 
who  had  broken  with  Gregory,  and  as  tyrant  of 
Bologna  defied  his  threats  and  interdict,  Florence 
was  led  to  decide  in  favor  of  the  council.  The  uni- 
versity of  Bologna  took  the  same  ground.  The 
Venetians,  though  declining  to  declare  against  Greg- 
ory, sided  with  the  council.  Genoa  and  Milan  were 
both  subject  to  French  influence,  and  could  not  be 
counted  as  doubtful.  Even  at  Rome,  though  the  cry 
still  was  vive  Ladislaus,  no  one  ventured  to  call 
Gregory,  pope.  His  legate  was  driven  from  the  city, 
and  in  spite  of  the  residence  of  Gregory  in  Italy,  the 
greater  portion  of  the  states  was  found  ranged  on 
the  side  of  the  council. 

In  Bohemia  the  proposed  council  excited  a  lively 
interest.  Wenzel,  deposed  from  the  imperial  throne, 
had  never  entirely  abandoned  the  purpose  to  recover 
the  lost  dignity.  He  was,  at  this  very  time — when 
the  message  of  the  cardinals  reached  him,  announc- 
ing the  council,  and  inviting  him  to  recognize  it — 
engaged  in  forming  an  arrangement  with  Gregory 
by  which  the  latter  was  no  longer  to  sustain  the 
cause  of  the  emperor  Robert,  Wenzel's  rival.  But 
the  pope  hesitated,  and  Wenzel  readily  exchanged 
allies.  He  forbade  the  archbishop  of  Prague  and 
his  clergy  any  longer  to  obey  Gregory,  and  devoted 
his  energies  to  secure  his  own  recognition  by  the 


104  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

approaching  council.  On  the  2-ith  of  November, 
1408,  lie  replied  to  the  cardinals,  approving  of  their 
measures,  engaging  to  send  a  deputation  which  should 

be  received  and  treated  as  that  of  a  German  emperor. 
The  university  of  Prague  was  summoned  to  a  de- 
cision, accordant  with  the  royal  policy.1 

Henning  Von  Baltenhagen,  the  then  rector,  called 
a  general  assembly  of  the  four  nations.  The  Bohe- 
mians manifested  a  ready  and  almost  unanimous  dis- 
position to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  king.  The 
three  other  nations,  however,  were  reluctant  to  with- 
draw allegiance  from  Gregory,  and  the  archbishop 
Sbynco  was  on  their  side.  The  decision  of  the 
majority  was  adverse  to  the  royal  project. 

The  Bohemians  in  the  university  had  long  con> 
plained  of  the  usurpations  of  the  other  nations.  They 
objected  that  each  of  these,  instead  of  all  united, 
had  the  same  vote  with  themselves,  and  that  in  this 
respect  the  university  of  Prague  had  departed  from 
the  Parisian  model.  The  present  occasion,  therefore, 
seemed  to  them  a  favorable  one  for  presenting  to  the 
king  their  request  that  the  Bohemians  might  possess 
in  the  university  at  Prague  the  same  powers  and 
privileges  which  the  French  nation  possessed  in  the 
university  of  Paris.  The  earnestness  of  their  desire 
was  not  a  little  increased  by  the  fact  that  the  oppo- 
sition to  reform  and  to  the  doctrines  of  Wickliffe 
proceeded  for  the  most  part  from  the  foreign  nations. 
The  Bohemians,  with  IIuss,  Stanislaus  of  Znoyma, 
and  Paletz  at  their  head,  inclined  to  welcome  many 
of  the  views,  and  to  defend  some,  at  least,  of  the 

1  Hclfert,  p.  16. 


Ch.  IV.]        wenzel's  change  of  policy.  105 

treatises  of  the  English  reformer.  It  was  becom- 
ing more  evident,  every  day,  that  the  national  feel- 
ing and  the  cause  of  church  reform — or  innovation 
as  some  called  it  —  were  becoming  more  closely 
allied. 

The  king  was  at  Kuttenberg  when  the  deputation 
from  the  university  reached  him.  To  the  surprise 
of  all,  he  received  the  representatives  of  the  three 
nations  with  great  favor,  and  assured  them  that  he 
would  not  infringe  upon  their  rights  or  privileges. 
The  Bohemians,  on  the  other  hand,  were  harshly  re- 
pulsed, and  Huss  especially  was  sharply  reproached 
for  the  rumored  heresy  in  which  he,  with  his  friend 
Jerome,  had  involved  the  orthodox  reputation  of 
Bohemia.  The  king  bitterly  complained  of  the 
trouble  which  the  matter  gave  him,  and  declared 
that  in  case  others  to  whom  the  duty  more  properly 
belonged  did  not  attend  to  it,  he  would  see  if  fire 
could  not  settle  the  matter. 

The  deputation  returned  to  Prague.  Huss,  over- 
whelmed by  the  strange  issue  of  a  project  of  which 
he  had  entertained  great  hopes,  was  struck  down  by 
a  severe  sickness.  Meanwhile,  however,  the  king, 
ever  fickle  in  purpose,  had  changed  his  views.  One 
of  his  favorites,1  a  man  high  in  office  and  of  large 
experience,  took  the  side  of  the  Bohemians,  and  won 
the  king  over  to  his  opinions.  The  consequence  was, 
that  soon  after  (January  18,  1409)  Wenzel  issued 
a  royal  decree,  granting  the  request  which  had  vainly 
been  presented  to  him  at  Kuttenberg.  The  conse- 
quences that  followed  this   measure,  and  its  effect 

1  Niklas,  Ahne  der  Lobkowize.     Helfert. 


106  LIFE    ATsT)   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

upon  the  conditions  and  prospects  of  the  university, 
will  be  noted  hereafter. 

On  the  22d  of  January,  1409,  little  more  than  a 
month  after  the  decree  respecting  the  rights  of  the 
Bohemians,  the  royal  order  was  proclaimed  through- 
out the  kingdom  that  henceforth  Gregory  XXL  should 
be  no  longer  recognized  as  pope,  and  that  obedience 
to  him  was  to  be  withdrawn.  Bohemia  thus  saw 
itself  ranged  on  the  side  of  the  cardinals,  and  of  the 
friends  of  the  approaching  council.  This  policy  was 
advocated  by  Huss,  both  on  religious  and  national 
grounds.  By  Wenzel  it  was  adopted  from  the  merest 
self-interest.  Although  the  archbishop  opposed  the 
measure,  it  met  with  general  acceptance.  The  no- 
bility and  magistrates  were  empowered  and  directed 
to  see  that  no  subject  of  the  kingdom  received  or 
acknowledged  any  document  from  Gregory,  whether 
charitative  or  judicial.  The  prohibition  extended  to 
all  classes, — prelates,  monks,  abbots,  and  priests,  as 
well  as  the  nobility  and  common  people. 

The  general  sentiment  of  the  nation  favored  this 
measure.  Although  the  university  had  condemned 
it,  the  national  assembly,  composed  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished princes  and  nobility  of  the  kingdom,  and 
at  which  the  bishops  and  prelates  were  present,  en- 
dorsed it  with  great  unanimity.  The  king  wrote  to 
this  effect  to  the  cardinals,  and  in  the  closing  para- 
graph of  his  letter,  after  expressing  his  purpose  to 
assist  honestly  at  the  council,  informed  the  cardinals 
that  his  ambassadors  must  be  received  as  those  of 
the  lawful  emperor,  that  thus  his  just  title  might 
receive  recognition. 


Ch.  IV.]  ACTS    OF   BENEDICT.  107 

It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  the  condition  thus  in- 
sisted on  would  not  be  unacceptable.  The  cardinals 
desired  for  their  project  the  imperial  sanction.  This, 
Robert,  as  the  ally  of  Gregory,  would  of  course  re- 
fuse to  grant.  Nor  had  the  council  anything  to  fear 
from  his  resentment,  through  the  favor  now  extended 
to  the  rival  claimant  to  the  imperial  crown.  Robert's 
recent  unfortunate  expedition  into  Italy  had  already 
exposed  his  authority  to  contempt,  while  any  oppo- 
sition which  he  might  make  to  the  council  would  be 
neutralized  by  divisions  which  existed  within  the 
bounds  of  the  empire,  and  over  which  he  had  but 
feeble  control.  Bohemia  acceded  to  the  project  of 
the  council,  and  Wenzel,  as  emperor  dejure,  extended 
to  it  the  imperial  sanction. 

Still,  there  were  powerful  opposing  influences 
wThich  the  convocation  of  the  council  had  to  en- 
counter. In  the  various  kingdoms,  each  of  the  popes 
had  influential  adherents.  Though  opposed  to  each 
other,  they  really  cooperated  as  against  the  council. 
Benedict,  especially,  was  far  from  idle.  Indeed,  he 
played  his  part  with  masterly  skill.  He  had  the  art 
to  secure  and  retain  the  confidence  of  men  whose 
motives  were  above  impeachment.  Clemengis,  who 
declined  to  serve  him  longer  as  secretary  when  he 
learned  of  the  bull  to  be  fulminated  against  France, 
still  sided  with  him.  Vincent  of  Ferrara — "the 
apostle  of  the  West,"  and  the  Whitefield  of  his  age — 
vindicated  him  as  lawful  pope.  This  alone  was 
wrorth  a  kingdom  to  Benedict.  Vincent  preached 
publicly  against  the  proposed  mode  of  cession,  and 
Benedict    made    him — venerated  by   all   "Western 


108  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIN    III"  [Cn.  IV. 

Europe  almost  as  another  St.  Paul — his  confessor, 
and  master  of  the  sacred  palace.  Vincent's  brother, 
Boniface,  second  in  influence  only  to  himself  in  the 
region  south  of  the  Pyrenees,  was  of  the  same  mind 
with  him.  With  such  allegiance  as  Benedict  still 
retained,  he  therefore  determined  on  his  part  to 
hold  a  general  council  of  his  own.  It  was  summoned 
to  meet  at  Perpignan,  November  1st,  1408. 

Gregory,  though  less  shrewd  and  sagacious,  saw 
plainly  enough  that  he  too  must  labor  to  keep  up 
appearances.  He  summoned  his  council  also.  At 
first,  he  wras  at  a  loss  for  a  place.  Rome  was  closed 
against  him.  Venice  was  more  than  half-persuaded 
to  yield  allegiance  to  the  council  of  Pisa.  Florence 
and  its  allies,  leagued  with  Louis  of  Anjou  in  his  ri- 
valship  with  Ladislaus  for  the  Neapolitan  crown, 
were  swayed  by  French  influence.  Genoa,  moreover, 
had  adopted  a  neutral  position.  Ladislaus,  ostensi- 
bly opposed  to  Gregory,  but  really  playing  into  his 
hands,  dared  not  offer  him  an  Italian  city,  from  fear 
lest  the  council  at  Pisa  should  fulminate  against  him. 
Gregory  at  last  settled  on  Friuli,  in  the  Venetian 
territory,  and,  after  tedious  delays,  his  council  met 
there,  July  22d,  1409. 

As  preparation  was  now  made  for  the  assembling 
of  three  councils,  it  became  an  object  with  each 
party  to  secure  for  itself  as  large  and  powerful  a 
representation  as  possible.  The  field  which  most 
invited  attention  was  Germany.  But  the.  contest 
here  lay  not  between  Gregory  and  Benedict,  but  be- 
tween Gregory  and  the  council  of  Pisa.  The  em- 
peror Robert  favored  Gregory;  but  the  diet  which 


Ch.  IV.]  MASSACRE    OF   THE   LIEGEOIS.  109 

was  called  to  hear  the  statements  of  the  ambassadors 
of  the  cardinals,  leaned  toward  neutrality  and  adhe- 
sion to  the  council. 

There  was  good  reason  for  this.  Germany  had 
bitterly  felt  the  evils  of  the  schism.  When  each 
diocese  had,  as  well  as  the  popedom,  its  rival  claim- 
ants, the  mischief  was  no  longer  limited  to  Rome 
or  Avignon.  It  reached  to  distant  cities  and  humble 
homes.  To  the  city  of  Liege  it  was  especially  dis- 
astrous. Two  bishops  claimed  the  See,  each  sanc- 
tioned by  the  pope  of  his  allegiance.  John  of  Ba- 
varia, grandson  of  the  emperor  Lewis,  had  been 
confirmed  by  Urban  VI.,  whom  the  Liegeois  had 
recognized  as  pope  as  early  as  1389.  But  John  re- 
fused to  take  the  order  of  the  priesthood,  and  the 
aggrieved  citizens  rose  against  him  and  drove  him 
to  Mgestricht.  On  this  occasion  they  were  led  on  by 
Henry  de  Pervies,  but  on  the  condition  that  his  son 
should  be  elected  bishop  in  place  of  John.  But 
distrusting  Gregory,  to  whom  Lewis  adhered,  they 
applied  to  Benedict  to  confirm  the  new  incumbent. 
A  legate  was  sent  accordingly,  and  Liege  was  thus 
brought  under  the  allegiance  of  Benedict. 

A  war  ensued  between  the  city  and  the  expelled 
bishop.  But  the  last  had  a  powerful  ally  in  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  his  brother-in-law.  Somewhat 
tardily  his  army  arrived  at  Msestricht,  where  the 
bishop  still  held  out,  though  the  siege  was  pressed 
by  an  army  of  50,000  men.  A  battle  ensued,  and 
the  carnage  was  terrible.  The  duke  led  his  own 
forces,  largely  composed  of  the  finest  portion  of  the 
nobility  of  his  estates.     The  rout  of  the  Liegeois  was 


110  LIFE   AND    33ME8    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [<"n.  IV. 

perfect.  Their  leader  and  bishop — father  and  BOn — 
were  found  among  the  dead,  the  hand,  of  one  clasped 
in  the  hand  of  the  other.  It  is  even  said  that  none 
escaped  to  carry  back  the  news  of  the  disaster  to 
the  unfortunate  city,  or  warn  it  of  its  fate.  Sixty 
persons  were  executed.  The  legate  of  Benedict  and 
the  officers  of  the  bishop  were  thrown  into  the 
Meuse.  John  was  restored  to  his  bishopric,  and  the 
people  could  appreciate  the  value  of  his  benedictimi<. 

But  Germany  took  the  alarm.  Each  city  felt  that 
the  evil  might  soon  be  brought  to  its  own  doors. 
If  the  popes  were  tyrants,  it  was  better,  perhaps 
after  all,  to  have  but  one.  This  feeling  was  manifest 
at  the  diet  held  near  the  close  of  1408,  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main.  It  was  numerously  attended.  Greg- 
ory and  the  cardinals,  England,  France,  Poland,  Bo- 
hemia, and  other  states,  were  represented  by  their 
ambassadors.  The  emperor  was  almost  alone  in  his 
adhesion  to  Gregory. 

Thus  the  general  sentiment  of  Christendom  was 
settling  down  in  favor  of  the  council  of  Pisa.  The 
popular  conviction  was  confirmed  by  the  futile  hos- 
tility of  Benedict.  His  council,  summoned  for  No- 
vember 1,  1408,  was  first  to  meet.  There  was  but  a 
meagre  attendance.  French  soldiers  guarded  the 
roads  and  the  passes  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  a  large 
proportion  of  the  members  could  reach  Perpignan 
only  under  strange  disguise.  But  of  these,  not  a 
few  were  anxious  for  the  union  of  the  church,  and 
when  they  discovered  the  obstinacy  and  real  designs 
of  Benedict,  forsook  him  in  disgust.  Those  who  still 
lingered  with  him  were  not  agreed.   But  the  opinion 


Ch.  IV.]  FAVOEABLE   POSITION    OF   PISA.  Ill 

in  favor  of  a  delegation  to  Pisa  preponderated.  The 
delegation  was  sent,  but  with  limited  powers  of  ne- 
gotiation. It  was  arrested  on  its  way,  and  with  some 
difficulty  reached  its  destination.  But  even  here  it 
was  exposed  to  danger.  So  strong  was  the  public 
odium  against  it,  the  cardinals  dared  not  speak  with 
their  old  associates.  The  latter  were  exposed  to  vio- 
lence and  insult,  and  in  the  assembly  at  which  they 
presented  themselves,  the  marshal  told  them  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  protect  them  unless  they 
remained  in  their  seats  till  the  crowd  dispersed. 
Threats  of  burning  them  were  freely  thrown  out. 
The  Podesta,  with  some  of  the  chief  men  of  the  city, 
had  to  accompany  them  to  their  lodgings  to  prevent 
their  being  stoned.  They  could  accomplish  nothing, 
and  were  forced  clandestinely  to  leave  the  city. 
Such  was  the  issue  of  Benedict's  attempt. 

Meanwhile  the  council  of  Pisa  had  commenced 
its  sessions.  It  was  favored  by  the  locality  where  it 
had  been  convoked.  Pisa  could  be  approached  from 
every  direction,  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land.  It  was 
thus  easy  of  access,  and  could  be  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  provisions  with  little  difficulty.  It  stood 
in  the  midst  of  a  large  and  fertile  plain,  watered  by 
the  Arno,  on  the  banks  of  which  it  was  built.  A 
more  eligible  spot  for  the  council  could  not  have 
been  selected.  Pisa,  moreover,  was  subject  to  Flor- 
ence, by  which  it  had  been  conquered  during  the 
previous  year,  and  was  thus  secured  alike  against 
internal  strifes  and  foreign  foes.  Ladislaus,  the  secret 
ally  of  Gregory,  had  been  forced  to  retreat  before 
the  arms  of  Florence. 


112  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cii.  IV. 

The  number  of  members  in  attendance  was  la  rue 
France  was  well  represented,  and  among  her  depu- 
tation stood  prominent  in  position  and  ability  the 
chancellor  of  the  university,  John  Gerson.  The 
English  deputation  had  been  addressed  by  him  as 
they  passed  through  Paris,  and  had  imbibed  the 
spirit  kindled  by  the  fiery  logic  of  the  great  chancel- 
lor. Most  historians1  reckon  as  present  at  the  coun- 
cil, either  in  person  or  by  deputies,  twenty-two  cardi- 
nals, four  patriarchs,  nearly  two  hundred  bishops, 
nearly  three  hundred  abbots,  besides  priors,  generals 
of  orders,  dej)uties  of  universities,  and  chapters  of 
metropolitan  churches  and  cathedrals,  more  than 
three  hundred  doctors  in  theology  and  canon  law, 
and  the  ambassadors  of  six  kings  and  numerous 
princes. 

On  the  appointed  day  (March  25,  1409)  the  coun- 
cil assembled  in  the  body  of  the  fine  and  spacious 
cathedral  of  Pisa — the  most  splendid  structure  of 
the  kind  in  Italy,  with  the  exception  of  the  cathe- 
dral at  Milan.  The  scene  was  one  of  imposing  pomp 
and  grandeur.  The  prelates  marched  on  toward  the 
cathedral  in  procession,  clothed  in  their  official  robes. 
They  moved  along  the  aisles,  under  the  shadow  of 
the  massive  pillars  of  oriental  granite,  to  seats  pre- 
pared for  them  before  the  altar.  The  sides  of  the 
nave  were  fitted  up  for  the  bishops  and  abbots,  and 
the  remaining  space  was  occupied  by  the  less  distin- 
guished members  of  the  council. 

The  session  was  opened  in  the  most  solemn  and 
imposing  manner.     Mass  was  celebrated  by  one  of 

1  Muiuibourg. 


Ch.  IV.]       TKOUBLES  IN  THE  COUNCIL.  113 

the  cardinals  after  the  pontifical  form.  The  arch- 
bishop of  Milan  preached  the  sermon.  He  vividly 
depicted  the  evils  under  which  Christendom  mourned 
— the  confusion  and  disorder  of  the  church  —  the 
corruption  of  morals — the  sufferings  and  oppressions 
endured  by  the  good — and  the  power  and  triumph 
of  the  basest  and  vilest  men.  He  urged  upon  the 
council  the  importance  of  their  work,  and  the  hopes 
inspired  by  their  convocation.  They  were  expected 
to  give  to  the  church  "  one  sole,  true,  unquestioned 
pastor,  so  that  no  longer  should  men  see  with  abhor- 
rence two  monstrous  heads  affixed  to  the  mystic 
body  of  Christ."  Both  the  contendents  were  con- 
sidered heretical.  It  was  significant  of  the  action 
of  the  council. 

It  would  be  tedious  to  recite  the  ceremonies  and 
ju'oceedings  of  the  successive  sessions.  The  two 
contendents  were  cited,  but  did  not  appear.  The 
citation  was  repeated,  but  with  the  same  result;  and 
the  council  proceeded  to  measures  for  the  deposition 
of  Benedict  and  Gregory. 

These,  however,  had  their  secret  adherents  in  the 
council,  who  obstructed  its  proceedings.  They  raised 
questions  of  order  and  privilege.  They  disputed  the 
legitimacy  of  a  council  that  had  not  been  convoked 
by  a  pope.  They  scrupled  the  right  of  a  pope  to 
abdicate.  They  held  that  the  relative  merits  of  the 
two  contendents  were  matters  to  be  discussed. 

But  Gerson  came  forward  in  behalf  of  the  coun- 
cil :  with  remorseless  logic  he  drove  his  opponents 
from  their  strongest  positions.  He  repeated  the 
arguments  of  his  favorite  treatise,  published  before 

VOL.  I.  8 


114:  LIl'i:    AM)    TIMES    OF   JOIIX   IIUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

he  left  Paris,  De  A  uferibilitate  P<i[hp.  He  held  that 
the  unity  of  the  church  resides  in  Jesus  Christ  its 
spouse  and  head;  that  the  church,  by  its  assembled 
representatives  in  general  council,  may  make  all 
necessary  provisions;  that  the  mystic  body  of  Christ, 
as  well  as  any  civil  body,  may  provide  itself  a  head  ; 
that,  Avithout  inquiring  into  the  origin  of  the 
schism,  it  may  yet  proceed  to  free  the  church  from 
it ;  that,  though  some  evils  might  follow  decisive 
measures,  yet  that  a  part  may  be  sacrificed  to  save 
the  whole ;  that,  disregarding  the  formalities  of  posi- 
tive statute,  the  council  may  temper  its  rigor  with 
equity,  or  even  dispense  with  the  law  itself;  and  that, 
while  all  proper  security  should  be  assured  to  the 
contendents,  yet,  upon  their  non-appearance,  the 
council  might,  notwithstanding,  proceed  to  set  them 
aside  and  elect  a  new  pope. 

These  arguments  prevailed  with  the  council.  The 
emperor  Robert  vainly  strove  to  stay  its  proceed- 
ings. On  the  very  day  when  action  wras  to  have 
been  taken,  his  ambassadors  appeared.  They  threw 
out  questions  and  doubts  respecting  the  authority 
and  the  legitimacy  of  the  council.  It  had  been  con- 
voked, they  said,  neither  by  pope  nor  emperor. 

The  old  flame  of  controversy  was  enkindled  anew. 
The  people  present  were  scandalized  at  the  course 
taken  by  the  ambassadors.  Even  the  hostlers  before 
the  doors  of  the  cathedral  took  part  in  the  dispute. 
The  council  discussed  their  propositions,  and  prepared 
a  reply;  but  before  it  was  given  in  they  had 
secretly  left  the  city.  They  fully  appreciated  their 
own  and  their  masters'   unpopularity.     The  sermon 


Ch.  IV.]        THE  PAPAL  SEE  VACANT.  115 

preached  at  the  first  congregation  held  after  they 
had  left,  was  from  the  text,  "  The  hireling  fleeth." 
Robert's  envoys,  however,  before  leaving,  nailed  to 
the  doors  of  the  church  his  appeal  to  a  general 
council,  and  his  protest  against  the  issuing  of  any 
decree  against  Gregory,  whom  he  recognized  as 
lawful  pope. 

Ladislaus  in  his  turn  was  disposed  to  interrupt  the 
council's  proceedings.  He  attacked  Sienna,  subject, 
like  Pisa,  to  Florentine  authority.  But  his  defeat, 
which  soon  followed  at  Arezzo,  relieved  them  of 
their  fears. 

The  council  proceeded  with  its  work.  Testimony 
was  taken  and  recited,  and  the  definitive  sentence 
against  the  popes  was  pronounced  on  the  fifth  of  June. 
The  doors  of  the  cathedral  were  thrown  open,  and 
the  large  edifice  was  crowded  to  its  full  capacity. 
The  decision  of  the  council  was  read ;  and  Benedict 
and  Gregory,  for  their  persistence  in  schism,  their 
notorious  heresy,  their  perjured  violation  of  solemn 
oaths,  and  their  wickedness  and  enormous  excesses, 
were  deposed  from  the  pontificate.  The  Roman  See 
was  declared  vacant.  All  persons,  of  what  station 
soever,  were  absolved  from  allegiance  to  either  of  the 
contendents,  and  were  forbidden  to  recognize  their 
authority.  All  acts,  bulls,  excommunications,  and 
processes  of  Benedict  or  Gregory,  subsequent  to  the 
convocation  of  the  council,  were  declared  null  and 
void.  No  member  of  the  council  was  to  leave  the 
church  till  he  had  signed  the  sentence.  It  was  a  few 
days  after  this  that  the  ambassadors  of  Benedict 
reached  Pisa. 


lln  LIFE    AXD    TIM  IS    <»F    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cii.  IV. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  June  tin*  on  unci]  proceeded  to 
take  measures  for  the  election  of  a  now  pope.  To- 
wards evening  twenty-three  cardinals  entered  the 
conclave  provided  for  their  reception  in  the  episco- 
pal palace.  Their  session  continued  till  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  the  month.  According  to  the  Monk  of  St. 
Denis,  the  conclave  breathed  nothing  but  disinterest- 
edness, piety,  and  zeal  for  the  church  of  God.  But 
the  more  plain-spoken  De  N"iein  forces  us  to  question 
somewhat  the  sincerity  of  their  devotion.  Each  of 
the  electors  had  promised,  in  case  he  should  be 
elected,  to  remember  the  cardinals'  friends,  and  grant 
their  demands.  Another  witness  speaks  of  the  in- 
credible efforts  and  promises  of  the  French  to  the 
Italian  cardinals,  to  secure  the  election  of  one  of  their 
own  nation. 

A  pope  was  at  length  elected.  It  was  Peter 
Philargi,  cardinal  of  Milan,  who  assumed  the  title  of 
Alexander  V.  His  elevation  is  ascribed  to  Balthasar 
Cossa,  his  successor,  by  whom  he  was  governed  and 
controlled. 

The  new  pope  was  as  unexceptionable  a  man  prob- 
ably as  the  conclave  could  have  selected.  He  was 
reputed  to  be  a  man  of  rare  knowledge  and  elo- 
quence, of  correct  habits,  and  business  talent.  He 
was  sixty-six  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  election 
— a  capital  qualification  in  the  eyes  of  Cossa. 

His  life  had  been  one  of  active  industry  and  suc- 
cessful effort.  He  had  studied  at  Oxford  and  Paris. 
At  the  latter  place  he  had  received  a  doctors  de- 
gree, and  had  taught  theology  and  sacred  literature. 
He  became  bishop  of  Vicenza,  and  afterwards  of  Mi- 


Ch.  iv.]  Gregory's  council.  117 

Ian.  Innocent  VII.  raised  Mm  to  the  cardinalate. 
His  testimony  of  himself  is  not  to  his  disparagement 
"  I  was,"  said  he  "  a  rich  bishop,  a  poor  cardinal,  a 
mendicant  pope." 

On  the  seventh  of  July  the  ceremony  of  corona- 
tion took  place.  Alexander  received  the  pontifical 
crown,  standing  on  the  steps  of  the  cathedral,  from 
the  hands  of  Cardinal  Saluces.  The  ordinary  cere- 
monial was  observed,  and  Alexander  notified  his 
election  to  all  Europe.  Just  one  month  after  the 
coronation  came  the  closing  session  of  the  council.  A 
few  unimportant  regulations  were  made,  but  the 
great  subject  of  reform  was  referred  to  a  more  conven- 
ient season — a  future  council.  The  claim  of  Louis 
of  Anjou,  the  rival  of  Ladislaus  to  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  was  endorsed  by  the  pope,  and  he  was  ap- 
pointed grand-gonfalonier  of  the  Romish  church 
against  the  common  enemy  of  both. 

The  council  of  Pisa  was  already  drawing  to  its 
close,  when  that  of  Gregory  assembled  at  Friuli, 
(July  22,  1409.)  It  simply  denounced  the  action  of 
that  of  Pisa,  and  decided,  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, in  favor  of  the  claims  of  Gregory.  But  the 
sentence  of  Gregory  was  already  pronounced,  and 
measures  had  been  taken  at  Venice  for  his  arrest. 
Aware  of  his  danger,  he  resolved  on  flight,  first, 
however,  appointing  legates  in  different  kingdoms  to 
strengthen  his  party.  Among  these  was  his  faithful 
archbishop,  Sbynco  of  Prague. 

But  the  poor  old  man,  who,  before  he  set  out  for 
Friuli,  looked  more  like  the  dead  than  the  living, 
found  that  lie  was  not  safe  even  in  the  midst  of  his 


IIS  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHX   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

council.  He  Lad  made  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia  his 
bitter  enemy  by  attempting  to  deprive  him  of  his 
benefice.  The  time  for  vengeance  had  now  come. 
The  prelate  gathered  soldiers  to  cut  off  his  retreat 
Venice  was  only  too  ready  to  seize  him  on  her  own 
territories.  Under  the  show  of  remaining  some  time 
longer  at  Friuli,  in  order  to  lull  suspicion,  he  hur- 
riedly prepared  the  means  of  escape.  At  his  request 
Ladislaus  sent  two  gallies  and  fifty  horsemen  to  his 
relief.  But  the  question  was,  how  to  reach  the  port 
where  the  gallies  lay.  Gregory  assumed  the  disguise 
of  a  merchant,  and,  travelling  on  horseback,  followed 
by  two  attendants  on  foot,  passed  safely  and  unsus- 
pected through  the  guard  of  soldiers  stationed  by  the 
patriarch  to  intercept  him.  In  a  little  while  his 
chamberlain  followed,  clothed  in  pontifical  habit*, 
with  a  considerable  escort.  The  soldiers,  naturally 
supposing  that  this  must  be  the  pope,  seized  him,  his 
company,  and  baggage.  Plundering  the  poor  cham- 
berlain, they  drew  him  along  with  them  several 
miles,  bare-headed,  and  in  most  wretched  plight.  To 
their  deep  mortification,  they  learned,  on  reaching 
their  place  of  rendezvous,  from  a  domestic  of  the  pa- 
triarch, that  they  had  mistaken  their  man.  They  at 
once  endeavored  to  correct  their  error,  and  Btarted  in 
full  pursuit  of  Gregory.  But  they  were  too  Lit-'. 
AY  liii  i  they  reached  the  port  he  had  already  found 
a  skiff,  and  was  on  his  way  to  the  gallies.  Enraged 
ami  disappointed,  the  soldiers  vented  their  spite  ^n 
the  p<>or  chamberlain.  They  stripped  him  of  Lis 
rich  dress,  and  left  him  only  a  poor  doublet.  Not 
yet  content,  they  beat  him  with  clnbs.    TLe  blows 


Ch.IV.]  geegoeys  escape.  119 

revealed  a  secret.  There  was  a  ringing  of  metal. 
They  stripped  him  and  found  concealed  about  his 
person  five  hundred  florins  of  gold.  This  they  seized, 
and  divided  among  themselves.  The  next  day  one 
of  them,  in  derision  of  Gregory,  clothed  himself  in 
the  pontifical  robes  of  which  they  had  despoiled  the 
chamberlain,  and  walked  through  the  streets  dis- 
pensing his  benedictions. 

Gregory's  adherents,  members  of  the  council,  lin- 
gered yet  at  Friuli.  At  length,  in  October,  under 
the  escort  of  five  hundred  German  knights  hired  for 
the  purpose,  they  effected  their  escape.  Gregory 
had  already  got  safe  to  Gaeta. 

Thus  the  issue  of  both  the  other  councils  exposed 
them  to  contempt,  while  that  of  Pisa  had  succeeded 
in  elevating  to  the  pontificate  a  respectable  man. 
Had  he  lived,  all  Christendom  might,  in  the  course 
of  a  few  years,  have  been  united  in  his  allegiance. 
The  intelligence  of  his  election  was  favorably  received 
in  various  countries,  and,  in  spite  of  the  partisans  of 
the  anti-popes,  who  were  everywhere  to  be  found  as 
legates  or  beneficiaries,  his  authority  was  generally 
acknowledged.  The  intelligence  of  his  election 
caused  great  joy  at  Paris.  The  university  looked 
upon  him  almost  as  her  son.  The  people  cried  Vive 
Alexander*,  our  Pope  !  His  legate  was  received  with 
great  honors.  The  princes  of  the  blood  went  to 
meet  him,  and  escorted  him  into  Paris.  Florence  and 
Sienna  sent  deputies  to  express  their  recognition  of 
his  authority.  Germany  for  the  most  part,  though 
Robert  still  adhered  to  Gregory,  favored  the  coun- 
cil.    Bohemia,  by  a  strongly  preponderating   senti- 


120  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

merit,  ranged  itself  on  the  side  of  Alexander,  and 
the  influence  of  Sbynco  was  seriously  affected  by  his 
adherence  to  Gregory,  and  his  position  as  legate. 

Hubs,  although  not  an  active  participant,  was  a 
careful  observer  of  what  was  taking  place  before  the 
eyes  of  Christendom.  He  favored  the  council  of 
Pisa,  and  shared  with  the  French  theologians  their 
indignation  at  the  craft,  duplicity,  and  ambition  of 
the  anti-popes.  The  age  was  itself  a  school  to  teach 
contempt  of  papal  authority,  and  yet  Hubs  trans- 
ferred his  honest  allegiance  to  Alexander  V.  This 
simple  act  shows  that  he  was  not  moved  by  faction, 
and  that  he  had  as  yet  no  thought  of  coming  into 
conflict  with  Christendom. 

Still,  the  result  fell  short  of  what  had  been  expected. 
A  new  pope  had  been  elected,  but  this  was  all.  The 
two  anti-popes  had  been  set  aside,  but  the  mischief  of 
the  schism  in  great  part  still  remained.  Huss  had  an 
illustration  of  this  at  Prague  in  the  position  and 
character  of  the  archbishop,  manifesting  a  hostile 
attitude  towards  the  council,  the  Bohemian  nation 
generally,  and  the  expressed  will  and  authority  of 
the  king.  Nor  was  this  all.  The  ardent  hopes  of  the 
friends  of  peace  and  reform,  which  had  been  excited 
by  the  convocation  of  the  council,  had  been  doomed 
to  disappointment.  If  a  new  pope  had  been  elected, 
it  added  another  claimant  to  the  papacy.  The  em- 
peror still  recognized  Gregory,  and  Spain  continued, 
to  some  extent,  her  allegiance  to  Benedict.  The  cor- 
ruptions of  the  church  had  received  little  if  any 
check.  The  language  of  some  of  the  most  faithful 
and  able  men  of  the  age,  in  speaking  of  it,  is  char- 


Ch.  IV.]  CLEMENGIS    ON   THE    COUNCIL.  121 

acterized  by  great  severity.  Cleniengis, — a  patriot,  a 
scholar,  and  a  Christian,  once  rector  of  the  university 
of  Paris,  and  afterward's  Benedict's  private  secretary, 
■ — had  now  withdrawn  into  a  retirement  more  congen- 
ial to  his  tastes,  and  in  the  quiet  vale  of  Langres  pur- 
sued his  sacred  studies.  The  Holy  Scriptures  were 
his  daily  companion.  In  these  he  found  "  the  gold 
of  wisdom,  the  silver  of  eloquence,  the  gems  of  vir- 
tue, lavishly  poured  forth  from  the  fountain  of 
supernal  grace."  Here  he  learned,  as  he  assures  us, 
more  in  a  few  days  than  he  had  before  in  as  many 
years  from  the  heathen  poets  and  orators  which  he 
had  now  thrown  aside. 

The  views  of  such  a  man,  at  such  a  crisis,  are 
worthy  of  our  notice.  He  saw  with  a  clearer  eye 
than  most,  the  deep-seated  malady  of  Christendom, 
and  had  sense  enough  to  perceive  that  no  remedy 
could  avail,  short  of  a  thorough  and  entire  reform. 

"  The  assembly  of  Pisa,"  said  he,  "  only  deceived 
the  church  of  God.  It  cried  Peace,  peace,  when  there 
was  no  peace.  These  carnal  and  avaricious  men  are 
so  eager  after  their  benefices,  that,  blinded  by  their 
passions,  they  have  obstructed  the  reformation  of  the 
church,  for  which  many  are  so  anxious.  Thus  they 
first  of  all  proceeded  to  a  new  election.  "When  this 
was  done,  and  they  had  obtained  the  promotions 
they  asked,  they  cried  Peace  and  Union  I  and  so,  after 
having  dissolved  the  council,  they  returned  with  the 
peace  they  sought,  that  is  to  say,  their  own  advance- 
ment." Could  Huss  have  uttered  more  unpalatable 
truth  ? 

Boniface  of  Ferrara,  brother  of  Vincent,  "  not  his 


122  LIFE   ABD   TIDIES   OF   JOHN  HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

inferior  in  piety,"  speaks  of  the  council  as  "  a  profane, 
heretical,  cursed,  seditious,  absurd,  scandalous,  dia- 
bolicaJ  assembly."  He  charges  its  being  summoned 
to  violence  and  intrigue  as  well  as  the  selfishness  of 
the  cardinals.  He  maintains,  which  is  not  improba- 
ble from  the  known  character  of  Balthasar  Coesa, 
that  he  had  gained  the  doctors  of  Bologna  by  bribes, 
or  overawed  them  by  his  authority,  to  approve  the 
council. 

The  intelligence  of  the  election  was  not  every- 
where received  as  it  was  in  France.  One  of  the 
cardinals  was  reported  to  have  said  to  one  of  the 
ambassadors  of  the  king  of  Arragon,  the  next  day 
after  the  election,  "Be  assured,  as  long  as  the  pope 
is  elected  from  the  Italians,  we  shall  have  one  of 
their  fancy."  Several  other  cardinals,  after  the  elec- 
tion, withdrew  dissatisfied  to  their  benefices,  deter- 
mined never  to  see  Alexander  V.  again,  or  be  mem- 
bers of  his  council.  At  Genoa  there  was  no  Bign  of 
satisfaction  given  at  the  receipt  of  the  news ;  not  a 
bell  was  struck. 

Many  learned  men  in  Italy,  France,  German}-,  and 
elsewhere,  refused  to  give  in  their  adherence  to  the 
council.  Some  maintained,  and  with  much  show  of 
reason,  that  it  had  increased  the  schism  rather  than 
removed  it.  There  were  now  three  claimants  to  the 
popedom  instead  of  two.  All  were  not  of  the  mind 
of  Cardinal  Chalant,  who  deserted  Benedict  and 
joined  the  council  in  hope  of  his  own  election. 
When  Boniface  of  Ferrara  remonstrated  with  him 
on  his  course,  his  reply  was  that  of  the  reckless  and 
ambitious   partisan.      "  What   will   come    of    this," 


Ch.  IV.]      COKRUPTIONS  OF  THE  CHUECH.        123 

asked  Boniface,  "but  the  election  of  a  third  pope 
who  will  be  only  an  anti-pope  ? "  "  What  difference 
if  we  only  make  one  ? "  answered  the  cardinal.  "  Be 
he  anti-pope,  or  even  devil,  he  will  then  become  pure." 

Clemengis  disputed  the  authority  of  the  council. 
Bad  men,  he  admits  and  asserts,  were  there,  but  the 
Holy  Spirit  did  not  preside  over  it. 

Theodore  Vrie,  a  German  monk,  gives  the  history 
of  the  evils  and  corruptions  of  the  age,  in  the  form 
of  a  dialogue  between  Christ  and  his  church.  He 
makes  the  latter  say:  "Behold,  I  pray  you,  what 
union,  or  rather  division !  Yet  it  is  an  execrable 
schism.  They  have  wished  to  elect  only  one  su- 
preme pastor,  and  have  made  three.  I  had  two 
husbands,  and  they  have  given  me  a  third." 

The  council  had  in  fact  opened  an  unlimited  field 
for  controversy.  A  large  portion  of  Christendom 
regarded  the  pontificate  as  supreme  jure  divmo,  and 
above  all  subjection  to  any  earthly  tribunal.  Ger- 
son,  and  the  French  theologians  generally,  repudiated 
this  view.  With  them  the  church  itself  was  su- 
preme, and  its  decisions,  by  its  representatives  in  a 
general  council,  the  law  from  which  there  could  be 
no  appeal.  The  very  title  of  the  treatise  of  the 
chancellor  of  the  university,  De  Auferibilitate  JPapce, 
was  startling  to  all  the  partisans  of  papal  infallibility. 
But  Clemengis  went  further.  Agreeing  with  Gerson 
in  many  points,  he  yet  disputes  the  infallibility  of 
councils,  and  especially  that  of  Pisa.  His  argument 
on  the  subject  is  a  masterpiece  of  skill  and  shrewdness, 
and  evidently  suggests,  though  in  the  form  of  dia- 
logue, his  real  sentiments.     We  may  fairly  declare  it 


12-i  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ck  IV. 

unanswerable.  One  after  another  he  limits  out 
every  subterfuge  of  his  opponent,  and,  under  the 
show  of  the  greatest  docility,  leaves  the  objector 
who  presumes  to  teach  him,  a  humble  learner. 

Peter  D'Ailly,  afterwards  cardinal  of  Cambray, 
held  positions  not  much  discordant  from  those  of 
Gerson,  as  was  manifest  at  the  council  of  Constance. 
Such  disputes  struck  at  the  very  root  of  papal  au- 
thority. Yet  they  had  spread  over  Christendom. 
Huss  at  Prague  was  but  carrying  out  to  their  legiti- 
mate issue  the  principles  of  Gerson  and  Clemengis. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  newly  elected  pope 
was  a  bull  in  favor  of  the  mendicants.     To  say  no 
worse  of  it,  it  was,  in  a  political  point  of  view,  a 
gross  blunder,  which  his  successor  found  it  necessary 
to  correct.     Those  monkish  orders  had  been  estab- 
lished in  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
They  had  been  favored  by  the  popes,  who  bestowed 
upon  them  peculiar  privileges  and  immunities.    Freed 
from  all  secular  and  episcopal  jurisdiction,  privileged 
to  demand  alms  wherever  they  roamed,  some  of  these 
begging  brethren  assumed  the  name  of  "  preaching 
friars."     They  were  authorized  to  preach  every  win  >  n  \ 
irrespective  of  the   will  or  authority  of  the  parish 
priest.     They  were  privileged  to  hear  confessions, 
read  masses,  and  sell  papal  indulgences.     Their  in- 
fluence  soon  became  most  extensive   and   efficient. 
They  were  justly  called  "The  standing  army  of  the 
pope."     But  their  privileges  and  success  awoke  Boon 
a  jealousy  against  them  on  the  part  of  the  regular 
clergy.     Spreading  themselves  all  over  Christendom, 
their  early  zeal  and  vows  of  poverty  acquired  for 


Ch.  IV.]  THE   MENDICANTS.  125 

them  a  power  that  was  considered  dangerous  in  such 
irresponsible  hands.  Yet,  in  spite  of  a  rising  oppo- 
sition, this  hardy  and  devoted  militia  of  the  church 
did  its  work  to  perfection.  Its  numbers  and  efficiency 
increased.  Fresh  lifeblood  seemed  to  be  infused  into 
a  decaying  system.  Youthful  activity  succeeded  to 
visible  decrepitude.  The  mendicant  was  free  to  act 
wherever  occasion  offered.  He  intruded  into  the  re- 
gion of  parochial  duty.  He  seated  himself  in  the 
chair  of  the  confessional.  He  seized  the  honors  of 
the  university,  or  the  crosier  of  the  bishop.  His  in- 
fluence was  felt  in  each  secular  department.  None 
understood  better  the  secrets  of  diplomatic  intrigue. 
None  could  avail  himself  more  skilfully  of  every  oc- 
casion, to  serve  at  once  himself  and  his  master. 

In  the  course  of  sixty  years  these  holy  beggars 
had  increased  to  "  extravagant  swarms."  Their  early 
vows  of  poverty  were  forgotten.  The  barefooted 
brethren  had  become  possessed  of  stately  edifices  and 
large  domains.  Their  success  was  their  corruption  and 
disaster.  Supported  by  the  popes,  they  insulted  the 
curates  and  bishops.  Multitudes  forsook  their  parish, 
priests  to  follow  the  mendicants  and  confess  to  them. 

The  struggle  continued.  Sometimes  their  audacity 
forced  the  popes  to  revoke  their  privileges,  soon 
however  to  be  restored.  Councils  and  synods  dif- 
fered, some  approving  and  some  condemning  the 
monks.  The  question  of  the  mendicants  agitated  all 
Christendom.  Even  papal  infallibility  split  upon  this 
rock.  The  popes  wavered  in  regard  to  the  policy  to 
be  adopted.  They  dared  not  sustain  them  through- 
out,  and   would   not   dismiss  them  altogether.     In 


126  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ce.  IV. 

England  the  contest  was  sharp  and  protracted.  "We 
have  seen  the  course  of  "Wickliffe,  and  the  bitter  hos- 
tility with  which  he  was  regarded  by  the  mendicants. 
In  this  contest,  the  better  portion  of  the  English 
nation  sympathized  with  the  reformer.  To  such  an 
extent  had  the  evil  grown  at  one  time,  that  the  law 
records  were  "  filled  with  warrants  for  the  arrest  of 
the  sanctimonious  vagrants." 

A  similar  disturbance  had  been  created  by  them 
in  other  parts  of  Christendom.  "While  Janow  and 
Huss  opposed  them  at  Prague,  they  were  not  suffered 
to  enjoy  at  Paris  an  undisputed  triumph.  In  1408, 
one  of  their  number,  John  Gozel,  boldly  maintained, 
in  the  college  of  Navarre,  their  impudent  and  assum- 
ing claims.  Among  other  positions,  he  held  that  the 
curates,  as  such,  were  inferior  to  the  mendicants,  and 
were  unauthorized  to  preach,  to  confess,  to  grant  ex- 
treme unction  or  burial,  or  even  to  receive  tithes. 
Such  was  the  presumption  inspired  by  their  powerful 
influence  and  wonderful  success.  But  such  bold 
avowals  were  too  offensive  to  be  passed  over  in 
silence.  The  theological  faculty  of  the  university 
were  incensed.  They  summoned  the  offender  before 
them,  and  forced  him  to  retract  his  proposition  and 
publicly  disavow  it. 

Things  were  in  this  state  when  Alexander's  bull 
in  favor  of  the  mendicants  arrived.  It  was  addressed 
to  all  the  prelates  of  Christendom,  and  contained  a 
recapitulation  of  the  bulls  of  previous  popes  in  favor 
of  the  offending  monks.  Either  unwilling  to  credit 
the  bull,  or  the  more  formally  to  express  their  dis- 
sent from  its  provisions,  the  university  sent  a  depu- 


Ch.  IV.]  TEOUBLE   WITH   THE   MENDICANTS.  127 

tation  to  Pisa  to  learn  the  facts  in  the  case.  They 
satisfied  themselves  that  the  bull  was  genuine,  and 
examined  it  in  the  original.  Observing  that  it  pro- 
fessed to  have  been  expedited  "  with  the  consent  and 
by  the  advice  of  the  cardinals,"  they  visited  them  all 
individually  to  learn  the  facts.  They  all,  without 
exception,  denied  any  participation  in  the  matter, 
and  were  perfectly  agreed  in  condemning  it  as  prej- 
udicial to  the  rights  of  the  regular  clergy.1  The 
report  of  the  deputation  kindled  in  France  a  name 
of  indignation  and  remonstrance.  The  act  of  the 
pope  was  evidently  one  of  partiality  and  favoritism 
toward  the  mendicants,  of  which  order  he  had  been 
himself  a  member.  The  rector  of  the  university  of 
Paris  assembled  the  doctors  and  regents  to  deliberate 
on  the  course  to  be  adopted.  It  was  resolved  that 
all  the  mendicant  monks  should  be  expelled.  They 
were  forbidden  to  preach  till  they  had  renounced 
the  bull.  Some  complied  with  the  requisition ;  oth- 
ers, emboldened  by  the  authority  of  the  pope,  re- 
solved to  brave  the  indignation  and  sentence  of  the 
university.  They  ran  raving  through  the  streets, 
with  copies  of  the  bull  authorizing  their  privileges 
in  their  hands,  insulting  the  regular  clergy,  and  main- 
taining that  to  them  properly  belonged  the  right  to 
preach,  hear  confessions,  and  receive  tithes  from 
parishes.  The  king,  at  the  urgency  of  the  university, 
and  to  repress  this  license,  published  a  prohibition 
against  them. 

Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  university,  was  directed 
to  preach  a  sermon  on  the  subject.     He  maintained 

1  Council  of  Pisa,  i.  316. 


128  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

that  if  anyone  proposed  to  break  np  the  established 
order  of  the  hierarchy,  he  was  to  be  resisted  as  Luci- 
fer and  the  wicked  angels.  Coming  to  the  question 
in  hand,  he  asserted  that  the  bull  had  been  extorted 
from  the  pope  by  surprise,  or  been  obtained  through 
his  inadvertence.  The  university  had  judged  it  to  be 
"intolerable,  incompatible  with  the  welfare  of  the 
church,  and  that  it  must  be  rescinded  before  the 
preaching  friars  could  be  restored  to  their  privileges." 

The  priests  were  required  in  their  sermons  to  jus- 
tify the  course  of  the  university.  In  every  city  small 
treatises  were  drawn  up  and  circulated,  containing 
in  the  French  language  an  explanation  of  the  matter, 
in  order  to  instruct  the  common  people  on  the  subject. 

The  effect  of  all  these  measures  was  to  render  the 
pope  unpopular.  The  joy  that  had  been  excited  by 
the  news  of  his  election  quickly  subsided.  He  had 
lost  the  strength  of  allegiance  on  the  part  of  France, 
which  could  enable  him  to  defy  his  competitors. 
There  were  now  three  popes  in  the  field.  The  coun- 
cil had  rather  aggravated  than  healed  the  schism  of 
the  church. 

At  Prague,  Alexander  V.,  elected  at  Pisa,  was,  if 
not  fully  acknowledged,  at  least  preferred.  Wenzel, 
from  spite  at  Gregory,  would  at  least  give  prece- 
dence to  the  claims  of  one  whom  he  regarded  as 
Gregory's  antagonist.  The  result  that  had  thus  been 
reached  left  Sbynco,  the  archbishop,  in  a  false  position. 
His  adherence  to  Gregory,  while  Bohemia  ranged  it- 
self, though  by  no  means  with  enthusiasm,  on  the 
side  of  Alexander,  was  of  no  little  service  in  strength- 
ening the  position  of  Huss. 


CHAPTEE   V. 

HUSS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP.1 

Martial  Operations  of  Sbtnco.  —  His  Synod.  —  Pater  Arraigned.  —  Bohe- 
mians on  Wickliffe. —  Priest  Abraham. — Sbynco  Satisfied.  —  Wenzel's 
Decision  in  regard  to  the  University.  —  The  Foreign  Nations  Refuse  to 
Obey.  —  Command  of  the  King.  —  The  Secession  of  the  Nation's.  —  Huss 
Chosen  Rector.  —  Character  and  Life  of  Wenzel.  —  Sbynco.  —  Transub- 
stantiation  to  be  Preached.  —  Huss  in  his  Pulpit.  —  Substance  of  his 
Preaching.  —  Ordinance  Aimed  at  Huss.  —  Sbynco  Forced  to  be  Recon- 
ciled with  Alexander  V.  —  Huss  Circulates  Wickliffe's  Writings. — 
Broda's  Letter  of  Complaint  to  the  Archbishop.  —  Measures  Taken.  — 
The  University.  —  The  Five  Students.  —  The  Archbishop  Condemned  by  a. 
Papal  Commission.  —  Submits  to  Alexander  V.  —  The  Papal  Bull.  —  It3 
Reception.  —  Opposition  to  it.  —  Course  of  Huss.  —  His  Appeal.  —  The 
Burning  of  the  Books. — Public  Indignation.  —  Knowledge  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. —  Sermon  of  Huss.  —  Continues  to  Preach.  — Wickliffe  Defended.— 
Sermon  of  Huss. 

1409-1411. 

It  is  now  time  for  us  to  return  and  note  the  prog- 
ress of  affairs  at  Prague.  "We  have  already  seen 
the  national  feeling  allying  itself  with  the  cause  of 
reform.  The  condemnation  of  Wickliffe's  articles  by 
the  university  in  1403  was  regarded  as  specially  ob- 
noxious, from  the  fact  that  it  had  been  brought  about 
by  a  majority  composed  of  the  vote  of  the  foreign 
nations.  It  was  looked  upon  by  the  Bohemians  as  a 
victory  over  themselves,  and  increased  that  dissatis- 

1  The  main  authorities  upon  which  Huss,"  "  Bonfinius'  History  of  Bohe- 

I  have  relied  for  the  materials  of  this  mia,"  and  such  extracts  from  Pelzel, 

chapter,  are  "The  Life   and   Works  Palacjcy,  Theobald,  and  Balbinua   as- 

of  Huss,"   "  Helfert's  Life  of  Huss,"  I  have  met  with  in  L'Enfant,  Bonne- 

"  Anti-Hussus,"  by  Stephen  of  Dola  ;  chose,  Von  der  Hardt,  Neander,  and 

"  Godeau's  History  of  the  Church,"  others. 
"  JSneas  Sylvius,"  "  Cochlams'  Life  of 

VOL.  I.  9 


130  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  V. 

faction  which  issued  in  the  petition  addressed  by  the 
Bohemians  to  Wenzel.  The  tendencies  of  the  two 
parties  became  continually  more  manifest.  The  pa- 
triotic feeling  of  the  nation  rejected  the  decision 
against  WickliftVs  books,  while  the  foreign  influence 
was  almost  unanimously  in  its  favor.  Has-  was  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  former,  and  among  his 
most  powerful  supporters  were  some  who  were  after- 
wards his  most  virulent  opponents.  Undoubtedly 
the  party  which  adhered  to  him  was  composed  largely 
of  members  to  whom  theological  questions  were  of 
minor  importance. 

At  this  time *  the  archbishop  troubled  himself  but 
little  with  the  affairs  of  the  university,  and  was  on 
good  terms  with  Huss.  His  attention  was  directed 
more  to  his  worldly  than  his  spiritual  possessions. 
His  diocese  was  neglected,  while  he  engaged,  in  4;he 
summer  of  1404,  in  the  siege  of  the  fortress  where 
the  knight  Nicholas  Zul  of  Ostrodek  had  gathered 
his  robber  band.  Zul  was  taken  captive,  given  over 
to  the  civil  authorities,  and  in  his  prison  visited  by 
Huss,  whose  words  made  such  an  impression  upon 
his  mind  that  he  at  least  assumed  the  aspect  of  an 
humble  penitent. 

But  no  sooner  had  Sbynco  subdued  the  fortress 
than  his  attention  was  directed  to  other  martial  ope- 
rations. For  the  two  succeeding*  years  he  was  en- 
gaged, along  with  the  provost  of  Choteschau,  Sulek 
of  Ilradek,  in  an  invasion  of  Moravia,  and  had  no 
time  or  opportunity  to  note  the  progress  of  religious 
affairs  at  Prague. 

1  Hclfert,  69,  70. 


Ch.  V.]  MATTHIAS    OF   KNIN.  131 

At  length,  aroused  by  the  express  admonitions  of 
the  pope,  he  summoned  in  1406  a  synod  of  his 
diocese  clergy,  and  in  conjunction  with  them  issued 
his  decree  that  henceforth  no  one,  under  severe  pen- 
alty, should  hold,  teach,  or,  for  purposes  of  academic 
debate,  argue  in  favor  of  WicklinVs  doctrines.  It 
was  proposed  to  institute  an  investigation  for  the 
purpose  of  detecting  any  who  might  be  the  secret  or 
open  adherents  of  the  English  reformer. 

But  the  measure  proved  futile.  Either  Sbynco 
was  not  prepared  to  break  with  Huss,  who  as  queen's 
confessor  and  preacher  in  Bethlehem  chapel  was  an 
opponent  to  be  feared,  or  he  felt,  as  is  more  proba- 
ble, little  interest  in  the  questions  at  issue,  which  he 
failed  fully  to  comprehend.  Huss  distinctly  rejected 
the  views  of  Wickliffe  on  the  subject  of  transubstan- 
tiation,  and  was  less  obnoxious  in  this  respect  proba- 
bly than  some  of  his  associates. 1 

The  two  years  which  followed  were  years  of  com- 
parative quiet.  But  in  the  spring  of  1408,  Matthias 
of  Knin,  surnamed  Pater,  a  master  of  arts  in  the 
university,  was  arraigned  before  the  archiepiscopal 
court  on  the  charge  of  John  Elia,  one  of  the  Bohe- 
mian friends  of  Huss. 2  He  was  accused  of  holding 
that  the  substance  of  the  bread  remains  after  the 
sacramental  words  have  been  pronounced.  Pater 
was  thrown  into  prison,  and  only  secured  his  release 
by  a  solemn  recantation.  Scarcely,  however,  was  he 
again  at  liberty,  when,  in  presence  of  witnesses,  he 
made  affidavit  that  his  recantation  had  been  extorted 
by  fear  of  prison  and  torture. 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  164.  a  Helfert,  11. 


132  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  V. 

The  matter  excited  a  deep  interest,  especially 
among  the  Bohemians,  who  were  now  seen  to  be 
divided  among  themselves.  A  meeting  was  Bpeedily 
called  to  consult  in  regard  to  the  doctrines  of  \Yick- 
liffe.  Clemens  of  Mnichowic,  pastor  at  Wran  and 
the  then  rector,  presided.  Among  those  present 
were  Huss,  Jacobel,  John  Elia,  Stanislaus,  Andrew 
Broda,  and  Stephen  Paletz.  The  assembly  consisted 
of  sixty-four  masters  and  doctors,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  graduates,  and  one  thousand  students.  The  de- 
cision was,  that  under  penalty  of  expulsion  no  mem- 
ber of  the  Bohemian  nation  should  teach  or  defend 
any  of  AVickliffe's  articles.  But  it  was  adriotly 
added,  that  the  prohibition  referred  to  was  only  to 
the  articles  as  understood  in  an  heretical,  erroneous, 
or  scandalous  sense.  The  issue  of  the  matter  was 
thus  a  compromise  between  the  two  wings  of  the 
national  party.  It  enabled  them  yet  a  while  longer 
to  cooperate  on  patriotic  grounds,  and  in  opposition 
to  the  foreign  influence. 

It  was  not  long  after  this  before  the  explorations 
of  John  of  Kbel,  the  vicar-general  of  the  archbishop, 
detected  another  case  of  heresy.  The  criminal  in 
this  case  was  priest  Abraham,  pastor  of  the  church 
of  the  Holy  Ghost.  One  of  the  charges  against  him — 
probably  not  the  only  one — is  quite  significant.  He 
asserted  that  laymen,  as  well  as  priests,  might  be 
allowed  to  preach  the  gospel.  Huss  took  a  deep 
interest  in  the  case,  and  was  present  at  the  trial.  He 
had  a  somewhat  warm  disenssion  with  the  vicar,  but 
with  no  good  result.  Priest  Abraham  was  given 
over  to  the  inquisitor  Jaroslow,  bishop  of  Sarepta, 


Ch.  V.]      THE  BOHEMIANS  TRIUMPHANT.  133 

by  whom  lie  was  imprisoned  and  afterwards  banished. 
Hnss  remonstrated  on  the  matter  with  the  arch- 
bishop/8* He  pointed  him  to  the  indolent  and  worth- 
less priests  in  the  diocese  whom  he  left  unmolested, 
while  he  had  banished  as  a  heretic  one  who  was  ex- 
emplary in  the  discharge  of  every  priestly  duty. * 

But  Sbynco  felt  that  he  had  done  enough.  He 
wearied  of  the  troublous  business  of  dealing  with 
heretics,  and  readily — at  the  request  of  Wenzel — 
certified  that  after  diligent  investigation  no  further 
heresy  or  error  was  to  be  found  in  the  land. 2 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  king,  in 
the  autumn  of  1408,  laid  the  subject  of  the  with- 
drawal of  obedience  from  Gregory  before  the  uni- 
versity. The  unanimity  of  the  three  foreign  nations 
in  opposing  it,  and  of  the  national  party  in  its  favor, 
only  added  to  the  mutual  alienation  of  feeling  which 
had  long  existed ;  and  when  the  king,  under  the  influ- 
ence'of  his  favorite,  granted  the  request  of  the  Bo- 
hemians, and  issued  his  decree  giving  the  Bohemians 
an  equal  vote  and  control  in  the  university  with  the 
three  other  nations,  the  long  smouldering  flames 
burst  forth.  Huss  was  still  prostrate  on  his  sick- 
bed, when  John  Elia  and  Andrew  Broda  entered 
his  chamber  and  announced  the  realization  of  his 
long-cherished  hopes.  He  gave  them  his  warmest 
thanks  for  the  cheering  intelligence,  and  charged 
them,  in  case  he  should  not  recover,  to  remain  faith- 
ful to  the  popular  cause.8 

The  foreign  party  were  taken  by  surprise.  They 
had  not  imagined  that  the  king  would  have  ventured 

1  Helfert,  p.  72.  2  lb.  3  Helfert,  77. 


134  LIFE    AM)    HMES    OF   JOIIX   IIUSS.  [Cn.  V. 

on  so  bold  a  step.  In  the  security  of  their  confi- 
dence they  had  made  rash  threats  of  what  they  would 
do  in  case  of  such  an  emergency.  They  had  pledged 
one  another,  if  the  request  of  the  Bohemians  was 
granted  and  the  decree  was  executed,  to  leave 
Prague  in  a  body.  Even  when  the  decision  of  the 
king  had  been  made  public,  they  could  scarce  believe 
thai  it  would  be  carried  out.  They  employed  all 
the  means  in  their  power  to  divert  Wenzel  from  his 
purpose,  but  in  vain. 

At  length  the  critical  hour  arrived.  The  annual 
elections  were  to  take  place.  A  new  rector  and. 
dean  of  the  faculty  of  arts  were  to  be  chosen.  The 
three  nations  were  proceeding  after  the  old  order, 
when  the  Bohemians  interposed.  The  confusion  and 
discord  were  such  that  the  old  officers  made  it  an 
ap<  >logy  for  putting  offthe  election.  Henning  Von  Bal- 
tenhagen,  the  rector,  and  Albert  Warrentrappe,  the 
dean,  refused  to  yield  up  the  insignia  of  their  office.1 

This  state  of  things  could  not  continue.  The  in- 
dolent monarch  might  have  disregarded  his  own 
decrees,  but  the  favorite,  Nicholas  Yon  Lobkowic,  at 
whose  instance  it  had  been  issued,  had  still  the  ear 
of  the  king,"  and  urged  him  to  decisive  measures. 
On  the  9th  of  May,  1409,  while  the  council  of  Pisa 
was  yet  in  its  early  sessions,  Nicholas  appeared  be- 
fore the  university,  and  in  the  name  of  the  king  re- 
quired the  dean  and  rector  to  give  up  the  insignia 
of  their  office,  and  by  royal  authority  appointed 
Zdenek  Von  Labaun  as  rector,  and  Simon  Von  Tis- 
now  as  dean. 

1  Hclfert,  11. 


Ch.  V.]  HUSS    CHOSEN   EECTOE.  135 

The  defeated  party  were  exasperated  beyond 
measure,  and  prepared  at  once  to  execute  their 
threatened  purpose.  Some  of  them  burned  down 
the  theological  college,  and  in  a  few  days  five  thou- 
sand German  students,  with  their  doctors,  masters, 
and  bachelors,  true  to  their  vows,  but  with  sad  hearts, 
had  left  the  city.  Most  of  these  belonged  to  the 
Saxon  nation.  The  Bavarians,  during  the  long  alien- 
ation of  emperor  Eobert  and  Wenzel,  had  experi- 
enced a  marked  decrease  of  numbers,  while  of  the 
Polish  nation  only  a  portion  were  of  German  sym- 
pathies, and  the  Slavic  masters  and  students  were  for 
the  most  part  inclined  to  regard  the  Bohemians  as 
brethren.  The  voluntary  exiles,  who  went  forth 
from  the  university  at  Prague,  found  a  home  at  Leip- 
sic,  and  laid  there  the  foundations  of  a  new  univer- 
sity. 

It  was  not  difficult  to  determine,  now  that  the 
foreign  nations  had  left,  upon  whom  the  choice  of 
rector  would  fall.  Preeminent  among  his  country- 
men, facile  princeps,  by  the  concession  of  all,  unless 
of  some  disappointed  rivals — once  his  warmest 
friends,  but  soon  to  be  his  bitter  enemies — John 
Huss  was  again  called  to  fill  the  post  of  rector. 

Such  was  the  triumph  of  the  reformer,  at  the 
critical  moment  when  he  was  about  to  come  in  di- 
rect conflict  with  the  archiepiscopal  influence  at 
Prague.  Sbyn'co,  opposed  as  legate  of  Gregory  to 
the  measures  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  found  himself  in 
an  unenviable  position.  Although  as  yet  he  had 
not  come  to  an  open  rupture  with  Huss,  he  had  been 
made  to  feel  the  weight  of  his  influence,  and  had 


13G  LIFE    AND    HMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

grown  restive  under  his  censure  and  the  reports  of 
his  sermons  in  Bethlehem  chapel.  The  decisive 
conflict  could  not  loinx  be  deferred. 

But  Sbynco  still  persisted — in  spite  of  the  council 
and  its  decisions — in  adhering  to  the  cause  of  Greg- 
ory XII.  In  this  he  was  encouraged  by  hopes  based 
on  the  uncertainty  of  the  future  and  the  fickleness 
of  WenzeL  The  character  of  the  king, — a  curious 
compound  of  indolence  and  passion,  wilful  caprice, 
and  mischievous  humor, — went  far  to  deprive  him  of 
all  respect.  No  man  had  possessed  better  oppor- 
tunities to  know  what  he  was  than  the  archbishop, 
and  this  acquaintance  with  his  general  imbecility, 
and  his  indifference  towards  all  but  the  gratification 
of  his  appetites,  undoubtedly  encouraged  him  for 
a  while  to  persist  in  his  course  as  the  legate  of 
Gregory  in  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia. 

AVenzel's  life  had  been  marked  by  the  most  singu- 
lar freaks  of  caprice,  and  the  strangest  vicissitudes 
of  fortune.1  The  oldest  son  of  Charles  IV.,  he  had 
ascended  the  imperial  throne  (137S)  at  the  early 
age  of  fifteen.  At  this  period,  though  his  character 
was  but  partially  developed,  he  was  regarded  with 
respect  and  confidence.  He  gave  promise  of  the 
highest  virtues  for  the  ornament  and  glory  of  his 
throne.  But  it  was  not  long  before  the  hopes  of  his 
early  years  were  obscured  by  debaucheries  and  ex- 
cess. He  became  strangely  reckless  of  his  authority, 
studious  only  of  his  ease  or  amusement,  and  utterly 
void  of  all  self-respect.  He  had  no  trace  of  the  am- 
bition or  enterprise  of  a  great  sovereign,  and  only 

1  M.  I.  Schmidt's  Gesohicht  Dor  Deutschen,  iv.  1-40. 


Ch.  V.]  CnAEACTEE    OF   WENZEL.  137 

disgraced  the  imperial  title  wliicli  lie  bore.  In  1395 
he  sold  the  dukedom  of  Milan  to  the  VisConti  for 
100,000  florins.  Twenty-six  cities,  embracing  nearly 
the  whole  of  Lombardy,  and  extending  to  the  La- 
gune  of  Venice,  were  alienated  from  the  empire  by  a 
stroke  of  the  pen.  It  was  but  shortly  after  this  that 
in  a  freak  of  fancy  he  resolved  to  visit  the  king  of 
France,  to  consult  with  him  on  the  union  of  the 
church.  All  attempts  to  dissuade  him  from  his  mad 
project  were  of  no  avail.  In  fact  he  proceeded  to 
execute  his  purpose,  and  at  Kheims  followed  up  his 
course  of  imperial  profligacy  by  the  cession  of  Genoa 
to  France.  Not  content  with  this,  he  excited  the 
discontent  and  alarm  of  his  subjects  by  recognizing 
Benedict  at  Avignon  as  lawful  pope,  and  withdraw- 
ing his  allegiance  from  Boniface  IX.,  who  then  wore 
the  tiara  at  Home. 

An  act  like  this,  worthy  of  the  drunken  frolic  in 
which  it  originated,  made  the  prelates  of  Germany 
tremble  for  the  results  that  might  follow  the  reck- 
lessness and  incapacity  of  the  emperor.  The  arch- 
bishop of  Mayence  was  a  zealous  adherent  of  Bon- 
iface IX.,  and  had  no  disposition  to  run  the  risk  of 
losing  his  mitre.  At  his  instigation,  the  princes  of 
the  empire  cited  Wenzel  to  appear  before  their  tri- 
bunal. On  his  refusal  to  comply,  he  was  formally 
deposed.  When  counselled  to  bring  about  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Boniface  IX.,  he  treated  the  matter 
with  supreme  indifference.  He  shut  himself  up  in 
complete  inactivity  at  Prague,  and  appeared  to  feel 
the  loss  of  his  empire  less  than  he  would  have  felt 
the  loss  of  his  wine.    The  citizens  of  Nuremberg  could 


138  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Ch.  V. 

not  l>e  satisfied  with  the  absolution  from  allegiance 
extended  by  the  electoral  college  to  the  whole  em- 
pire, and  besought  a  release  from  Wenzel  himself. 
He  freely  granted  it,  accepting,  instead  of  the  20,000 
crowns  offered  him,  a  certain  number  of  cartloads  of 
his  favorite  wine.  Even  his  own  brother,  Sigismund, 
pronounced  him  unfit  to  rule,  shut  him  up  in  prison, 
(the  Spinka,)  and  at  length  incautiously  entrusted 
him  to  the  care  of  the  Hapsburgs.  By  these  he  was 
set  at  liberty ;  and  the  Bohemians,  preferring  him 
with  all  his  freaks  and  debaucheries  to  his  brother 
Sigismund,  acknowledged  him  as  their  sovereign, 
and  restored  him  to  his  throne  as  king  of  Bohemia. 

Still  he  felt,  at  least  occasionally,  a  sense  of  his 
degradation,  and  was  willing  to  attempt  to  regain 
the  imperial  crown  when  it  did  not  cost  too  great  ef- 
fort, Boniface  IX.  had  consented  to  his  deposition, 
and  had  covered  it  with  his  pontifical  sanction.  As 
the  successor  of  Boniface,  Gregory  was  by  no  means 
acceptable  to  Wenzel;  and  it  was  at  least  something 
to  be  still  recognized  as  emperor  by  a  general  coun- 
cil which  had  deposed,  along  with  Benedict,  the  suc- 
cessor of  his  old  antagonist. 

It  was  evident,  therefore,  that  IIuss  had  little  to 
hope,  and  Sbynco  little  to  fear,  from  the  king.  On 
the  whole,  however,  he  sided  with  IIuss.  The  writh- 
ings  of  the  aggrieved  ecclesiastics  rather  amused  him. 
It  has  been  said  of  him  that  "  he  united  in  his  char- 
acter all  the  extravagance  of  Anthony,  the  infamous 
cowardice  of  Heliogabalus,  and  the  blood}'  passions 
of  Tiberius."  This  is  a  severe  judgment,  and  should 
be  qualified  by  the  addition  of  another  vice,  which, 


Ch.  V.]  DOCTEHSTE   OF   TEANSUBSTANTIATION.  139 

in  such  connection,  assumes  the  phase  almost  of  a 
virtue — his  constitutional  indolence. 

Huss  could  place  but  little  reliance  upon  the  sup- 
port of  Wenzel ;  yet  it  was  something  to  be  left  un- 
molested. From  his  pulpit  in  Bethlehem  chapel  he 
wielded  an  influence  which  was  more  powerfully  felt 
throughout  Bohemia  than  that  either  of  the  arch- 
bishop or  the  king.  Sbynco,  indeed,  was  not  a  man 
of  any  remarkable  ability.  He  was  almost  unlet- 
tered, utterly  destitute  of  all  claim  to  be  ranked  as 
a  theologian,  and,  with  no  little  natural  shrewdness, 
a  most  contemptible  opponent  in  argument  when 
pitted  against  Huss.  His  strength  was  simply  in  the 
exalted  position  which  he  occupied,  and  the  facility 
with  which  the  party  he  represented  could  make  him 
its  instrument. 

The  action  of  the  council  must  have  been  felt  by 
him  as  a  sore  grievance.  The  opposition  between 
him  and  Huss  had  already  become  quite  fully  devel- 
oped, and  on  other  questions  than  that  of  the  papacy 
they  were  at  issue.  Two  years  before  the  council, 
the  archbishop  had  directed  the  clergy  to  preach  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  impugned  in  Wick- 
liffe's  writings,  and  threatened  to  punish  as  a  heretic 
any  one  who  should  refuse  obedience.  The  doctrine 
itself  was  one  to  which  Huss  did  not  object, — nay,  it 
was  one  which  he  devoutly  held;  but  the  order 
which  required  it  was  in  reality  directed  against 
the  writings  both  of  Wickliffe  and  his  defenders. 
Huss  was  regarded  as  the  foremost  of  these,  and 
could  not  but  feel  that  he  was  aimed  at  in  the  man- 
date of  the  archbishop,  especially  as  at  the  same 


140  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOIFN-   HUBS,  [fir.  V. 

time  the  clergy  united  in  complaints  against  him.1 
By  the  action  of  the  council,  however,  his  position 
in  regard  to  the  papacy  was  a]  (proved,  and  that  of 
Sbynco  was  condemned.  There  was  no  reason,  in 
any  respect  which  he  entertained  for  the  archbishop, 
why  he  should  longer  be  silent.  Indeed,  a  necessity 
seemed  laid  upon  him  to  speak  out,  and  controvert 
the  position  taken  by  Sbynco  as  Gregory's  legate. 

He  did  speak  out,  freely,  boldly,  and  without  re- 
spect of  persons.  He  vindicated  the  course  which 
the  council  had  pursued.  Opposition  was  overborne. 
The  enemies  of  Huss  had  dexterously  excited  preju- 
dice against  him  for  the  part  which  he  had  taken  in 
vindicating  the  rights  of  Bohemians  in  the  univer- 
sity, and  wThich  had  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Germans.  The  city  had  been  deprived  of  their  pres- 
ence, and  the  merchants  had  lost  their  patronage. 
It  was  easy,  in  these  circumstances,  to  spread  abroad 
misrepresentations  and  calumnies  against  Huss.  But 
he  rose  above  them  all,  and  still  maintained  his  influ- 
ence unimpaired  in  the  pulpit  of  Bethlehem  chapel. 

This,  indeed,  was  his  throne.  For  seven  years  he 
had  here  wielded  the  sceptre  of  his  powerful  elo- 
quence. The  whole  city  was  moved  by  his  words. 
For  the  greater  part  of  this  period  no  one  had  at- 
tempted to  interfere  with  him.  Only  the  Germans 
and  a  few  of  his  own  countrymen  had  cried  out 
against  his  heresy  in  favoring  Wickliffe.  The  schism 
of  the  papacy  had  utterly  paralyzed  pontifical  influ- 
ence in  Bohemia,  and  while  many  of  the  clergy  fa- 
vored the  cause  of  Gregory,  the  king  rather  inclined 

1  XeauJer,  v.  258. 


Oh.  V.]  HUSS   IN   THE   PULPIT.  141 

to  the  support  of  Benedict.  Thus  Huss  was  allowed 
the  exercise  of  an  almost  unrestricted  freedom,  and 
now  that  the  council  of  Pisa  had  virtually  condemned 
Sbynco,  his  position  was  stronger  than  ever  before. 

At  no  period  in  these  last  centuries  has  the  power 
of  the  pulpit  been  more  strikingly  exhibited  than  in 
the  case  of  Huss  and  his  Bethlehem  chapel  at  Prague. 
Luther,  a  little  more  than  a  century  later,  found  a 
most  powerful  ally  in  the  press,  which  then  for  the 
first  time  began  to  be  employed  for  popular  effect. 
But  Huss  was  dependent,  for  the  most  part,  upon 
the  pulpit  alone.  And  here  it  was  that  he  stood 
forth  without  a  peer  or  a  rival  in  the  kingdom. 

He  occupied  his  post  under  a  solemn  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility, not  to  popes  and  prelates,  but  to  God 
alone.  He  was  not  burdened  by  the  duty  of  saying 
masses,  or  by  ceremonial  observances  of  any  kind. 
His  attention  was  directed  to  the  simple  preaching 
of  the  word  of  God,  and  its  application  to  the  evils 
of  the  times.  The  extended  commentaries  on  scrip- 
ture which  are  found  in  his  works,  as  well  as  his  ser- 
mons which  are  still  preserved,  show  what  composed 
the  staple  of  his  pulpit  utterances.  He  did  not  cease 
to  testify  publicly  his  respect  for  the  memory  of 
Wickliffe,  though  he  disavowed  him  as  authority, 
and  declined  to  accept  his  opinions  save  so  far  as  they 
were  sustained  by  the  word  of  God. 

Huss  was  at  least  passively  supported  by  the  king. 
He  had  powerful  friends  both  at  the  court  and  in 
the  university,  of  which  he  was  again  rector.  Among 
the  nobility  he  numbered  some  staunch  supporters. 
Jerome  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  of  the  disso- 


142  LIFE   AND    mOS    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Co.V. 

lute  monarch,  whom  he  sometimes  accompanied  on 
his  forays  and  hunting  parties.  His  influence  was 
effectually  exerted  upon  the  side  of  the  reformer, 
and  he  treated  the  plans  and  projects  of  the  arch- 
bishop with  undisguised  contempt. 

But  the  latter  was  not  disposed  quietly  to  accmi- 
esce  in  the  policy  of  the  court.  As  the  legate  of 
Gregory,  he  had  the  presumption  to  impose  silence 
upon  all  who  questioned  his  claims  as  lawful  pontiff, 
or  who  professed  adherence  to  the  council  of  Pisa. 
Spurning  the  royal  mandate,  he  set  himself  in  the 
attitude  of  open  and  avowed  opposition.  He  issued 
an  ordinance  forbidding  all  teachers  of  the  university 
who  had  joined  the  party  of  the  cardinals  against 
the  schismatic  popes,  and  had  thus  abandoned  the 
cause  of  Gregory,  the  discharge  of  all  priestly  duties 
within  his  diocese.1 

This  ordinance  was  especially  aimed  at  Huss.  Its 
force  would  have  been  but  slight  and  contemptible, 
but  for  the  members  of  the  clergy  who  hated  him 
for  his  scathing  rebukes  of  their  vices  and  immoral- 
ities. These  joined  themselves  to  the  archbishop, 
and  made  his  opposition  more  serious.'0 

But,  strong  in  his  convictions  and  the  conscious- 
ness of  his  own  integrity,  Huss  refused  to  obey  the 
episcopal  mandate.  He  was  sincere  in  his  advocacy 
of  the  council  of  Pisa,  exhorting  the  nobility  and 
common  people  to  abandon  the  cause  of  Greg- 
ory.(10)  He  referred  to  the  subject  from  the  pul- 
pit, and  the  clergy  who  sustained  the  archbishop 
did  not  escape  reprehension. 

1  Helfert,  85.    Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  93. 


Ch.  v.]  huss  resists  sbynco.     .  143 

Sbynco  carried  his  complaints  to  the  king.  But 
it  was  to  no  purpose.  Wenzel  had  little  sympathy 
with  the  archbishop.  He  was  rather  amused  than 
otherwise  to  have  Huss  rebuke  men  whom  he  him- 
self had  no  cause  to  love.  "  So  long,"  he  replied, 
"  as  Master  Huss  preached  against  us  of  the  laity, 
you  were  very  much  pleased  with  it ;  your  turn  has 
come  now,  and  you  had  better  be  content."  An  old 
Bohemian  chronicler  observes,  to>  the  same  effect, 
that  "  While  Huss  rebuked  the  vices  of  the  laity  he 
was  only  praised.  Men  said  the  Spirit  of  God 
spoke  through  him.  But  just  as  soon  as  he  attacked 
the  pope  and  the  higher  and  lower  clergy,  rebuking 
their  pride,  avarice,  simony,  and  other  vices,  and  claim- 
ing that  they  should  not  accumulate  property,  the 
entire  priesthood  rose  up  against  him  saying,  He  is 
an  incarnate  devil — a  heretic." 

The  archbishop  found  himself  powerless.  He  could 
accomplish  nothing.  Gregory,  moreover,  was  not  in 
circumstances  to  enforce  the  ordinances  of  his  legate. 
His  secret  ally,  Ladislaus  of  Naples,  had  just  lost  his 
grasp  upon  Rome.  The  general  in  command,  Paolo 
Orsini,  to  whom  with  two  thousand  cuirassiers  he 
had  entrusted  the  city,  was  seduced  by  Florentine 
gold,  and,  passing  into  the  pay  of  the  republic,  ad- 
mitted the  allies  into  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.1 

This  was  a  sore  blow  to  Gregory.  It  admitted 
the  Pisan  pope,  Alexander  V.,  to  the  gates  of  the 
eternal  city.  This  was  enough  to  decide  the  policy 
of  Sbynco,  who  had  no  disposition  to  adhere  to  the 
fortunes  of  a  sinking  cause.     He  now  withdrew  his 

1  Proctor's  Italy,  139. 


144  LIFE   A^D    TIMES    OF   JOHN    ITUSS.  [Cn.  V. 

allegiance  from  Gregory,  or  at  least  initiated  measures 
for  reconciliation  with  Alexander  V. 

But  before  these  measures  could  ripen  to  their 
results,  and  while  they  were  yet  inchoate,  the  power 
and  authority  of  the  archbishop  had  become  almost 
annihilated  at  Prague.  This  did  not  tend  to  soothe 
his  ruffled  spirit.  He  was  spurred  on  by  those  who 
-wished  to  make  him  their  instrument  of  revenge  on 
IIuss,  and  he  was  only  too  willing  to  render  them 
his  aid.(n) 

His  bitterness  against  Huss  was  doubtless  sharp- 
ened by  events  that  soon  followed.  The  latter  did 
not  disguise  or  conceal  his  high  esteem  of  AVickliffe's 
writings.  He  manifested  it  by  his  actions  as  well  as 
words.  Not  content  with  expressing  his  views  from 
the  pulpit,  he  determined  that  others  should  read  this 
proscribed  heretic  for  themselves.  He  translated 
several  of  his  treatises  into  the  Bohemian  tongue. 
These  he  sent  to  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
nobles,  by  whom  they  were  read  and  widely  circu- 
lated. But  not  only  did  he  provide  for  their  diffusion 
in  his  native  land.  He  sent  some  of  them  into  Mo- 
ravia, and  gave  to  the  margrave  of  that  land,  who 
was  Wenzel's  uncle,  a  copy  of  Wickliffe's  Trialogue, 
which  he  had  translated — a  work  which  was  ac- 
counted, above  all  his  others,  most  poisonous  and 
heretical. 

Huss  himself,  in  the  midst  of  his  sermons,  is  said 
to  have  commended  them  to  his  hearers  as  contain- 
ing most  important  truth,  and  fitted  to  produce  a 
deep  and  lasting  impression — adding,  it  is  said,  re- 
peatedly, that   he   only    wished   for   himself,  after 


Ch.  V.]  LETTEE    OP    BEODA.  145 

death,  that  he  might  go  where  that  good  and  holy- 
man  had  gone. 

The  report  of  all  this  produced  in  various  quarters 
great  alarm.  Some  of  the  teachers  of  the  univer- 
sity remonstrated  with  Huss,  and  warned  him  to  de- 
sist from  what  they  considered  his  heretical  course. 
The  archbishop  was  at  this  time  absent  from  Prague. 
He  was  residing  at  his  archiepiscopal  palace  at  Raud- 
nitz.1  Andrew  of  Broda,  master  of  arts  and  bache- 
lor of  theology,  a  former  friend  of  Huss,  and  a 
zealous  Bohemian,  was  among  the  first  to  separate 
from  the  reformer.  He  wrote  to  the  archbishop  of 
what  was  occurring  at  Prague,  and  besought  him  to 
provide  against  the  growing  evil.  His  letter  shows 
that  he  had  cause  for  apprehension  from  the  spread 
of  Wickliffe's  views.  "I  think,"  so  he  proceeds, 
"  that  you  should  regard  that  terrible  truth  of  God 
by  Ezekiel,  where  he  says,  '  I  will  call  my  pastors  to 
account  for  the  flock  that  has  been  committed  to 
their  hand.'  Let  your  fatherly  reverence  consider 
that  your  unsuspicious  lambs  are  in  danger  of  being 
seized.  The  shepherd  rushes  to  meet  the  tiger  when 
one  of  his  flock  is  assaulted,  and  rescues  him  again. 
But  consider  that  one  soul  is  worth  more  than  a 
thousand  such  flocks.  Let  us  watch  the  more  vigi- 
lantly against  the  poisonous  arts  and  the  snares  of 
our  great  foe.  This  is  our  duty  as  pastors.  We  are 
to  correct  the  erring,  and  bring  them  back,  even  by 
compulsion,  into  the  way  of  truth.  But  to  come  to 
the  matter  in  hand,  I  wish  to  inform  your  fatherly 
reverence  that  various  books  of  that  pestilent  Eng- 

1  Cochlseus,  16. 
vol.  I.  10 


146  LIIi:    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  Y. 

lishman,  WicklifFe,  arc  multiplied  in  yonr  diocese; 
books  full  of  damnable  errors,  and  errors  that  Lave 
been  already  condemned.     Of  these  works  are  his 

4 Dialogue  and  Trialogue,'  his  'Treatise  on  the  Body 
of  Christ,'  and  many  others  as  I  hear,  by  which,  and 
their  poisonous  doctrines,  the  flock  is  greatly  en- 
dangered. I  beseech  you,  therefore,  by  the  blood 
of  Christ,  by  your  salvation,  for  which  I  hope  and 
pray,  by  the  protection  of  Christ's  faithful  ones,  all 
of  whom  I  would  to  God  may  be  saved ;  yea,  on  my 
bended  knee  most  earnestly  do  I  beseech  you  to  be 
on  your  guard,  lest  by  the  multiplication  of  these 
pestilent  books  your  flock  shall  drink  in  that  infidel 
poison  which  will  destroy  their  souls.  For  neither  pes- 
tilence, famine,  or  sword  can  inflict  such  evils  as  will 
spring  from  this  perfidious  depravity  of  heretical  men." * 
The  archbishop  became  alarmed.  Scarce  a  year 
before,  after  a  careful  examination  as  he  said,  he 
had  found  Bohemia  free  from  heresy.  But  Broda's 
letter  aroused  him.  He  determined  to  meet  the  evil 
promptly.  Scarcely  had  the  reply  reached  Prague, 
when  the  summons  went  forth  that  all  heretical 
writings  should  be  brought  to  the  archbishop.  But 
now  the  definition  of  heresy  had  grown  suddenly 
more  broad.  It  included  not  only. the  writings  of 
Wickliffe,  but  of  Huss  and  Jerome,  as  well  as  their 
predecessors,  Milicz  and  Janow.1     The'  books   were 

1  The  letter  is  given  in  full  by  Coch-  these  writings  fell  on  account  of  the 

leins.  favor  extended  to  them  by  the  follow- 

*  This  is  questioned  by  BOme  writ-  ersofHuss,     The  assertion,  Bubstan- 

ers,  nor  can  I  find  it  supported  by  tially   as   given  above,  is  made  in  so 

any  contemporaneous  testimony.   The  many  instances,  that  1  have  not  felt  at 

statement  i-  probably  based  on  infer-  liberty  t<>  reject  it. 
ences  from  the  bad  repute  into  which 


Ch.  v.]         eefusal  to  give  up  the  books.  147 

brought.  Huss  himself  came  to  the  archbishop, 
beariug  with  him  Wickliffe's  writings,  in  which  he 
wished  the  errors  pointed  out.  '  Let  him  know  the 
heresy  and  he  would  reject  it.'  At  a  previous  inter- 
view with  the  archbishop  he  had  offered  to  disavow 
everything  he  had  done  which  could  be  shown  to 
be  in  opposition  to  Christian  truth.  He  wished  to 
be  satisfied  from  reason  and  scripture.  He  could  not 
yield  till  convinced  by  argument.  But  argument 
was  not  the  archbishop's  forte.  Nor  were  his  learned 
assessors,  who  subsequently  by  the  pope's  direction 
were  to  act  conjointly  with  him,  any  more  ready  to 
discuss.  Though  four  of  them  were  teachers  of  the- 
ology, and  two  doctors  of  the  canon  law,  they 
considered  fire  the  most  effective  logic.  It  shows 
how  widely  the  views  of  Wickliffe  had  spread,  that 
more  than  two  hundred  carefully  written  and  splen- 
didly bound  volumes  were  gathered  to  be  committed 
to  the  flames.1 

But  the  work  of  the  archbishop  could  not  be 
executed  without  a  remonstrance.  His  decree  requir- 
ing the  possessors  of  Wickliffe's  books  to  give  them 
into  his  hands,  had  extended  to  include  the  members 
of  the  university.  This  was  very  generally  regarded 
by  the  masters  and  students  as  an  usurpation  of  their 
privileges.2  The  university  claimed  to  be  independent 
of  the  archbishop,  and  to  hold  its  rights  immediately 
of  the  pope.  The  requirement  which  denied  them 
the  privilege  of  retaining  Wickliffe's  writings  was  in 
fact  an  infringement  upon  the  rights  of  the  univer- 
sity. 

1  Godeau  xxxvi.  288.  *  Helfert,  91. 


148  LIFE   AND   TDIES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  fCa.  V. 

Most  of  the  masters  and  students,  however,  com- 
plied with  the  decree  of  the  archbishop;  Only  five 
refused  utterly  to  obey  it.1  They  laid  their  com- 
plaint before  the  pope,  representing  the  decree  as 
unwise,  and  an  unwarranted  usurpation  of  power. 
They  sent  their  procurator,  Marcus  of  Koniggratz, 
to  Bologna,  and  through  his  efforts  the  matter  gave 
promise  of  a  favorable  issue.  The  university  of  Bo- 
logna pronounced  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Prague,  and  the  pope  decided  that  Sbynco 
must  appear  before  him  to  justify  himself  for  the 
course  which  he  had  pursued.  Till  he  had  done 
this,  his  proceedings  against  Huss  and  his  party  were 
to  be  null  and  void. 

Sbynco,  on   the   other  hand,  was  not  idle.     As 
legate  of  Gregory,  he  had  enjoined  silence  on  Huss 
and  others  who  had  refused  to  acknowledge  Gregory 
as  pope.     But  the  condition  of  things  was  such  that 
unless  he  could  have  the  support  of  the  pope  elected 
by   the   council  of    Pisa,   his   case   was   desperate. 
Along  with  his  suffragan  Conrad  of  Olmutz,  he 
went  over  to  Alexander  (Sept.  2,  1400),  and  amid 
the   public    rejoicing  —  for   the    event   was  cele- 
brated with  Te  Dewns,  ringing  of  bells,  proces- 
sions, illuminations,  etc.  —  sent  off  Jaroslaw  and 
a  canon  of  Prague  as  his  deputation  to  Bologna. 
They  set   forth   in   glowing   colors   the    dangerous 
spread  of  WicklinVs  doctrines  in  Bohemia,  and  se- 
curecr  a  revocation  of  the  decision  in  favor  of  the 
students'  appeal.      A  papal    bull  was  issued,2  con- 
demning the  articles  of  Wickliffe,  forbidding  preach- 

1  Helfert,  85.  March  9,  1410,  ten  weeks  after  it  was 

2  It  was    proclaimed    at    Prague,    issued. 


Ch.V.]  OBJECTION'S   TO    COMPLIANCE.  149 

ing  in  private  chapels,  and  authorizing  the  arch- 
bishop to  appoint  a  commission  of  four  masters  in 
theology  and  two  doctors  of  laws,  to  prevent  the 
spread  of  errors  and  enforce  the  measures  adopted 
by  the  archbishop.  The  students  and  their  procu- 
rator, under  pain  of  excommunication,  were  to  make 
solemn  declaration  of  their  subjecting  themselves  to 
the  papal  order,  and  of  their  accepting  the  judgment 
of  the  archbishop. (12) 

By  the  advice  of  the  commission  Sbynco  sum- 
moned a  synod  of  the  clergy,  before  whom  the  re- 
sults of  their  investigation  were  laid.  It  was  nu- 
merously  attended.  Many  doctors,  masters,  students, 
and  others  were  present.  Wickliffe's  books  were 
condemned,  and  it  was  declared  the  safest  course  to 
burn  them.  The  five  recusant  students  were  required 
to  deliver  up  their  books ;  no  one  was  to  venture  to 
hold,  teach,  or  defend  an  article  of  Wickliffe,  under 
severe  penalty,  including  the  loss  of  his  benefice  and 
imprisonment  by  the  civil  power,  and  no  more  preach- 
ing was  to  be  allowed,  except  in  cathedral,  cloister, 
and  parish  churches.1 

The  archbishop,  reconciled  now  to  Pope  Alex- 
ander and  fortified  by  his  authority,  resolved  to  exe- 
cute his  purpose.  The  books  were  collected,  and 
preparation  was  made  to  burn  them.  The  archbishop 
might  now  act  not  only  with  the  support  of  the  synod 
of  his  own  clergy,  but  under  cover  of  the  bull  of  the 
pope.    His  former  demand  for  the  books  was  renewed. 

Meanwhile  Alexander  V.,  the  author  of  the  ob- 
noxious bull,  had  died,  and  the  friends  of  Wickliffe 

1  Helfert,  89. 


150  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Ch.   V. 

seized  upon  this  as  an  argument  for  a  stay  of  pro- 
lings.  It  was  argued  that  the  authority  of  the 
bull  expired  with  its  author.  Nor  was  this  all.  The 
university  objected  to  the  wholesale  condemnation 
of  Wickliffe's  books,  some  of  which  were  purely 
philosophical.  The  prohibition  to  preach  in  Bethle- 
hem chapel,  which  had  been  established  by  archie- 
piscopal,  papal,  and  royal  briefs,  was  opposed  to 
scripture,  which  taught  that  Christ  preached  in  the 
temple,  on  the  mountain,  on  the  sea,  in  the  fields  and 
streets,  and  bade  his  disciples  go  everywhere  preach- 
ing the  gospel.1 

These  views  were  urged  by  Huss,  Zdislaw  of  \Var- 
tenberg,  and  three  of  the  five  recusant  students,  who 
embodied  them  in  a  protest,  and  thus  incurred  the 
sentence  of  archiepiscopal  excommunication. 

The  king  was  now  appealed  to,  to  prevent  the 
burning  of  the  books.  The  university,  with  a  good 
degree  of  unanimity,  declared  itself  opposed  to  the 
archbishop's  project.'  (June  15,  1410.)  "Wenzel 
promised  that  he  would  not  allow  it  to  be  executed. 
He  secured  from  the  archbishop  a  pledge  to  defer  any 
action  in  the  matter  until  the  arrival  in  Prague  of 
Jost,  margrave  of  Moravia. 

In  these  circumstances,  with  the  ban  of  the  church 
impending  over  him,  what  course  was  Huss  to  take  ? 
The  papal  bull,  proclaimed  by  the  archbishop,  and 
endorsing  his  own  previous  decree,  absolutely  for- 
bade his  preaching  in  Bethlehem  chapel. 

But  Huss  did  not  hesitate  for  a  moment  what 
course  to  take.     He  did  not  ask  what  is  prudence, 

1  Helfert,  89.  '  Iklfert,  90. 


Ch.  V.l  AEGUMENTS    OF   HUSS.  151 

but  what  is  duty.  He  opposed  the  prohibition  on 
two  grounds.  First :  it  was  in  conflict  with  the  orig- 
inal deed  of  endowment  sanctioned  by  archiepiscopal, 
papal,  and  royal  briefs,  by  which  Bethlehem  chapel 
had  been  expressly  devoted  to  the  preaching  of  the 
word  of  God.  Secondly :  it  was  in  conflict  with 
scripture,  which  taught  that  Jesus  preached  in  the 
temple,  in  the  streets  and  fields,  on  the  sea  aud  on 
the  mountain,  and  had  bidden  his  disciples  to  go 
everywhere  preaching  the  gospel.  Thus  the  effect 
of  the  prohibition  would  tend  only  to  the  injury  of 
the  church,  and  was  not  to  be  obeyed. 

In  arguing  the  case  more  fully,  he  says,  "  Where 
is  there  any  authority  of  Holy  Writ,  or  where  are 
there  any  rational  grounds  for  forbidding  preaching 
in  so  public  a  place,  fitted  up  for  that  very  purpose, 
in  the  midst  of  the  great  city  of  Prague  ?  Nothing 
else  can  be  at  the  bottom  of  this  but  the  jealousy  of 
Antichrist."  The  pope  himself  had  travestied  the 
history  of  the  apostles  by  his  incongruous  course. 
WThen  he  ■'  heard  at  his  court  that  Bohemia  received 
the  word  of  God,  he  did  not  send  Peter  and  John  to 
pray  for  the  Bohemians,  and  to  lay  their  hands  on 
them,  that  in  hearing  the  word  of  God  they  might 
receive  the  Holy  Ghost ;  but  he  sent  back  some  ill- 
disposed  persons  belonging  to  Bohemia,  and  com- 
manded, in  his  bull,  that  the  word  of  God  should  not 
be  preached  in  private  chapels."1 

But  Huss  felt  that  he  had  been  called  of  God  to 
preach,  and  he  could  not  be  silent.     He  maintained 

:  The  history  of  these  proceedings  is  Huss,  and  the  account  of  his  trial 
found  in  the  controversial  -writings  of     before  the  council  of  Constance. 


152  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

that  one  whose  life  is  conformed  to  Christ's  law — who 

seeks  the  glory  of  God  and  the  salvation  of  men, — 
preaching  not  lies,  not  ribaldry,  not  fables,  but  the 

law  of  Christ  and  the  doctrines  of  the  holy  fathers  of 
the  church — opposing  heretics  and  false  teachers, — 
such  a  person  never  arrogates  to  himself  the  call  to 
preach  without  authority.  IIuss  felt  the  full  force 
of  the  words  of  Paul — "  Woe  is  me  if  I  preach  not 
the  gospel."  Subsequently  he  declared  his  purpose 
to  continue  to  preach,  in  the  following  memorable  and 
well-weighed  words  :  "  In  order  that  1  may  not  make 
myself  guilty  by  my  silence,  forsaking  the  truth  for 
a  piece  of  bread,  or  through  fear  of  man,  I  avow  it  to 
be  my  purpose  to  defend  the  truth  which  God  has 
enabled  me  to  know,  and  especially  the  truth  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  even  to  death ;  since  I  know  that 
the  truth  stands,  and  is  forever  mighty,  and  abides 
eternally ;  and  with  her  there  is  no  respect  of  per- 
sons. And  if  the  fear  of  death  should  terrify  me, 
still  I  hope  in  my  God,  and  in  the  assistance  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  that  the  Lord  himself  will  give  me  firm- 
ness. And  if  I  have  found  favor  in  his  sight,  he  will 
crown  me  with  martyrdom.  But  what  more  glorious 
triumph  is  there  than  this?  Inciting  his  faithful 
ones  to  this  victory,  our  Lord  says,  'Fear  not  them 
that  kill  the  body.'"1 

These  were  not  words  of  vainglorious  boasting,  as 
the  sequel  shows.  Huss  had  weighed  carefully  the 
question  of  duty.  lie  had  come  to  his  decision  in 
full  view  <if  the  consequences  which  it  might  involve. 
Enthusiastic,  indeed,  in  devotion  to  what  he  regarded 

1  Mon.  llussi,  i.  106. 


Ch.  V.]  APPEAL    OF   HUSS.  153 

as  the  cause  of  truth,  he  was  yet  calm  and  self-pos- 
sessed, clear  in  his  views,  and  firm  in  his  purpose. 
The  zeal  of  his  earlier  years  has  been  chastened  by 
fuller  knowledge  and  larger  experience ;  but  the 
martyr-spirit  still  glowed  within  him.  He  could  not 
submit  to  the  prohibition  that  would  exclude  him 
from  the  pulpit  of  Bethlehem  chapel.  He  resolved 
on  an  appeal,  and  did  in  fact  appeal,  previous  to  the 
burning  of  the  books,  from  the  pope  ill-informed  to 
the  pope  well-informed. 

This  appeal  of  Huss  so  thoroughly  reviews  the 
ground  upon  which  he  justified  his  course,  that  it  de- 
serves to  be  presented  at  length.  It  was  made  on 
the  25th  of  June,  1410,  and  represented  the  position 
of  himself  and  his  friends  who  joined  with  him  in  it.1 
The  act  took  place,  in  a  formal  and  public  manner, 
in  Bethlehem  chapel,  before  a  notary  public,  and  in 
the  presence  of  seven  witnesses,  who  represented  all 
those  niernbers  of  the  university  and  nobility  who 
wished  to  be  regarded  as  adhering  to  him  in  the 
matter.  The  grounds  of  the  appeal  were  as  follows : — 
First :  that  the  sentence  of  the  archbishop,  authorized 
by  the  pope,  is  opposed  to  the  privileges  of  the  uni- 
versity, sanctioning  an  act  which  tramples  on  them, 
inasmuch  as  the  said  university  is  exempt  from  all 
other  jurisdiction  save  that  of  the  pope  alone,  even 
from  that  of  legates,  deputies,  and  sub-deputies  of  the 
Roman  See.  Secondly:  that  the  burning  of  the 
books  was  an  act  of  disobedience  to  the  order  that 
the  archbishop  had  received  from  Alexander  V.,  not 

1  Huss  made   the  appeal  in  conjunction  with  many  other  masters  and 
teachers.     Monumenta,  i.  89.  • 


154  LIFE    AND   TDIE3    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

to  attempt  anything,  either  by  himself  or  others, 
against  these  books  and  against  the  university,  be- 
fore the  matter  had  been  judged  of  at  Rome,  and  to 
revoke  whatever  had  been  done  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  privileges  of  the  university,  as  far  as  possible. 
Thirdly:  that  instead  of  obeying  this  order,  lie  had 
intrigued  at  the  court  of  Rome  against  the  university 
and  against  John  IIuss;  he  had  published  abroad 
that  IIuss  was  spreading  errors  at  Prague  in  the 
kingdom  of  Bohemia,  in  the  marquisate  of  Moravia, 
and  in  other  provinces ;  and  he  had,  moreover,  sur- 
reptitiously obtained  a  bull  for  the  condemnation  of 
these  pretended  errors.  Fourthly :  that  we  are  not 
required  to  obey  commands  that  are  scandalous,  con- 
trary to  common  law,  to  the  public  welfare,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  gospel ;  such  as  are  the  pretended 
commands  of  the  pope,  and  the  sentence  of  Sbynco 
passed  in  consequence  of  these  supposed  commands, 
since  it  is  well  known  that  in  the  whole  kingdom  of 
Bohemia  and  in  Moravia  there  is  neither  heresy  nor 
error,  and  it  is  a  capital  sin  to  interdict  the  preach- 
ing of  the  gospel.  Fifthly :  that  there  is  no  heresy 
in  Bohemia  is  proved  by  the  document  published  by 
the  archbishop  himself  (July  17, 1408)  in  the  assem- 
bled synod  of  that  year.  This  document  states  that 
the  archbishop,  at  the  king's  order,  had  made,  by  his 
prelates  and  officials,  a  careful  inquisition,  and  had 
found  no  heretic  in  his  diocese.  Sixthly :  that  though 
all  this  were  otherwise,  the  sentences  and  proceed- 
ings of  Sbynco  were  utterly  null  and  void,  because 
they  took  placeaffcer  the  death  of  Alexander  V. ;  and 
because,  according  to  the  common  law,  when  he  is 


Ch.  V.l  APPEAL    OF   HUSS.  155 

dead  wlio  has  commanded  anything,  his  authority  ex- 
pires with  him,  except  so  far  as  it  has  been  carried 
into  effect  during  his  life.  Seventhly  :  that  none  can 
be  so  ignorant  in  Holy  Scripture  and  canon  law,  as 
not  to  know  that  books  of  logic,  philosophy,  moral- 
ity, mathematics,  &c,  such  as  most  of  Wickliffe's  are, 
are  incapable  of  heresy,  nor,  consequently,  can  they 
be  subject  to  ecclesiastical  condemnation.  Moses  and 
Daniel  were  learned  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Egyp- 
tians and  Chaldeans.  The  church  ordained,  when 
the  necessity  arose  and  the  circumstances  of  the  time 
required,  that  heretical  books  should  be  read,  not  to 
sustain  their  errors,  but  to  refute  them,  and  to  draw 
out  of  them  whatever  good  they  contained.  St. 
Paul  had  read,  and  quoted  passages  from  heathen 
authors  ;  moreover,  it  was  necessary  that  students  of 
the  university  should  read  the  books  of  Aristotle, 
Averroes,  and  other  unbelieving  philosophers ;  and 
for  the  same  reason  that  would  justify  the  condemna- 
tion of  Wickliffe's  works,  the  book  of  the  '  master  of 
sentences '  (Peter  Lombard)  and  those  of  Origen, 
which  contained  many  errors,  must  be  burned.  Yet 
Huss  protests  that  he  has  no  wish  to  maintain  any 
error,  wheresoever  he  may  find  it.  Eighthly :  that 
this  condemnation  of  Wickliffe's  books,  in  short,  is 
opposed  to  the  honor  of  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  of 
Moravia,  and ;  other  provinces,  and  esj)ecially  of  the 
university  of  Prague ;  since,  on  the  fourteenth  of 
June  of  the  present  year,  it  had  decided  solemnly,  in 
full  assembly  of  masters,  doctors,  licentiates,  bache- 
lors, and  students,  that  it  was  opposed  to  the  sen- 
tence of  Sbynco  in  regard  to  the  books  of  Wickliffe. 


15G  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  V. 

Ninthly:  that  it  belongs  to  the  Apostolic  See, 
and  to  no  other,  to  explain  and  interpret  its  own 
orders ;  and  that  Sbyuco  was  not  authorized  to  in- 
terpret, as  he  had  done,  the  pretended  Lull  of  the 
pope.  Tenthly:  that  between  the  arrival  of  the 
bull,  and  the  sentence  pronounced  by  Sbynco,  suffi- 
cient time  had  not  elapsed  to  examine  such  a  large 
number  of  books  and  writings  on  matters  so  impor- 
tant. Eleventhly:  that  the  Bethlehem  chapel  was 
founded  expressly  for  preaching  the  word  of  God  in 
the  vulgar  tongue,  for  though  there  were  churches 
enough  in  Prague  for  the  worship  of  God,  there  was 
none  but  this  for  preaching.  Twclfthly:  that  its 
establishment  had  been  confirmed  by  the  Apostolic 
See,  by  the  king  of  Bohemia,  and  by  a  former  arch- 
bishop of  Prague. 

Such  was  the  appeal  of  Huss.  It  indicated  that 
he  had  calmly  and  deliberately  surveyed  the  ground 
upon  which  he  stood,  and  was  prepared  to  maintain  it. 

The  appeal  of  Huss  was  made  June  25th,  1410. 
Less  than  three  weeks  after,  (July  15,)  the  arch- 
bishop, who  grew  impatient  over  the  delay  of  the 
margrave  of  Moravia,  and  who  wished  to  anticipate 
any  opposition  from  the  new  pope,  proceeded  to  ex- 
ecute sentence  upon  Wickliffe's  books.  Bands  of 
armed  soldiers  were  stationed  around  the  court  of 
his  palace  to  prevent  any  disturbance,  and  in  his 
presence  and  that  of  several  prelates  and  a  large 
number  of  the  clergy  the  fire  was  kindled,  and 
about  two  hundred  volumes,  some  of  them  in  ele- 
gant and  costly  binding,  were  devoted  to  the  names.1 

1  Ilelfert,  90. 


Ch.  v.]  wickliffe's  books  btjkned.  157 

The  bells  tolled  from  all  the  towers  of  the  city,  as 
for  a  solemn  funeral.  An  old  chronicler  remarks 
that  it  was  meant  to  indicate  the  end  of  trouble, 
while  by  God's  providence  it  proved  the  beginning 
of  sorrows.  Three  days  later,  Huss,  Zdislaw  of  War- 
tenberg,  and  those  of  the  recusant  students  and 
others  who  had  signed  the  protest  against  the  arch- 
bishop's order  and  the  papal  bull,  were  solemnly  ex- 
communicated. 

The  deed  was  done.  The  books  were  burned. 
The  ban  of  the  church  rested  on  those  who  had 
dared  to  object.  Doubtless  the  archbishop  felt  that 
he  had  secured  a  triumph.  He  had  executed  the 
papal  sentence,  and  proved  himself  an  able  instru- 
ment of  the  church  party  who  had  instigated  him 
to  the  bold  deed. 

But  it  provoked  more  than  it  overawed.  The 
king,  the  court,  and  a  large  proportion  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Prague  were  enraged  and  embittered  by 
it.  A  cry  of  indignation  ran  throughout  Bohemia. 
Some  of  the  priests,  but  the  nobility  especially,  pro- 
tested against  this  vandal  act.  The  queen  wept,  and 
Wenzel  cursed  aloud.  Some  acts  of  violence  were 
committed  by  the  enraged  populace.  The  arch- 
bishop trembled  in  his  fortified  palace.  His  name 
was  covered  with  disgrace  by  his  insulting  and 
bigoted  course.  Songs  in  derision  of  him  were  sung 
in  the  streets.  So  far  was  this  carried,  that  the  king 
found  it  necessary  to  prohibit  it  under  severe  pen- 
alties. 

But  his  work  was  only  half  executed.1     Not  all  of 

1  Cochlaeus,  p.  18. 


158  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOnX   IIUSS.  ["Cu.  V 

"Wiekliffe's  books  were  burned.  Some  refused  to 
give  them  up.  They  scorned  the  archbishop's  man- 
date, and  required  a  more  convincing  logic  than  that 
of  fagots  and  bonfires.  Though  the  art  of  printing 
\\as  not  yet  invented,  so  great,  says  Cochkeus,  was 
the  zeal  of  the  people  against  the  clergy,  and  their 
anxiety  for  the  writings  of  Wickliffe,  inflamed  as 
they  were  by  the  frequent  harangues  of  the  new 
dogmatists,  that  in  a  short  time  a  large  number  of 
the  forbidden  books  had  been  transcribed.  This 
was  a  work  of  secrecy,  for  the  act,  if  discovered, 
would  have  been  treated  as  a  crime. 

Meanwhile  the  suppression  of  derisive  songs  by 
the  king,  forced  the  people  to  invent  some  new  ex- 
pression of  their  disgust  with  the  proceedings  of  the 
archbishop  and  his  clergy.  Many  of  the  people  had 
acquired  such  a  knowledge  of  the  scriptures,  which 
had  been  translated  for  them  into  the  Bohemian 
language,  as  to  be  able  to  refute  and  silence  the 
priests  in  argument.  We  may  perhaps  trace  some 
elements  of  the  rapid  success  of  the  principles  of 
reform  to  the  fact  that  the  Bible  had  already  been 
given  to  the  Bohemian  uation  in  their  own  tongue. 
There  still  exists,  in  the  imperial  library  of  Vienna, 
an  index  of  a  translation  of  the  Bible  bearing  date 
A.  D.  1382.  The  author  of  it,  Za.lislaus  Bathori, 
was  a  monk  of  the  order  of  St.  Paul.  He  withdrew 
to  a  cavern  in  the  mountains,  and,  excluding  every 
human  being,  labored  for  twenty  years  at  his  solitary 
task.  Cochla3iis,  an  inveterate  enemy  of  the  Hussites, 
testifies  to  the  thorough  acquaintance  of  many  of 
the  common  people  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Bible. 


Ch.  v.]  speead  of  eefoem  peinciples.  159 

"Furriers,  slioemakers,  tailors,  and  that  class  of  me- 
chanics, by  their  frequent  attendance  on  sermons, 
and  their  zealous  reading  of  the  scriptures  that  had 
been  translated  for  them  into  the  vernacular  tongue, 
were  led  to  open  discussion  with  the  priests  before 
the  people.  And  not  men  only,  but  women  also, 
reached  such  a  measure  of  audacity  and  impudence 
as  to  venture  to  dispute  in  regard  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  scripture,  and  maintain  themselves  against 
the  priests.  Some  of  them  moreover  composed 
books,  one  of  which  is  thus  characterized  by  a 
countryman.  'Its  Jezebel  author,  mad  with  rage 
in  her  threatenings  against  the  servant  of  God,  and 
from  the  Holy  Scriptures  extolling  not  the  church 
of  God  but  her  own  sect,  thus  deals  out  her  lies : 
She  says,  that  '  in  every  class,  especially  among  the 
ecclesiastics,  not  an  individual  can  be  found,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Hussites,  whose  life  is  truly 
pure  and  spiritual,  and  who  can  preach  the  word  of 
God  by  the  Holy  Spirit.'  And  yet,  this  work  was 
received  and  treated  with  the  highest  regard  by  the 
sect,  of  both  sexes ;  and  its  author  was  looked  upon 
as  a  woman  of  wonderful  subtilty  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  an  able  defender  of  Master  Huss  and 
his  sectaries." 

It  was  impossible  that  convictions  which  had  taken 
so  strong  a  hold  upon  their  minds,  and  which  the 
study  of  the  Bible  had  confirmed,  should  easily  be 
eradicated.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  argument  of 
fire  should  exasperate  them.  They  could  see  through 
the  smoke  of  Wickliffe's  books  nothing  clearer  than 
before,  except  the  ignorance  and  malice  of  their  per- 


160  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

secutors.  In  such  a  state  of  mind  they  might  easily 
be  excited  to  deeds  of  violence  or  imprudence,  which 
in  their  cooler  moments  they  would  condemn.  The 
whole  history  of  IIuss  shows  that  with  such  excesses 
he  had  no  sympathy,  however  much  some  of  his  fol- 
lowers might  think  to  find  a  warrant  for  their  action 
in  his  words.  We  are  rather  surprised  that  in  such 
a  state  of  the  community,  and  while  the  authority 
was  in  Wenzel's  feeble  hands,  such  order  should  have 
been  observed.  It  certainly  shows  that  the  influence 
of  Huss's  doctrines  restrained  as  well  as  impelled. 

On  the  Sunday  following  the  burning  of  the  book-, 
Huss  referred  in  his  sermon  to  the  events  of  the  pre- 
ceding week.  He  condemned,  unhesitatingly,  the 
conduct  of  the  archbishop — maintained  that  by  his 
burning  he  had  rooted  no  sin  out  of  the  hearts  of 
men,  but  rather  had  destroyed  many  treatises  and 
arguments  that  contained  important  truths  and  ex- 
cellent morals — had  given  occasion  for  disorder,  alter- 
cations, and  hatreds  among  the  people,  as  well  as 
acts  of  violence  and  crime — and  had  dishonored  the 
king  in  the  eyes  of  foreign  nations  by  this  foolish, 
senseless  act.1  The  course  of  the  kiim'  in  this  emer- 
gency  seems  to  have  been  characterized  by  a  more 
than  usual  share  of  discretion.  While  he  prohibited 
the  derisive  and  insulting  songs  of  the  people  against 
the  archbishop,  he  yet  complained  of  his  conduct  to 
the  pope,  John  XXIIT.,  and  asked  him  to  impose  some 
check  upon  his  license. 

The  rash  haste  of  the  archbishop  brought  with  it 
another  evil.     The  former  possessors  of  the  burnt 

1  For  a  fuller  view  of  IIuss's  position,  see  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  106. 


Ch.V.]  compensation  demanded.  1G1 

books  were  dissatisfied  at  their  loss,  as  well  as  the 
insulting  course  of  the  prelate.     Their  books  were 
very  costly,  laboriously  transcribed,  and  beautifully 
bound.     They  asked  and  obtained  permission  of  the 
king  to  demand  back  of  the  archbishop  an  equivalent 
of  their  value.     He  rejected  the  demand.     The  king, 
willing  to  see  justice  done,  authorized  two   of  his 
nobles,  with  the  old  city  council,  to  bring  the  claim 
before  the  abbots,  deans,  and  other  ecclesiastics,  who 
had  advised  the  prelate  to  burn  the  books.     They 
also  refused  to  entertain  it,  and  violence  followed. 
The  people  were  indignant  at  the  wrong  insultingly 
done  them,  and  would  have  redress.     Three  Carmel- 
ite monks,  who  had  preached  against  Wickliffe,  were 
seized  and  harshly  treated.     One  of  them  was  thrown 
into  the  river,  and  would  have  been  drowned  if  a 
knight  had  not  come  to  his  help.     In  this  act  of  vio- 
lence Jerome  was  implicated.     But  Huss  continued 
to  preach.     Indeed,  he  dared  not  be  silent.     And 
the  power  of  his  sermons  over  the  throngs  which 
pressed  to  hear  him  in  Bethlehem  chapel  was  incal- 
culable.    His  words  thrilled  the  hearts  of  his  hear- 
ers, as  he  exclaimed,  "  Fire  does  not  consume  truth. 
It  is  always  a  mark  of  a  little  mind  to  vent  anger  on 
inanimate  and  uninjurious  objects.     The  books  which 
are  burnt  are  a  loss  to  the  whole  nation."     Huss 
sent  his  appeal  to  Rome ;  and  shortly  after,  Sbynco 
despatched  a  deputation  who  were  to  instruct  the 
Roman  court  as  to  the  real  state  of  affairs  at  Prague, 
vindicate   the  proceedings  of  the  archbishop,  and 
present  charges  against  Huss. 

The  matter  came,  as  was  inevitable,  before  the 

VOL.  I.  11 


1G2  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOIIX   IIUSS.  [Cu.  V. 

university.1  The  cause  of  Huss,  as  excommunicate, 
was  identified  with  that  of  Wickliffe.  The  real 
question  was,  whether  the  works  of  the  latter  should 
have  been  burned  as  heretical.  If  not,  IIti-<  was 
unjustly  excommunicate.  But  the  university,  by  an 
immense  majority,  condemned  the  measure  of  the 
archbishop.  Philosophical  works,  at  least,  were  not 
to  be  accounted  heretical.  Every  student  was  at 
liberty  to  read  the  works  of  the  heathen  Aristotle, 
much  more  of  learned  Christian  men,  who,  like 
Origen,  had  erred  on  some  points.  Why,  then,  should 
the  perusal  of  WicklifiVs  writings  be  prohibited, 
especially  when  the  greater  portion  of  them  had  not 
as  yet  been  shown  to  be  heretical  ? 

For  five  successive  days  (July  27-Aug.  2,  1410)2 
the  disputation  was  continued  before  the  assembled 
university.  Several  masters  took  up,  each,  one  of 
the  treatises  of  Wickliffe,  and  defended  it.  Huss 
took  that  on  the  Trinity ;  Jacobel  that  on  the  Deca- 
logue ;  Simon,  of  TisnoAv,  that  on  the  Proofs  of  Prop- 
ositions {De  Probation  Urns  Propositionimi)  ;  Zdislaw 
of  Wartenberg  that  on  Universals  {De  TJniversalibiis) ; 
and  Procop  of  Pilsen  that  on  Ideas  {De  Ideis). 

At  the  same  time,  probably,  and  more  fully  at  a 
later  period,  Huss  defended  those  articles  of  Wick- 
liffe in  which  he  was  himself  personally  interested. 
The  first  one  selected  for  vindication  was,  "They 
who  for  excommunication  by  men  only  refuse  to 
preach,  are  thereby  excommunicate  of  God,  and  in 
the  judgment  will  be  found  among  the  foes  of  Christ." 
Another  was,  "  Any  deacon  or  priest  may  preach  the 

'  Helfert,  92.  a  It  may  have  commenced  a  day  or  two  earlier. 


Ch.  v.]  exaspekation  of  the  people.  163 

word  of  God  without  being  dependent  on  bishop  or 
pope." 

While  both  parties  were  looking  anxiously  for  the 
decision  which  was  to  be  pronounced  at  Rome,  the 
mutual  exasperation  at  Prague  was  steadily  increas- 
ing. The  authority  and  the  learning  of  the  arch- 
bishop were  alike  contemned.  The  people  in  the 
streets  called  him  the  "A  B  C  D  "  bishop.  Mean- 
while Huss  from  the  pulpit  gave  his  version  of  the 
matter.  As  he  exposed  the  misrepresentations  of  the 
opposite  party,  who  complained  to  the  pope  that  the 
whole  land  was  infected  with  heresy,  and  charged  it 
to  his  account,  the  people  cried  out,  as  with  one  voice, 
"They  lie,  they  lie."  x 

With  the  sentence  of  excommunication  hanging 
over  him,  Huss  was  more  earnest  and  eloquent  than 
ever  before.(13)  He  had  no  longer  any  disposition  to 
curb  the  spirit  which  impelled  him  to  expose  the 
vices  of  the  ecclesiastical  orders.  They  had  com- 
plained of  him  to  the  archbishop,  and  still  pursued 
him  with  calumny  and  malice.  He  heeded  not  their 
slanders  or  opposition.  "  Mark,"  said  he  to  his  vast 
audience,  "  what  is  written  in  scripture  of  the  Phar- 
isees, 'All  that  they  bid  you  do,  that  observe  and 
do,  but  do  ye  not  after  their  works.'  The  same  lan- 
guage might  apply  to  our  ecclesiastics  now,  whose 
conduct  exhibits  little  conformity  to  the  law." 
"  What  these  men  find  in  the  gospel  of  Christ  to 
their  taste,  they  willingly  receive;  but  when  they 
meet  with  anything  requiring  labor  and  self-denial, 
they  pass  it  by.     What  Jesus  said  to  Peter — '  I  will 

1  Helfert,  92. 


lG-i  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Cii.  V. 

give  to  them  tlie  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven' — ■ 
that  they  grasp  at  for  the  aggrandizement  of  their 
authority;  but  that  other  sentence  addressed  by 
Christ  to  Peter — '  Follow  me,  and  feed  my  sheep' — 
they  eschew  like  poison.  So,  too,  what  Christ  said 
to  the  disciples — '  Whatsoever  ye  shall  bind  on  earth 
shall  be  bound  in  heaven' — they  accept  gladly  and 
comfort  themselves  with  it ;  but  when  he  Bays, 
1  Possess  neither  gold  nor  silver,'  they  decline  it  as  of- 
fensive. If  Christ  says,  '  Whoso  heareth  you,  heareth 
me' — they  use  it  as  an  argument  for  obedience  to 
them ;  but  they  wrestle  hard  against  what  he  again 
says — '  Ye  know  that  the  princes  of  the  Gentiles  ex- 
ercise dominion  over  them,  and  they  that  are  great 
exercise  authority  upon  them ;  but  it  shall  not  be  so 
among  you,' "  *  etc. 

The  evils  which  Huss  rebuked  were  too  glaring  to 
be  denied.  He  held  up  to  view  the  purity  and  holi- 
ness required  by  Christ,  and  in  this  mirror  exposed 
the  avarice,  ambition,  luxury,  sensuality,  and  violence 
of  the  profligate  ecclesiastics.  He  could  not  compro- 
mise with  his  convictions ;  and  with  a  high  conscious- 
ness of  his  solemn  responsibility  to  God  rather  than 
men,  he  aimed  to  discharge  his  whole  duty.  The 
lines  that  defined  the  two  opposing  parties  were  rap- 
idly becoming  more  distinct. 

1  The  language  above  cited  is  to  be  the  same  purpose  is  to  be  met  with  in 
found  in  Uelfert,  while  much  more  to     the  works  of  Huss. 


CHAPTEK    VI. 

HUSS  EXCOMMUNICATED.     THE  COMPROMISE. 

Case  of  Huss  at  Rome.  —  Cardinal  Colonna.  —  His  Decision.  —  Its  Reception 
at  Prague.  —  Royal  Embassy  to  the  Pope,  Praying  that  Hdss  may  be  Re 
leased  from  Personal  Appearance  at  Rome.  —  Procurators  of  Huss.  — 
Their  Treatment.  —  Sentence  of  Excommunication.  —  Published  at  Prague. 
—  Huss  Justifies  Himself  in  Preaching.  —  Interdict. — The  King  Inter- 
poses. —  A  Commission.  —  Compromise.  —  Letter  of  Sbynco.  —  Its  Futility. — 
Sbynco's  Conference  with  Huss. — Huss  Preaches  on  the  Subject.  —  Dis- 
grace of  Sbynco.  —  He  Leaves  Prague.  —  His  Letter  to  the  King.  —  His 
Death. 

1411. 

The  appeal  of  Huss  to  John  XXIII.  was  referred 
by  the  latter  to  a  commission  of  four  cardinals,  of 
whom  Otho  de  Colonna  was  one.  The  commission 
were  authorized  to  invite  to  conference  with  them 
the  doctors  and  masters  of  the  theological  faculties 
of  Bologna,  Paris,  and  Oxford,  who  might  be  present 
in  Pome,  and  to  advise  with  them  what  course  was 
to  be  pursued  with  respect  to  Wickliffe's  writings.1 

The  majority  of  the  conference  were  opposed  to 
the  project  of  the  archbishop  in  burning  the  books, 
but  before  they  had  reached  any  definite  conclusion 
the  deputation  from  the  archbishop  arrived  in  the 
city.  They  represented  the  case  to  John  XXIII.  in 
such  a  manner  that  he  was  induced  to  dissolve  the 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  87. 


16G  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Cu.  VL 

commission,  and  give  the  whole  matter  over  to  the 
sole  charge  of  the  cardinal,  Otho  de  Coletma. 

The  cardinal  gave  a  ready  ear  to  Sbynco's  repre- 
sentations, lie  sanctioned  what  he  had  done,  urged 
him  to  the  further  prosecution  of  his  measures,  and 
directed  him,  if  necessary,  to  call  to  his  aid  the  secu- 
lar arm.  IIuss  was  required  within  a  certain  speci- 
fied time  to  appear  and  justify  himself  before  the 
tribunal  of  the  pope.(14) 

The  intelligence  of  this  decision  reached  Prague 
and  produced  much  dissatisfaction.  All  classes, 
from  the  king  to  the  peasant,  including  the  nobility 
and  the  university,  exclaimed  against  the  injustice 
that  required  the  personal  appearance  of  Huss  at 
Rome.  It  was  only  at  the  risk  of  his  life  that  he 
could  undertake  the  journey.  Bands  of  Germans  in- 
fested the  roads,  and,  sympathizing  with  their  exiled 
countrymen,  they  would  have  exulted  in  seizing 
Huss  and  putting  him  to  death.  Besides,  the  ques- 
tion was  asked,  Why  cannot  the  matter  be  settled 
here  in  Prague  ? 

Apprehension  of  the  danger  to  be  incurred  in- 
duced the  king,  his  queen,  of  whom  Huss  was  con 
fessor,  the  university  of  Prague,  and  a  large  number 
of  the  lords  and  barons  of  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  to 
send  an  embassy1  to  the  pope  to  pray  him  to  dis- 
pense with  the  personal  appearance  of  IIuss,  to  Buffer 
hi  in  to  preach  in  the  privileged  chapels,  to  prevent 
Bohemia  from  being  defamed  by  false  accusations 
of  heresy,  ami  to  send  legates  at  the  expense  of  the 

1  Tlio  omliassy  consisted  of  Dr.  John  Nas,  and  John  Cardinal  of  Roinstein. 
Helfert,  p.  135. 


Ch.  VI.]  HUSS    EXCOMMUNICATED.  167 

kingdom,  to  examine  the  whole  matter  at  Prague.1 
Huss  on  his  side  sent  three  procurators  to  Bologna 
to  defend  his  cause  and  urge  the  reasons  that  pre- 
vented his  personal  appearance. 

These  procurators — at  the  head  of  whom  was  John 
of  Jesenitz,  an  able  man  and  a  warm  friend  of  Huss — 
proceeded  on  their  journey.  They  appeared  before 
Cardinal  Colonna  at  Rome,  but  he  refused  to  listen 
to  their  exculpation  of  Huss.2  When  the  term  fixed 
for  his  personal  appearance  had  expired,  the  cardinal 
issued  the  decree  of  excommunication  against  him. 
It  was  based,  not  on  an  examination  of  the  merits 
of  the  case,  but  on  the  imputed  disobedience  of  Huss 
in  refusing  to  appear.  The  request  of  the  king, 
queen,  nobles,  and  university  that  a  legate  might  be 
sent  to  Prague,  was  treated  with  contempt.3 

The  sentence  of  excommunication  was  published 
(March  15,  1411)  in  all  the  parish  churches  of 
Prague  with  the  exception  of  two,  that  of  St.  Michael 
in  the  old  city,  of  which  Christiann  of  Prachatic  was 
pastor,  and  that  of  St.  Benedict.  But  the  procurators 
of  Huss  were  still  prosecuting  his  cause  at  Rome,  and 
he  refused  to  desert  his  pulpit  in  Bethlehem  chapel. 
Dissatisfied  at  the  futility  of  the  measures  hitherto 
adopted,  Sbynco  laid  the  city  of  Prague  under  inter- 

1  Fleury,   xxr,    284.     Palacky,  iii.     people,  we  have  endowed  with  fran- 
258.     Mon.  Hussi,  i.  87.  chises  for  the  preaching  of  the  gospel, 

2  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  87.  should  stand,  and  should  be  confirmed 
'  The  application  of  the  king  was     in  its  privileges,  so  that  its  patrons 

not  only  that  Huss  might  be  released  may  not  be  deprived  of  their  rights 

from  appearing  personally  before  the  of  patronage,  and  that  Master  Huss 

pope,  but  that  he  might  be  left  free  to  (whom  the  king  styles  loyal,  devout, 

preach  in  Bethlehem  chapel.     "  It  is  and  beloved)  may  be  established  over 

our  will  also,"  he  wrote,  "  that  Bethle-  this  chapel,  and  preach  the  word  of 

hem  chapel,  which,  for  the  glory  of  God  in  peace." 
God    and    the   saving   good    of  the 


1G8  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  VL 

diet,  and  closed  the  churches  to  all  public  wor- 
ship.1 

lluss  regarded  this  proceeding  as  the  fruit  of  per- 
sonal malice.  He  saw  in  it  a  manoeuvre  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  party — the  monks  and  curates — to  drive 
him  from  his  pulpit  and  render  him  powerless.  The 
success  of  Sbynco's  deputation  at  Home  he  ascribed 
to  the  influence  of  the  gifts  with  which  he  bribed 
the  commission.  We  shall  see,  hereafter,  that  there 
was  only  too  much  ground  for  this  charge. 

Before  the  people,  Huss  justified  himself  boldly. 
Was  it  objected  to  him  that  he  had  been  forbidden  to 
preach  ?  He  replied,  that  it  was  better  to  obey  God 
than  men.2  Was  he  under  the  ban  of  the  church  ? 
Then  the  pope  was  its  head  and  the  cardinals  its 
members;  but  where  were  the  bishops  and  priests 
and  all  the  rest  of  Christendom  ?  Was  he  charged 
with  favoring  WicklirTe  ?  He  did  not  believe  him  to 
have  been  a  heretic,  and  of  every  man,  as  for  as  pos- 
sible, we  are  to  think  good  rather  than  evil.8  He 
held  himself  still  as  a  dutiful  son 'of  the  church,  and 
felt  no  awe  of  an  unrighteous  excommunication. 

In  declining  to  obey  the  papal  citation  to  appear 
personally  at  Rome,  he  felt  that  he  was  justified  by 
sufficient  reasons.  These  were  afterwards  presented 
more  at  length  in  his  treatise  on  the  church.  Here 
lie  explains  the  origin  of  the  troubles.  "The  priests 
of  Christ,"  he  says,  "preached  against  the  vices  of  a 
corrupt  clergy.  Hence  arose  the  schism,  and  hence 
that  clergy  sought  to  suppress  such  preaching." 
"After  the  manner  of  the  Pharisees,  they  trouble 

1  Helfert,  90.  '  Mon.  Uussi.  i.  239.  'lb.  1S9. 


Ch.  VI.]  HUSS'   EXCUSE   FOE   DISOBEDIENCE.  169 

and  excommunicate  those  who  acknowledge  Christ. 
It  was  because  I  preached  Christ  and  the  gospel, 
and  exposed  Antichrist,  anxious  that  the  clergy 
should  live  according  to  the  law  of  Christ,  that  the 
prelates  first,  with  the  archbishop,  contrived  to  get 
a  bull  from  Alexander  V.  to  prohibit  preaching  in 
the  chapels  before  the  people,  from  which  bull  I  ap- 
pealed ;  but  I  never  was  able  to  get  a  hearing.  On 
good  and  reasonable  grounds,  I  did  not  appear  when 
I  was  cited.  As  to  his  apparent  contempt  of  the  cita- 
.tion,  he  asks  : 1  "  What  reason  had  I  for  obedience — 
a  man  summoned  from  a  distance  of  1200  miles ! 
What  reason  that  I,  a  man  unknown  to  the  pope, 
informed  against  by  my  enemies,  should  be  so  very 
solicitous,  and  put  myself  to  extraordinary  pains  to 
pass  through  the  midst  of  my  enemies,  and  place 
myself  before  judges  and  witnesses  who  are  my  ene- 
mies ;  that  I  should  use  up  the  property  of  the  poor 
to  defray  the  enormous  expenses,  or  if  I  could  not 
meet  the  expenses,  miserably  perish  from  hunger  and 
thirst  ?  And  what  was  to  be  gained  by  my  appear- 
ance ?  One  consequence  certainly  would  be,  neglect 
of  the  work  which  God  gave  me  to  do,  for  my  own 
salvation  and  that  of  others.  There  I  should  be 
learning,  not  what  to  believe,  but  how  to  conduct  a 
process,  a  thing  not  permitted  to  a  servant  of  God. 
There  I  should  be  robbed  by  the  consistory  of  cardi- 
nals— made  lukewarm  in  holy  living ;  be  betrayed 
into  impatience  by  oppression ;  and  if  I  had  nothing 
to  give,  must  be  condemned,  let  my  cause  be  ever  so 
good ;  and  what  is  still  worse,  I  should  be  compelled 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  245  ;  also  i.  88. 


170  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  VI 

to  worship  the  pope  on  my  bended  knees."  More- 
over, the  journey  would  not  only  be  a  long  one,  but 
it  would  necessarily  place  him  on  the  road  in  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  would  be  surrounded  by  his 
enemies,  the  Germans.  Hence  he  declined  to  ap- 
pear, and  continued  to  preach.1 

This  of  course  necessitated  the  imposition  of  the 
interdict  upon  the  city.'1 ",)  But  matters  were  thus 
brought  to  a  crisis.  Either  IIuss  must  obey  the  cita- 
tion, or  the  churches  must  be  closed.  The  people 
would  not  endure  the  latter.  They  complained, 
and  the  kino-  was  forced  to  interfere.  The  arch- 
bishop  himself  had  grown  weary  in  what  threatened 
to  be  a  hopeless  and  interminable  struggle.  He  mani- 
fested a  disposition  to  compromise.  The  king  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner,  to  whom  the  controversy  on 
both,  sides  should  be  referred,  and  to  whose  decision 
both  parties  should  submit,2  It  was  composed  on 
one  side  of  the  elector  of  Saxony,  Prince  Stibor  of 
Stiboric,  and  Lacek  of  Krawar,  as  laymen  ;  and  of 
ecclesiastics,  the  patriarch  of  Antioch,  Conrad,  bishop 
of  Olinutz,  provost  Sulek  of  Chotestchau,  and  others. 
On  the  other  side,  of  adherents  to  the  anti-episcopal 
party,  were  Simon  of  Tisnow,  rector  of  the  univer- 
sity, John  Huss,  Stephen  Paletz,  Marcus  of  Konig- 
gratz,  and  others.  After  careful  deliberation,  the 
conclusions  of  the  commission  were  reached  on  the 
Gth  of  June,  Ull.(,C)It  was  decided  that  both  par- 
ties should  desist  from  all  legal  prosecutions  or 
measures,  and  should  recall  their  procurators  from 
Rome,  while  the   archbishop  should  withdraw   the 

1  Mart.  Anoo.  iv.  46-45.  5  IKliVit,  102,  103. 


Ch.  VI.]  THE    COMPEOMISE.  171 

sentence  of  excommunication  and  remove  the  inter- 
dict.1 The  university  was  to  remain  in  the  posses- 
sion and  exercise  of  all  its  rights  and  privileges,  un- 
prejudiced by  the  precedent  of  the  burning  of  the 
books. 

Another  condition  of  the  compromise  which  was 
thus  effected  was.  that  Sbynco  should  write  to  John 
XXIII.  that  the  difficulty  between  him  and  Huss 
was  composed ;  that  no  more  errors  prevailed  in  Bo- 
hemia ;  and  that  it  were  wisdom  to  revoke  the  sen- 
tence issued  against  Huss,  and  dispense  with  his 
personal  appearance  at  Rome.2  The  letter  was  actu- 
ally written,  and  no  doubt  forwarded.  That  it  was 
virtually  extorted  from  the  archbishop,  and  that  it 
did  not  express  his  real  sentiments,  must  at  least 
have  been  suspected  by  those  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed. 

The  letter,  whether  willingly  or  unwillingly  writ- 
ten, is  worthy  of  notice.8  "  Most  holy  father,  Alexan- 
der V.,  of  blessed  memory,  gave  forth  a  bull  which 
imported  that  in  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia  at  Prague, 
and  in  the  marquisate  of  Moravia,  heretical  and 
schismatic  doctrines  were  spread  abroad,  especially 
that  damnable  error  in  regard  to  the  sacrament  of 
the  eucharist,  with  which  many  were  infected  ;  and 
that  it  was  necessary  to  arrest  the  course  of  these 
novelties  before  they  had  infected  the  whole  flock. 
To  this  end  he  ordained  in  the  same  bull  that  there 
should  be  an  inquisition  in  regard  to  these  errors,  in 
order  to  their  extirpation.  But  having  executed  this 
order  conjointly  with  the  professors  of  theology,  the 

1  Helfert,  103.  3  lb.  3  Mon.  Hussi,  i.,  88. 


172  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   1IUSS.  [Cu.  VI. 

doctors  of  canon  law,  and  my  other  vicars,  I  have 
found  no  heretical  errors,  either  in  the  kingdom  of 
Bohemia,  or  at  Prague,  or  in  the  marquisate  of  Mo- 
ravia, No  person  could  be  found  whom  we  could 
convict  of  opinions  deserving  ecclesiastical  punish- 
ment. Likewise,  at  the  instance  of  "VVenzel,  king  of 
the  Romans  and  Bohemia,  as  well  as  of  his  council, 
we  have  been  fully  reconciled  to  John  Huss  and  the 
other  doctors  and  masters  of  the  university;  so  that 
the  troubles  that  we  had  together  are  thoroughly  set- 
tled. Therefore  desiring,  most  holy  father,  according  to 
the  duty  of  my  pastoral  office,  to  maintain  the  king- 
dom of  Bohemia  in  its  good  reputation,  I  have  re- 
course to  the  clemency  of  your  holiness,  praying  you 
to  take  compassion  on  this  kingdom,  and  remove 
from  it  and  annul  the  excommunication  and  conse- 
quent censures  that  have  been  laid  upon  it,  and  to 
dispense  with  the  appearance  before  you  in  person 
of  the  honorable  master,  John  Huss,  Bachelor  of 
Theology." 

This  letter  of  the  archbishop,  we  are  told,  was 
never  received.  It  may  have  been  intercepted  on 
the  way  by  banditti,  or  by  the  enemies  of  Huss,  with 
the  archbishop's  connivance.  If  it  reached  its  desti- 
nation, the  circumstances  in  which  it  was  written 
would  deprive  it  of  much  of  its  weight.  It  would 
Btand  in  opposition  to  Sbynco's  previous  representa- 
tions. Certainly  it  did  not  avail  to  stay  the  proceed- 
ings against  Huss.  The  pope,  out  of  complaisance 
perhaps  to  the  royal  intercession,  appointed  a  new 
commission,  to  whom  the  case  of  Huss  was  referred. 
Among  the  members  of  it  was  Cardinal  Zabarella, 


Ch.  VI.]  EEPEIMANDED    BY   SBTNCO.  173 

one  of  the  most  liberal  of  the  whole  college,  and 
most  favorably  disposed  to  the  cause  of  reform.  But 
through  some  unknown  influence,  the  cause  was 
aeain  transferred  to  Cardinal  Brancas  alone,  who,  in 
spite  of  all  the  remonstrances  of  the  procurators  of 
Huss,  who  sought  a  prompt  decision,  kept  the  whole 
affair  in  suspense  for  a  period  of  a  year  and  a  half.1 

The  archbishop  had,  in  reality,  capitulated  to  the 
friends  of  the  reformer  and  the  authority  of  the  king. 
He  had  exhausted  his  resources  of  resistance  as  well 
as  of  offence.  His  spirit  seemed  fairly  subdued  by 
the  unsuccessful  issue  of  the  conflict,  and  he  never 
again  came  into  open  collision  with  Huss.  .  To  the 
complaints  of  his  clergy  he  was  compelled  to  listen ; 
but  the  most  which  he  attempted  for  their  relief 
was  to  administer  to  Huss  a  gentle  reprimand.  On 
one  occasion  he  cited  him  to  his  palace  to  answer 
for  certain  obnoxious  views  which  he  had  presented 
from  the  pulpit.  Huss  promptly  responded  to  the 
summons.  But  he  must  have  felt  rather  amused 
than  otherwise  at  the  result  of  the  interview.  The 
scholar,  the  powerful  logician,  and  orator  stood  be- 
fore the  ignorant  "A  B  C  D "  bishop.  Huss  was 
informed  that  he  was  charged  with  preaching  false 
and  dangerous  doctrines  from  the  puljrit.  He  had 
taught, — so  it  was  reported, — that  there  was  no  ne- 
cessity of  burying  the  dead  in  consecrated  grounds, 
and  that  they  might  just  as  well  be  interred  in  the 
fields  or  woods.  "  You  are  aware,  my  son,"  said  the 
archbishop,  "  that  St.  Adelbert  had  great  difficulty 
in   dissuading   the   Bohemians   from   these   profane 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  8*7. 


17-4  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    HUSS.  [Cii.  VL 

burials ;  that  often  he  was  obliged  to  fulminate 
against  them  on  the  subject;  and  that,  in  answer  to 
his  prayers,  God  often  chastised  them  with  severity, 
till,  in  1039,  Bozelislaus,  duke  of  Bohemia,  engaged 
by  oath  that  he  and  his  posterity  would  hold  the 
Christian  faith  inviolate,  and  have  the  dead  interred 
iu  places  consecrated  to  this  purpose." 1  Huss  hum- 
bly replied,  that  if  anything  had  escaped  him,  either 
through  forgetfulness  or  error,  opposed  to  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  he  would  correct  it  of  his  own  accord. 
The  archbishop  seemed  satisfied.  "God  give  you 
grace ;  go,  and  sin  no  more,"  was  the  answer  with 
which  he  dismissed  him. 

Huss  probably  felt  that  the  principal  matter  of 
remonstrance  was  in  itself  comparatively  unimportant. 
Greater  truths  filled  his  mind.  It  was  only  as  this 
was  connected  with  other  things  that  it  demanded 
specific  notice.  He  had  no  desire  to  offend  the  arch- 
bishop, and  yet  he  could  not  belie  his  convictions. 
The  next  Sabbath  he  preached  openly  on  the  sub- 
ject, indirectly  at  least  referring  to  the  mandate  of 
the  archbishop.  "It  is  a  strange  thing,  my  dear 
Bohemians,"  said  he,  "  that  we  are  to  be  forbidden  to 
teach  manifest  truths,  and  especially  those  that  shine 
forth  so  brightly  in  England  and  elsewhere  in  many 
places.  These  burials  especially,  and  these  great 
bells,  serve  merely  to  fill  the  purses  of  miserly  priests. 
What  they  call  order,  is  nothing  else  but  confusion 
Believe  me,  they  wish  to  en-lave  you  by  this  disor 
derly  order.  But  if  you  will  have  courage,  you  may 
easily  break  your  chains,  and  give  yourselves  a  free- 

1  L'Eiifuut's  Council  of  Pisa,  ii.  47. 


Ch.  VI.]  CONTEMPT   FOE    SBYNCO.  175 

dom,  the  value  of  which  cannot  be  told.  Is  it  not  a 
shameful  thing  and  an  enormous  sin  against  God,  op- 
posed to  all  law  and  sense,  to  have  burned  books 
that  are  the  depositaries  of  truth,  and  that  were  writ- 
ten only  for  your  good  ? " 1 

A  report  of  the  sermon  reached  the  archbishop. 
He  complained  of  it  to  the  king ;  but  no  notice  was 
taken  of  his  complaint.  A  stronger  and  abler  man 
than  Sbynco  might  have  felt  the  burden  which  he 
had  to  bear  too  heavy  for  prolonged  endurance.  His 
reconciliation  to  Huss  did  not  conciliate  favor  to  him- 
self. He  could  not  fail  to  perceive  that  instead  of  an 
object  of  fear  he  had  become  an  object  of  contempt. 
He  and  the  priests  who  adhered  to  him  were  hooted 
at  by  the  populace,  and  found  no  sympathy  in  Prague. 
His  name  was  coupled  with  whatever  was  ridiculous 
in  the  fancies  of  the  people.  The  derisive  songs 
which  were  heard  in  the  streets  and  the  thoroughfares, 
which  were  aimed  at  the  archbishop  and  his  party, 
and  which  the  king  was  forced  by  an  express  decree 
to  suppress,  showed  the  degree  of  contempt  to  which 
the  party  had  fallen.  The  people  assumed  a  defiant 
tone.  They  said,  "  Let  the  archbishop  again  bid  us 
deliver  up  the  books,  and  see  whether  we  will  obey 
him."  2 

Sbynco  appealed  to  the  king  for  a  hearing,  but  hi3 
request  was  declined.  His  patience  was  exhausted 
by  this  unexpected  refusal.  He  could  no  longer 
make  his  residence  in  Prague  tolerable.  Despairing 
of  help  from  Wenzel,  he  determined  to  apply  to  his 
royal   brother,   Sigismund   of    Hungary.      With   a 

1  L'Enfant,  ii.  48.  2  Mart.  Anec,  iv.  386. 


17G  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN'    III  [Cii.  VL 

troubled  heart  he  left  the  city,  and  from  Leitomischel 
wrote  back  to  Wenzel  his  bitter  complaint:  "Five 
weeks  long,"  he  says,  "  I  lingered  with  my  attendants 
in  the  city,  and  exhausted  all  means  to  obtain  a  hear- 
ing of  yonr  grace,  but  to  no  purpose,  even  while  my 
enemies  had  access  as  often  as  they  desired.  I  would 
have  spoken  and  explained  my  difficulties  to  your 
grace,  as  to  my  gracious  Lord ;  but  not  only  was  this 
prevented,  but  in  every  way,  and  in  more  respects 
than  one,  was  I  publicly  wronged.  On  this  account 
I  am  forced  to  turn  to  Hungary,  to  beseech  the 
brother  of  your  grace  that  he  will  intercede  with 
you  on  my  behalf,  and  no  longer  allow  my  enemies 
to  cast  contempt  upon  my  office." * 

In  a  pitiful  tone  the  archbishop  recounts  his  griev- 
ances. Erroneous  teachers  were  left  unmolested. 
Some  without  authority  heard  confessions,  claiming 
for  themselves  the  same  power  as  the  pope.  A 
wicked  priest,  whom  he  had  commanded  to  arrest,  had 
been  taken  out  of  his  hands.  Persons  summoned 
before  his  tribunal  had  refused  to  appear,  and  been  sus- 
tained in  their  contumacy  by  favorites  of  the  king. 
Shameful  and  calumnious  letters  against  himself  had 
been  written  and  circulated,  of  which  he  had  com- 
plained to  no  purpose.  The  priest  of  St.  Nicholas 
had  been  shamefully  imprisoned  and  robbed  of  his 
goods,  although  innocent  of  wrong.  Many  of  the 
clergy  were  still  deprived  of  their  goods  and  salaries 
The  king  had  charged  him  to  write  to  the  pope,  ex- 
culpating those  who  had  disregarded  the  interdict — 
a  thing  which  his  conscience  forbade.     He  had  been 

1  Helfert,  104. 


Ch.  VI.]  DEATH    OF   SBYZSTCO.  177 

hindered  in  the  prosecution  of  ecclesiastical  discipline. 
lie  had  been  defamed  by  gross  falsehoods,  and  charged 
with  the  whole  responsibility  for  the  interdict.  In 
vain  had  he  sought  to  exculpate  himself.  The  king 
had  threatened  to  bring  the  clergy  into  subjection, 
and  had  rejected  every  application  for  relief.  Such 
were  the  grievances  of  the  archbishop. 

The  heart  of  Sbynco  was  broken.  He  had  over- 
rated his  strength  in  attempting  to  deal  with  the  re- 
form movement  at  Prague.  He  had  overtasked  his 
powers ;  and  we  need  not,  as  some  have  done,1  im- 
pute his  death  to  poison.  He  died  at  Presburg,  on 
his  journey  to  the  court  of  Sigismund,  September  28, 
1411.  His  body  was  brought  back  to  Prague  for 
burial. 

Evidently  Sbynco  was  not  the  man  for  the  diffi- 
cult post  which  he  was  called  to  fill.  He  had  neither 
the  learning  of  a  theologian,  nor  the  strong  will  and 
energy  of  an  inquisitor.  Of  the  strength  of  princi- 
ple he  had  none.  He  adhered  to  Gregory  till  his 
struggle  with  Huss  forced  him,  in  self-defence,  to 
abandon  a  sinking  cause ;  and  when  he  had  taken 
the  position  of  a  judge,  and  imposed  the  interdict  on 
Prague,  he  still  regarded  it  in  the  light  of  a  politic 
manoeuvre  by  which  a  foe  was  to  be  defeated,  rather 
than  as  a  punishment  for  wrong.  A  man  of  expedi- 
ents, he  was  fitted  by  nature  only  to  be  a  martyr  to 
his  own  vacillation. 

1  Mart.  Anec,  iv.  418-19  ;  Fleury,  xxv.  312  ;  Godeau,  xxxvi.  292. 


VOL.  I.  .12 


CHAPTER    YIL 

IIUSS    AND    THE    PAPAL    POLICY. 

Archbishop  Albic.  —  His  Infamous  Character. —  Crusade  Against  Ladis- 
LAUS,  a  New  Firebrand.  —  New  Position  of  Hubs.  —  Cannot  Depend  ox 
Wknzel  for  Support.  —  His  Decision.  —  Ladi.si.ais  and  Alexander  V. — 
Succession  of  Balthasah  Cossa  to  the  Ponhficatk.  —  His  Education.  —  His 
Infamous  Life.  —  Excommunicated  bt  Gregory.  —  Promotes  the  Council  op 
Pisa  in  Revenge.  —  Rules  the  Council.  —  His  Notorious  Character.  —  His 
Coronation.  —  His  Proceedings.  —  General  Acquiescence  in  the  Decisions 
of  the  Council  of  Pisa.  —  Death  of  the  Emperor  Robert.  —  Plans  of  John 
XXIII.  —  Seeks  the  Alliance  of  Sigismund.  —  Crusade  Proclaimed  Against 
Ladislacs.  —  Hubs  Opposes  it. — Condition  of  Ladislacs.  —  His  Attack  on 
Rome.  —  Crusade  Published. 

Sep.,  1411-Jan.,  1412. 

The  death,  of  Sbynco  left  the  archbishopric  of 
Prague  vacant.  The  man  who  was  selected  as  his  sue- 
cessor  was  Albic  of  Unitzow,  a  Moravian  by  birth, 
who  had  been  the  king's  physician,  and  who,  after  at- 
taining some  reputation  as  a  medical  author,  had 
but  recently  aspired  after  ecclesiastical  promotion. 
He  was  already  at  an  advanced  period  of  life,  and 
was  a  man  by  no  means  either  fitted  or  disposed  for 
controvei'sy.1  Indeed,  the  character  of  anew  digni- 
tary was  such  as  to  reduce  his  influence  to  a  mere 
cypher. 

The  king,  without  waiting  for  orders  from  Rome, 
had  elevated  him  to  the  vacant  post.  He  wanted 
one  to  fill  it  who  would  give  him  no  trouble ;  one 

1  Fleury,  xxv.  312  ;   L'Enfant's  Pisa,  ii.  92. 


Ch.  VII]  CHARACTER    OF   ALBIC.  179 

who  would  not  venture  to  come  into  collision  with 
the  royal  policy.  But  in  the  selection  which  he 
made  he  overshot  the  mark.  Albic  was  too  con- 
temptible to  stand  even  as  a  nominis  umbra.  All 
the  writers  who  mention  him  speak  of  him  in  the 
same  terms.  His  ignorance  of  theology  was  gross  in 
the  extreme,  and  yet  his  avarice  was  more  gross  than 
his  ignorance.  He  seemed  to  embody  in  himself  all 
that  was  mean  and  sordid.  His  miserly  spirit  made 
him  mistrustful,  and  rather  than  leave  the  keys  of 
his  cellar  in  the  hands  of  a  butler,  he  carried  them 
about  with  him.  The  cooks  whom  Sbynco  had  left 
in  the  ej)iscopal  palace  were  somewhat  too  profuse 
in  their  expenditures.  Fearful  of  becoming  impov- 
erished, he  discharged  them.  A  toothless  old  woman, 
who  ate  only  vegetables  and  drank  no  wine,  was 
found  to  preside  over  his  kitchen.  His  greedy  ava- 
rice made  the  sight  of  a  loaded  table  obnoxious.  He 
grudged  the  expense  of  it.  The  music  he  loved  best 
was  that  made  by  the  picking  and  crushing  of  bones, 
for  in  this  there  could  be  no  waste.  He  had  rather 
hear  a  cry,  than  the  noise  of  the  cattle  feeding  the 
whole  night  long. 

And  yet  his  house  was  like  a  tavern  or  market. 
He  sold  wine,  meat,  provisions,  game,  in  fact  the 
best  he  had,  for  the  large  price  it  could  bring  him, 
hoarding  the  money  in  his  coffers,  and  leaving  the 
poorest  and  most  meagre  portion  of  his  produce  for 
his  table  and  the  few  servants  who  could  be  induced 
to  live  with  him.  His  stable  and  equipage  were  re- 
duced to  conformity  with  the  style  of  his  table. 

Albic  is  said  to  have  purchased  his  office  of  the 


180  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Oh.  YH 

king.  Tin.'  known  character  of  Wenzel  renders  the 
report  not  improbable.  Galeazzo  of  Milan  bar- 
gained with  him  for  a  dukedom,  and  the  citizens  of 
Nnremburg  purchased  release  from  allegiance  to  him 
by  a  few  hogsheads  of  his  favorite  wine.  Certainly 
he  would  not  be  troubled  with  conscientious  scruples 
in  a  less  secular  traffic,  in  which  popes  and  prelates 
furnished  him  authoritative  precedents.  It  is  only 
the  avarice  of  Albic  that  tends  to  redeem  the  char- 
acter of  Wenzel  from  the  charge.  But  Albic  was 
too  contemptible  to  both  parties  to  be  of  any  ac- 
count in  the  estimation  of  either.  Nobody  respected 
him.  His  enemies  had  nothing  to  fear  from  him  if 
they  simply  left  him  to  himself.  His  friends,  if  he 
ever  had  any,  would  be  shamed  and  burdened  by  his 
alliance.  The  office  of  archbishop  of  Prague,  which 
ranked  him  as  primate  of  the  kingdom,  prince  of  the 
empire,  and  legate  of  the  See  of  Rome,  was  so  in- 
efficiently discharged,  and  so  evidently  and  scan- 
dalously disgraced,  that  it  became  an  absolute  neces- 
sity to  put  it  into  more  capable  hands.  The  pope 
selected  Conrad  of  Westphalia,  dean  of  the  Vissehrad, 
sub-chamberlain  of  the  kingdom,  and  bishop  of 
Olmutz  in  Moravia,  to  take  the  oversight  of  ecclesi- 
astical affairs  at  Prague.  It  was  not  many  months 
before  Albic  sold  out  his  rights  to  Conrad,  and  re- 
lieved himself  from  the  notoriety  of  a  position  that 
served  merely  as  a  pedestal  for  his  infamy.07* 

Meanwhile  events  had  occurred  which  were  to 
give  a  new  aspect  and  a  deeper  interest  to  the  strug- 
gle in  which  IIuss  was  engaged.  On  September  9th, 
1411,  John  XXIII.  published  a  bull  of  no  little  sig- 


CH.VII.]  CRUSADE   AGAINST   LA.DISLAUS.  181 

nificance.1  which  was  to  kindle  anew  the  smouldering 
fires  of  controversy  at  Prague.  Tlie  papal  legate, 
who  bore  with  him  to  the  newly  appointed  primate 
the  soared  pallium,  was  directed  also  to  publish  this 
bull  upon  his  arrival.  In  this  celebrated  document, 
John  XXIII.  poured  out  the  vials  of  his  bitterest 
wrath  and  vengeance  upon  his  political  and  ecclesi- 
astical foe,  King  Ladislaus  of  Naples,  and  ally  of 
Gregory  XII.  The  curse  of  the  ban,  in  its  most 
awful  forms,  was  pronounced  upon  him.  He  was  de- 
clared to  be  a  heretic,  a  schismatic,  a  man  guilty  of 
high  treason  against  the  majesty  of  God.  As  such, 
a  crusade  is  proclaimed  for  the  destruction  of  his 
party,  and  full  indulgence  is  granted  to  all  who 
should  take  part  in  it.  Those  who  bear  arms  per- 
sonally are  to  be  assured,  on  repentance  and  confes- 
sion, of  full  forgiveness  of  their  sins ;  and  those  who 
should  contribute  in  money  the  amount  which  they, 
if  actively  engaged,  would  have  expended  them- 
selves in  the  course  of  a  month,  are  to  share  the 
same  favor. 

The  papal  legate  was  suspicious  lest  Huss  should 
oppose  the  bull.  He  requested  Albic  to  summon 
Huss  before  him,  and,  in  the  archbishop's  presence, 
demanded  whether  he  would  obey  the  apostolical 
mandates  ? 2  Huss  did  not  hesitate  for  a  reply.  He 
declared  himself  perfectly  ready  to  obey  them.  "  Do 
you  see,"  said  the  legate,  turning  to  the  archbishop, 
"  the  Master  is  quite  ready  to  obey  the  apostolical 
mandates."  "My  lord,"  rejoined  Huss,  "understand 
me  well;   I  said 'I  am  ready  with  all  my  heart  to 

1  Mon.  Hussi.  i.  171.  2  L'Enfant.  iii.  93. 


182  LIIF.    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUE    ,  [Cn.  VIL 

obey  the  apostolical  mandates;  but  I  call  apostolical 
mandates  the  doctrines  of  the  apostles  of  Christ; 
and  so  far  as  the  paj><  (7  mandates  agree  with  these,  so 
far  will  I  obey  them  most  willingly.  But  if  I  see  any 
thing  in  them  at  variance  with  these,  I  shall  notobey, 
ev<n  though  the  stake  were  staring  me  in  the  face."1 

Other  questions,  it  was  clearly  evident,  were  now, 
for  a  time  at  least,  to  be  overshadowed  by  the  more 
engrossing  one  excited  by  the  publication  of  the 
papal  ball.  It  was  plain  that  llus<  was  not  disposed 
to  pass  it  over  in  silence.  From  his  pulpit  in  Beth- 
lehem chapel  he  would  take  his  fall  share  in  a  dis- 
cussion that  was  to  agitate  the  kingdom. 

We  are  now,  therefore,  to  consider  Huss  as  occupy- 
ing a  new  position,  and  one  more  arduous  than  any 
which  he  had  ever  occupied  before.  He  was  to 
come  in  direct  conflict  with  the  papal  authority,  and 
the  issue  was  to  be  the  refutation  of  pontifical  logic 
and  morality,  the  exposure  of  pontifical  baseness  and 
iniquity.  Up  to  this  time,  notwithstanding  his  ex- 
communication and  the  bitter  opposition  of  the 
clerical  party,  he  had  been  sustained  in  part  by 
powerful  external  aid.  He  was  strong  not  only  in 
the  affections  of  the  people,  but  his  cause  had  re- 
ceived at  least  the  silent  support  of  the  king.  So 
long  as  there  were  but  two  rivals  to  contend  for  the 
popedom,  and  Gregory,  whose  party  Wenzel  had  to 
thank  for  his  deposition  from  the  imperial  throne, 
was  one  of  them,  it  was  easy  to  divine  that  the  course 
of  Huss,  so  far  at  least  as  the  king  was  concerned,  was 
sufficiently  safe.     But  the  aspect  of  the  ecclesiastical 

1  M<m.  HubbI,  i.  293. 


Ch.  VII.]  NEW   POSITION    OF   HUSS.  183 

world  was  now  changed.  The  contest  was  no  longer 
with  Sbynco.  It  was  no  longer  with  Gregory.  It 
was  with  the  pope  who  represented  the  council  of 
Pisa,  and  who  had  been  acknowledged  by  the  king, 
the  nation,  and  Huss  himself.  It  was  a  contest  in 
which,  not  the  vices  of  the  laity,  the  avarice  or  lux- 
ury of  the  inferior  clergy,  or  the  follies  of  an  arch- 
bishop were  to  be  arraigned,  but  the  very  authority  of 
the  acknowledged  head  of  the  church  was  to  be  dis- 
puted. The  feebleness  and  vacillation  of  Sbynco  had 
given  place  to  the  sagacity  and  vigor  of  Conrad,  and 
for  politic  reasons  of  his  own — as  we  shall  soon  see — 
the  king  was  not  disposed  to  extend  Huss  any  special 
favor. 

The  archbishop  and  the  king  therefore  were  now 
ranged  together,  and  Huss  himself  stood  committed 
to  the  policy  that  had  advised  the  assembling  of  the 
council  of  Pisa,  and  that  recognized  Alexander  V. 
and  John  XXIII.  as  legitimate  popes.  In  these  cir- 
cumstances, so  different  from  any  in  which  he  had 
been  previously  placed,  his  courage  was  to  be  put 
more  severely  to  the  test.  Should  he  speak,  or  keep 
silence ;  should  he  silently  approve,  or  openly  re- 
buke the  iniquity  of  the  pontiff  himself?  Should  he 
venture  to  raise  his  single  voice  of  protest  against 
pontifical  vice  and  impiety,  when  all,  or  nearly  all  his 
former  powerful  supporters  were,  by  their  fears  or 
the  necessity  of  their  position,  arrayed  in  the  ranks 
of  his  adversaries  ?  In  the  emergency  that  arose, 
Huss  did  not  hesitate — did  not  tremble  to  speak  his 
convictions.  No  ordinary  courage  would  suffice  for 
an  emergency  like  this.     The  boldness  and  consis- 


184  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [Cn.   VII. 

tency  of  many  who  had  hitherto  stood  by  him  were 
to  be  put  to  the  test  and  found  wanting.  Those 
toward  whom  he  had  looked  with  deference — some 
who  had  hitherto  been  his  bosom  friends — were  now 
to  desert  him.  They  could  not  be  relied  upon  in  the 
present  crisis.  Perhaps  the  one  on  whom  he  had 
placed  the  greatest  reliance  was  his  teacher  at  the 
university,  Stanislaus  of  Znaim.  For  years  he  had 
been  foremost  in  expressing  his  sympathy  with  Wick- 
liffe.  He  had  commended  his  writings.  He  had 
volunteered  to  defend  them  in  public  disputation. 
Indeed,  the  estimation  in  which  the  writings  of  the 
English  reformer  were  held  by  IIuss,  had  been  as- 
cribed to  the  influence  and  teaching  of  Stanislaus. 
At  a  mock  mass  got  up  by  the  Germans  in  contempt 
of  the  Bohemian  party,  the  genealogy  of  Christ  was 
thus  travestied :  "  Peter  of  Znaim  begat  Stanislaus 
of  Znaim;  Stanislaus  begat  Stephen  Paletz;  Paletz 
begat  IIuss," 1  thus  intimating  the  spread  of  Wick- 
liffism  from  one  to  another. 

But  the  time  had  come  when  these,  his  most 
trusted  associates,  were  first  to  waver,  and  then  de- 
sert him.2  Most  men  would  have  felt  it  a  matter  of 
prudence  to  fall  back  in  their  company.  But  IIuss 
could  not  do  it.  He  would  not  even  keep  silence. 
Boldly  did  he  speak  out.  A  crusade  !  What  was 
it?  IIuss  asked  himself  the  question.  And  he  gave 
the  answer  to  it  in  Bethlehem  chapel.  He  dared  to 
say  what  he  thought  of  a  measure  which  travestied 
the  fundamental  principles  of  the  gospel,  and  scan- 
dalized all  Christian  minds. 

Mon.  Ilussi,  L  256.  3  Ibid,  2G5,  289. 


CH.YII.]  LADISLAUS   AND    ALEXANDER   V.  185 

But  to  understand  fully  the  circumstances  of  the  cru- 
sade, and  the  position  of  Huss,  we  must  trace  the  pro- 
gress of  events  at  the  papal  court,  and  note  some  of 
the  prominent  characters  that  now  appear  upon  the 
stage. 

While  the  intelligence  of  the  election  of  Alex- 
ander V.  was  spreading  over  Europe,  and  was  re- 
ceived according  to  the  various  views  and  feelings 
of  parties  in  the  church,  Ladislaus  of  Naples,  the 
ally  of  Gregory  and  the  enemy  of  Alexander,  was 
not  idle.  The  new  pope  was  disquieted  by 
his  movements  and  intrigues.  Before  leaving  Pisa 
he  fulminated  a  bull  against  the  Neapolitan  mon- 
arch. It  bore  date  November  1,  1409.  In  this 
document  he  inveighs  with  severity  against  "  Ladis- 
laus, son  of  Charles  of  Durazzo,  who  dared  to  call 
himself  king  of  Sicily."  "Nourished  by  the  milk 
and  fed  by  the  substance  of  the  Boinish  church,  he 
was  crowned  by  Boniface  IX.  king  of  Naples  and 
Sicily.  Having  abused  his  power  to  the  prejudice 
of  the  church,  he  was  excommunicated  by  Innocent 
VII.,  with  whom,  in  the  hope  of  his  being  converted 
from  his  evil  ways,  he  was  afterwards  reconciled. 
But  his  usurpations  still  continued.  In  spite  of  his 
oath,  and  under  pain  of  excommunication  and  depo- 
sition, he  violated  his  promise  not  to  lay  hands  on 
the  patrimony  of  the  church  and  the  neighboring 
states.  He  had,  moreover,  rejected  the  council  of 
Pisa,  legitimately  convoked :  instead  of  returning  to 
his  duty,  he  had  become  the  greatest  enemy  to  the 
peace  of  the  church,  as  well  as  a  most  dangerous  fa- 
vorer of  heresy,  by  his  adherence  to  Gregory ;  offer- 


186  LIFE   A.\D    TDCE8    OF   JOBS   IIUSS.  [Cii.  VIL 

ing  continued  molestations  to  the  papacy  and  the 
church,  and  traversing  in  every  way  the  designs  of 
the  council."  The  bull  then  recounts  his  still  more 
grievous  occupation  of  Rome,  and  regions  belonging 
to  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  Under  severe  penal- 
ties he  had  forbidden  his  subjects  to  recognize  Alex- 
ander as  lawful  pope,  or  render  him  any  aid  what- 
ever. He  had  taken  Gregory  from  the  Venetian 
territory  to  conduct  him  to  Rome,  there  to  have 
him  recognized.  In  view,  therefore,  of  the  grievous 
crimes  of  Ladislaus,  his  violation  of  his  oath,  hi-  in- 
vasion of  the  territory  of  the  church,  and  his  con- 
spiracy and  intrigues  against  the  council  of  Pisa,  he 
is  summoned  on  a  fixed  day  to  hear  his  sentence,  1  >y 
which  he  is  deprived  of  his  kingdom  and  of  all  other 
goods  and  rights. 

The  plague  raged  now  at  Pisa,  and  Alexander  left 
it  for  Pistoia.  Here  he  received  the  welcome  news 
of  the  victory  won  by  Louis  of  Anjou — on  whom  he 
had  bestowed  the  investiture  of  the  kingdom — over 
his  hated  rival.  The  league  which  had  been  planned 
at  the  council  to  crush  Ladislaus,  was  taking  effect. 
The  armies  of  France  were  strengthened  by  the  al- 
liance of  Florence  and  Sienna,  as  well  as  of  Bologna, 
where  Balthasar  Cossa  ruled  with  supreme  authority. 
In  Rome  the  allies  had  secret  adherents.  Paolo 
Orsini  was  at  their  head,  and  by  his  timely  treachery 
Ladislaus  was  driven  from  Rome.  Alexander  re- 
ceived the  grateful  intelligence,  and  was  exceedingly 
anxious  to  take  immediate  possession  of  the  city. 
From  this  he  was  dissuaded  by  the  cardinal,  Bal- 
thasar Cossa,  who  urgently  insisted  that  he  should 


Ch.  VII.]  ELECTION    OF   BALTHASAR    COSSA.  187 

tarry  with  him  at  Bologna.  Alexander  reluctantly 
complied,  for  lie  owed  his  election  at  Pisa — so  it  was 
said — mainly  to  the  artifice  and  intrigue  of  the  subtle 
Cossa.  At  length,  however,  Alexander  resolved  to 
set  out  for  Rome.  This  was  not  agreeable  to  the 
plans  and  policy  of  Balthasar  Cossa,  who  had  played 
the  tyrant  long  enough  at  Bologna,  and  was  ready 
to  .supersede  Alexander  by  putting  the  tiara  on  his 
own  head.  Two  things,  at  least,  are  evident:  first, 
that  Alexander  did  not  visit  Home,  but  died  at 
Bologna,  at  the  politic  moment  for  the  election  of 
Balthasar  Cossa  as  his  successor;  and  secondly,  that 
the  latter,  at  the  council  of  Constance,  was  openly  and 
publicly  charged  with  having  poisoned  Alexander  V. 
to  make  way  for  his  own  election. 

Balthasar  Cossa,  better  known  by  his  title  of  John 
XXIII.,  had  been  the  ruling  spirit  of  the  conclave 
by  which  his  predecessor  had  been  elected.1  His 
own  name  had  been  mentioned  for  that  high  office, 
and  it  was  undoubtedly,  even  then,  the  fixed  object 
of  his  ambition.  But  with  well-feigned  humility 
he  commended  to  the  choice  of  the  cardinals  a  man 
who,  already  advanced  in  years,  was,  in  spite  of  his 
reputation  for  learning  and  piety,  his  pliant  tool,  and 
who  would  hold  the  popedom  as  his  lieutenant  till 
he  was  ready  to  occupy  it  himself. 

On  the  14th  day  of  May,  1410,  the  cardinal  elect- 
ors entered  the  conclave  to  choose  a  successor  to 
Alexander  V.  The  choice  resulted,  as  might  have 
been  foreseen,  in  the  elevation  of  Balthasar  Cossa  to 
the  vacant  office. 

1  Godeau,  xxxvi.,  299-309. 


188  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cu.  VII. 

This  man  was  the  son  of  a  Neapolitan  noble,  of 
high  rank  but  of  limited  wealth.1  From  his  youth 
he  was  destined  to  the  church,  but  his  enterprising 
and  adventurous  spirit  turned  from  it  with  disgust. 
The  stirring  scenes  of  a  secular  ambition  were  more 
to  histaste.  He  thirsted  for  worldly  power,  pleasure, 
and  distinction,  and  preferred  the  battle-field  and  the 
sword  to  the  cloister  and  breviary.  The  occasion 
which  he  sought  was  not  long  in  offering  itself.  In 
the  wars  that  had  arisen  between  Ladislaus  of  Na] 
and  the  rival  claimant  to  that  crown,  Louis  of  Anjou, 
his  active  disposition  found  a  sphere  for  its  enterprise. 
With  some  of  his  brothers,  who  shared  his  tastes,  he 
equipped  a  vessel  of  war,  and  became  a  rover  of  the 
sea.  In  these  piratical  excursions,  in  which  friend 
and  foe  stood  much  the  same  chance,  he  indulged 
those  tastes  and  habits  which  clung  to  him  ever  after, 
and  made  his  name  an  object  of  awe  and  terror.  He 
is  said  here  to  have  acquired  the  habit  of  wakeful- 
ness by  night  and  of  sleeping  by  day,  which  i 
confirmed  by  his  nocturnal  debaucheries,  and  which 
clung  to  him  even  after  his  election  to  the  pontificate. 
At  length,  weary  of  this  mode  of  life,  or  driven  from 
it  by  the  close  of  the  war,  he  was  forced  to  choose 
some  new  object  of  ambition.  His  attention  was 
directed  to  his  original  destination.  Ecclesiastical 
eminence  offered  a  school  for  his  aspiring  efforts,  and, 
with  characteristic  recklessness,  he  determined  to 
pursue  it.  It  made  little  difference  to  him  whether 
he  was  a  prince  of  the  world,  or  a  prince  of  the 
church.     In  fact,  stripping  off  the  ecclesiastical  badges 

1  Fleury.xxv.,  2C5-7. 


Ch.  VII.]  EDUCATION    OF   BALTHASAE.  189 

by  which  the  latter  was  distinguished,  one  might  be 
mistaken  for  the  other,  and  in  either  sphere  might 
be  found  equal  means  to  gratify  the  passions.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-five  he  repaired  to  Bologna,  under 
pretence  of  pursuing  his  studies  at  the  university, 
but  in  fact1  with  the  design  of  making  an  academical 
degree  his  stepping-stone  to  ecclesiastical  dignities. 

But  the  reputation  of  scholarship  he  soon  found 
to  be  too  laborious  an  acquisition.  His  passions  led 
him  to  the  study  of  men-  rather  than  books.  He 
was  more  fond  of  intrigues  than  the  writings  of  the 
Fathers.  As  might  be  supposed,  his  literary  progress 
was  slow.  Pontifical  favor,  he  soon  discovered,  would 
open  an  easier  path  to  promotion.  He  studiously 
gained  the  favor  of  Boniface  IX.,  who  rewarded  his 
assiduous  flattery  and  politic  obsequiousness  with  the 
archdeaconate  of  Bologna. 

The  station  was  important  not  only  for  its  large 
revenues,  but  as  the  rectorship  of  the  university  was 
connected  with  it.  Still  Balthasar's  ambition  was 
not  satisfied.  What  he  had  tasted  of  pontifical  favor 
gave  him  a  keener  relish  for  more.  His  appetite 
grew  by  what  it  fed  on.  The  walls  of  Bologna  fur- 
nished him  too  limited  a  sphere  of  effort,  and  he  de- 
termined to  visit  Borne  to  see  what  his  personal  in- 
fluence could  effect  with  the  pope.  As  he  mounted 
his  horse  to  go,  some  of  his  friends2  asked  him 
whither  he  was  going.  "To  the  popedom,"  was  the 
reply.  Boniface  made  him  one  of  his  cubicularii,  or 
waiters  at  his  chamber-door.  This  admitted  him  on 
terms  of  intimacy  to  the  pope.     It  was  the  very  post 

1  Fleury,  xxv.,  26*7.  2  Platina. 


m 


100  LIFE    AND   TDrES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  VIL 

which  he  would  have  preferred,  for  it  made  him 
largely  a  dispenser  of  pontifical  favor.  His  recom- 
mendations were  sought  and  amply  remunerated. 
He  urged  the  sale  of  indulgences  to  bring  money  into 
the  pontifical  treasury,  lie  drove  a  thriving  trade 
in  simony,  and  enriched  himself  by  his  gains.  He 
soon  became  apostolical  proto-notary,  and  in  1402 
was  made  cardinal.  His  abilities  were  acknowledged, 
and  the  next  year  he  was  selected  by  the  pope  as  the 
fittest  and  ablest  man  to  recover  Bologna  from  the 
usurpations  of  John  Galeazzo  of  Milan.  Other  rea- 
sons, not  improbable,  are  assigned  for  the  selection. 
His  mistress  was  the  wife  of  a  Neapolitan,  and  Boni- 
face wished  to  improve  the  occasion  to  send  her  back 
to  ;her  husband.  The  mission  of  Balthasar  justified 
the  pope's  selection  of  him,  by  its  successful  issue. 
Bologna  was  recovered  to  the  popedom.  But  she 
found  that  she  had  only  exchanged  one  tyrant  for 
another,  if  possible,  more  severe.  Balthasar  was  by 
no  means  inferior  to  Galeazzo  in  the  greediness  of  his 
passions  or  the  intolerance  of  his  oppressions,  and  he 
was  full  as  able  and  politic  a  despot.  The  oppressed 
citizens  complained  to  Innocent  VIL,  who  had,  mean- 
while, succeeded  Boniface.  Balthasar  discovered  the 
applicants  who  accused  his  tyranny,  and  confiscated 
their  property  to  his  own  use. 

To  Innocent  VII.  succeeded  Gregory  XII.  Bal- 
thasar was  not  regarded  by  the  new  pope  with  a 
friendly  eye.  The  legate  had  prevented  the  pope's 
nephew  from  taking  possession  of  a  benefice  which 
Gregory  had  conferred  upon  him  in  Bologna.  Ex- 
communication and  interdict  followed.     But  the  dis- 


Ch.  VIL]  COUNCIL    OF   PISA.  191 

obedient  legate  maintained  his  ground.  He  reigned 
supreme  in  Bologna,  and  defied  the  pope.  He  scorned 
the  excommunication,  and  resolved  to  brave  the  in- 
terdict. He  commanded  that  all  the  sacred  rites 
should  be  performed  as  usual.  None  dared  to  dis- 
obey. 

Gregory  and  Balthasar  were  now  sworn  enemies. 
The  latter  had  nothing  further  to  hope  from  the 
former,  and  was  ready  to  take  the  first  opportunity 
to  repay  his  hate.  The  council  of  Pisa  furnished  the 
opportunity.  But  as  parties  seemed  so  evenly  bal- 
anced that  a  slight  weight  might  turn  the  scale,  Bal- 
thasar  determined  to  see  what  he  could  do  with  Greg- 
ory. The  pope  met  his  advances  and  rejected  his 
overtures  with  scorn.  The  die  was  now  cast,  and  the 
tyrant  of  Bologna  was  to  be  reckoned  among  the  re- 
formers of  Christendom.  His  influence  contributed 
no  small  share  to  the  favor  with  which  the  council 
was  regarded.  He  induced  Florence  to  permit  the 
council  to  be  held  at  Pisa — a  most  favorable  posi- 
tion— which  contributed  much  to  the  large  attend- 
ance upon  the  council,  and  the  respect  with  which  its 
decisions  were  regarded.  He  not  only  secured  the 
place  of  the  Florentines,  to  whom  it  was  subject,  but 
gained  their  approval  of  the  project,  as  well  as  that 
of  the  university  of  Bologna.  At  the  council  he  con- 
tributed largely  to  the  final  result — the  deposition 
of  Gregory  and  Benedict,  and  the  election  of  Alex- 
ander V.  The  last  was  his  friend,  and  the  man  of 
his  own  choice.  Already  near  the  grave,  death 
t^ould  spare  him  long  enough,  as  Balthasar  might 
imagine,  for  himself  to  perfect  his  plans  of  succession. 


192  T.Tina   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN    EUB8.  [Ch.  vn. 

The  result  justified  his  expectations,  although  sus- 
picions were  awakened  against  him  of  Laving  byfonl 
means  contributed  to  their  fulfilment.  In  the  coun- 
cil of  Constance  he  was  accused  of  having  been  of  a 
wicked  disposition  from  his  youth — lewd,  dissolute,  a 
liar,  disobedient  to  his  father  and  mother,  and  ad- 
dicted to  almost  every  vice.1  Among  all  the  various 
enormities  with  which  he  was  charged,  that  of  poi- 
soning his  predecessor  to  make  room  for  himself  was 
almost  overlooked.  Alexander  V.  died  on  the  fourth 
of  May,  1410,  after  having  held  the  pontificate  less 
than  a  year.  On  the  seventeenth  of  the  same  month 
Balthasar  Cossa  was  elected,  and  took  the  title  of 
John  XXIII. 

The  character  and  past  course  of  the  new  pope 
were  so  notorious  that  many  apprehended  what 
would  follow.  As  described  by  his  secretaries,  the 
character  of  John  XXIII.  was  a  monstrous  compound 
of  all  the  vices  that  can  make  a  man  detestable  and 
odious.  While  his  great  talents  are  admitted,  they 
serve  merely  as  a  magnificent  frame  to  a  picture  of 
correspondently  enormous  depravity.  Niem  speaks 
of  him  as  "  a  monster  of  avarice,  ambition,  cruelty, 
violence,  injustice,  and  the  most  horrid  sensuality." 
A  pirate  in  his  youth,  he  was  fitter  for  the  trade  of  a 
bandit  than  the  office  of  a  pope.  He  made  himself, 
in  fact,  Pontifex  Maximus  of  the  banditti  of  Christen- 
dom. "  Many  were  scandalized  at  his  election,"  says 
one  who  was  present  at  his  coronation. 

This  ceremony  was  observed  in  a  style  of  ostenta- 
tious magnificence  better  befitting  the  lord   of  B<|- 

1  Bower,  iii.  187. 


Ch.  VII.]  THE    COEOISTATION'.  19  3 

logna  than  the  chief  pastor  of  the  church.  Mon- 
strelet  describes  it  with  all  the  enthusiasm  that  might 
be  excited  by  the  coronation  of  an  emperor.1  The 
procession  on  the  occasion  was  composed  of  twenty- 
four  cardinals,  two  patriarchs,  three  archbishops, 
twenty-five  abbots,  beside  an  almost  innumerable 
multitude  of  ecclesiastics.  All  were  present  in  the 
chapel  of  Alexander  V.  when  his  successor  received 
the  holy  orders  of  priest.  The  mitre  of  the  pope 
was  of  vermilion,  with  a  white  border.  The  next 
day  the  pope  celebrated  mass,  directed  by  one  of  the 
cardinals,  who  showed  him  the  service — with  which 
he  was  less  acquainted  than  with  the  use  of  carnal 
weapons — while  the  marquis  of  Ferrara  and  the  lord 
of  Malatesta  held  the  basin  in  which  he  washed  his 
hands.  The  first  of  these  had  brought  with  him  in 
his  train  fifty-four  knights,  clothed  in  vermilion  and 
azure,  and  was  accompanied  by  martial  music.  When 
the  mass  was  celebrated,  the  pope  was  borne  out  of 
the  church,  and,  on  a  platform  that  had  been  erected 
for  the  occasion,  was  crowned  in  presence  of  the  im- 
mense assemblage.  Seated  in  a  chair  covered  with 
drapery  of  gold,  the  triple-crown  was  placed  by  the 
hands  of  the  cardinals  upon  his  head.  When  this 
ceremony  was  complete,  he  descended  from  the  plat- 
form, was  placed  on  a  horse  richly  caparisoned,  and, 
followed  by  all  the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  he 
marched  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  the  city. 
The  Jews  met  him  on  the  way  as  he  approached 
their  quarter,  and  presented  him  with  a  copy  of  the 
Old  Testament.     He  took  it,  looked  at  it,  and  then- 

1  Monstrelet,  i.  146. 
VOL.  I.  13 


104  T.I  I  i:    AM)    TIMES    OF    JOHN    SUBS.  [Cm.  VII. 

threw  it  behind  him,  exclaiming,  "Your  law  is  irood, 
but  this  of  ours  is  better."  Wherever  the  pope  went, 
he  had  money  scattered  in  the  streets  for  the  people 
to  gather  up.  The  Jews  pressed  near,  but  the  two 
hundred  men-at-arms  that  followed,  armed  with  clubs, 
beat  them,  says  Monstrelet,  "  in  such  a  way  as  it  was 
a  pleasure  to  see."  Music  accompanied  them  on  their 
march.  They  then  returned  to  the  papal  palace, 
where  each,  in  his  order,  received  the  pontifical  "ben- 
ediction and  a  dispensation  for  four  months. 

The  election  of  the  pope  is  said  to  have  been  nearly 
unanimous.  It  is  easy  to  account  for  this.  John 
XXIII.  had  dissuaded  Alexander  from  returning  to 
Rome,  and  upon  his  death  at  Bologna,  where  Bal- 
thasar  was  all-powerful,  the  latter  knew  that  the  elec- 
tion could  be  swayed  in  great  measure  by  his  will. 
An  author  of  that  age  reports  that  when  a  dissension 
arose  in  the  conclave  as  to  the  person  who  should  be 
elected,  they  turned  to  him  and  requested  him  to  say 
whom  he  would  choose  to  have  elected.  "Give  me 
the  robe  of  St.  Peter,"  was  the  reply,  "  and  I  will 
give  it  to  him  who  ought  to  be  pope."  It  was  given 
him,  and,  throwing  it  over  his  own  shoulders,  he  ex- 
claimed, "  I  am  pope."  The  cardinals  found  it  wiser 
to  dissemble  their  dissatisfaction  than  brine:  down 
upon  themselves  the  power  of  a  master. 

Unquestionably  the  election  was  a  forced  one. 
Platina  reports  that  soon  after  the  death  of  Alexan- 
der, Balthasar  gained  over  a  large  number  of  the  car- 
dinals by  bribes,  especially  the  poorer  members  of 
the  college.  He  adds,  that  it  Mas  a  current  rumor 
that  this  election  was  the  result  of  violent  measures, 


Ch.  VII.]  EMBASSAGE   TO    BENEDICT.  195 

and  that  Balthasar  had  stationed  troops  in  the  city 
and  in  the  neighboring  country,  to  ensure  his  election 
by  force  if  it  could  be  secured  in  no  other  way.  His 
object  was  now  attained — the  object  avowed  by  the 
archdeacon  of  Bologna  when,  mounting  his  horse  to 
visit  Boniface  at  Rome,  he  declared,  "  I  am  going  to 
the  popedom." 

John  XXIII.  did  not  neglect  matters  proper  to  se- 
cure and  extend  his  allegiance.  He  wrote  a  circular 
letter,  and  despatched  it  throughout  Christendom,  to 
notify  all  of  his  election.  He  renewed  the  sentence 
of  the  council  of  Pisa  against  the  two  rival  claimants 
to  the  popedom,  as  well  as  their  adherents,  giving 
the  last,  however,  six  months'  grace  in  which  to  re- 
turn to  his  own  allegiance.  He  sent  an  embassage  to 
Benedict,  to  sound  his  views  on  the  subject  of  ces- 
sion. But  that  inflexible  rival  would  listen  to  no 
terms.  He  claimed  that  the  church  universal  resided 
in  the  fortress  of  Peniscola,  where  he  had  shut  him- 
self up  and  maintained  his  court.1 

One  of  the  first  measures  of  John  XXIII.  was  to 
revoke  the  obnoxious  bull  of  his  predecessor  in  favor 
of  the  mendicants.2  The  bull  by  which  this  was 
done  bears  date  June  27th,  1410 — scarcely  more  than 
one  month  from  his  accession  to  the  pontificate.  He 
knew  how  important  it  was  at  the  commencement 
of  his  reign  to  make  a  favorable  impression,  espe- 
cially in  France,  where  the  bull  of  his  predecessor  had 
effectually  cooled  the  enthusiasm  with  which  his  elec- 
tion had  been  at  first  received.  But  the  plans  of  the 
pope  did  not  succeed.     The  university  was  dissatis- 

1  Godeau,  xxxvi.  312.  s  Fleury,  xxv.  24*7,  275. 


19G  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOES    HISS.  [Cii.  YIL 

Red  at  the  moderate  censure  passed  od  the  bull  of 
his  predecessor,  and  both  were  alike  rejected. 

At  Rome  the  news  of  the  election  was  received  by 
the  people  wit h  demonstrations  of  joy.  They  ban- 
ished the  enemies  of  the  newly-elected  pope,  and  de- 
feated the  invading  army  of  Ladislaus.  John  XXIIT. 
might  now  return  and  resume  his  dominion  in  the 
eternal  city.  The  first  year  of  his  pontificate  was 
eminently  auspicious.  Notwithstanding  local  dissat- 
isfactions, as  in  the  university  of  Paris,  he  was  recog- 
nized by  the  greater  part  of  Europe.  The  allegiance 
of  Benedict  and  Gregory,  respectively,  was  very  lim- 
ited. It  seemed  that  at  last  the  schism  was  in  a  fair 
May  to  be  extinguished.  The  dissatisfaction  which 
existed  in  Germany  was  limited,  for  the  most  part,  to 
the  emperor  Robert  and  his  personal  adherents.  \Ye 
have  already  seen  that  Bohemia  had  regarded  with 
favor  the  council  of  Pisa.  To  this  result  the  influ- 
ence of  Huss  had  largely  contributed.  Of  this  he  in 
fact  afterward  reminded  the  pope  and  cardinals,  in 
his  letter  of  remonstrance  addressed  to  them  from 
his  retreat  at  Hussinitz,  while  the  city  of  Prague 
was  laid  under  interdict  on  his  account. 

At  this  opportune  moment,  death  removed  the 
emperor  Robert  from  the  scene.  He  was  a  prince 
not  altogether  destitute  of  merit.  He  was  the  son 
of  Rodolph,  elector  of  the  Palatinate.  By  the  death  of 
his  father,  he  became  elector  in  I0O8,  and  in  1400,  on 
the  deposition  of  Wenzel,  was  elected  to  the  impe 
rial  crown.  The  adherents  of  Wenzel  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  would  not  admit  him  to  the  city,  where  the 
Roman  emperors  were  usually  crowned,  and  the  cere- 


CH.VIL]  DEFEAT    OF   LADISLAUS.  197 

mony  took  place  at  Cologne.  His  reign  was  emi- 
nently peaceable,  and  he  was  regarded  as  a  lover  of 
peace.  The  ill  success  of  his  invasion  of  Italy,  at  the 
commencement  of  his  reign,  may  have  had  some  in- 
fluence in  contributing  to  the  result.  His  death  oc- 
curred within  a  few  days  after  the  election  of  John 
XXIII.  to  the  popedom.1 

It  was  at  this  time,  also,  that  a  victory  was  obtained 
over  the  king  of  Naples  by  the  armies  of  Rome.  The 
intelligence  of  the  victory  was  most  agreeable  to  the 
pontiff,  and  helped  to  swell  the  tide  of  his  prosperity. 
But,  though  once  defeated,  Ladislaus  was  still  a  for- 
midable foe.  John  XXIII.  was  too  shrewd  and  ex- 
perienced in  policy  not  to  guard  against  the  recurring 
danger.  He  sought  to  strengthen  the  Italian  league 
against  Ladislaus,  and  draw  into  the  alliance  Louis 
of  Anjou  and  Sigismund  of  Hungary,  both  of  them 
rivals  of  the  king  of  Naples.  The  former  of  these 
was  already  gained.  It  remained  to  secure  the  lat- 
ter. 

It  was  while  these  things  were  pending  that  the 
case  of  Huss  was  committed,  as  we  have  seen,  to  the 
Cardinal  Otho  de  Colonna,  who  had  cited  Huss  to 
appear  at  Bologna.  The  pope  had  now  too  many 
things  on  his  hands  to  pay  it  special  attention.  Italy 
was  a  scene  of  anarchy  and  conflict.  The  Venetians 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  course  of  Sigismund,  and 
traversed  his  designs.  John  Maria  Galeazzo,  Duke 
of  Milan,  a  monster  of  cruelty,  and  one  of  the  most 
terrible  scourges  under  which  an  oppressed  people 
ever  groaned,  had  been  cut  off  by  a  conspiracy,  the 

^leury,  xxv.  272. 


108  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  Vn. 

conflicting  elements  of  which  coalesced  long  enough 
to  strike  down  by  the  hand  of  violence  a  common  foe, 
wbo-f  severity  was  more  horrible  than  their  rival 
ambitions.  The  party  of  the  Guelphs  siding  with  the 
pope,  and  of  the  Ghibelines  inclining  to  the  emperor, 
enough  at  least  to  give  the  appearance  of  principle 
to  a  faction  whose  object  was  power  and  plunder, 
added  to  the  general  confusion.  Bands  of  marauders 
and  armed  banditti,  mostly  soldiers  of  fortune,  rav- 
aged the  impoverished  country  without  restraint,  while 
Ladislaus  from  Naples  menaced  the  states  of  the 
church  with  the  terror  of  his  arms.  Italy  was  a 
caldron  of  civil  tumult.  The  seething  elements  in- 
vited the  necromantic  skill  of  the  depraved  wretches 
who  sought  to  control  them.  The  resource  of 
John  XXIII.  was  in  the  terrors  of  excommunication, 
Which  he  had  himself  braved  while  governor  of 
Bologna.  He  proclaimed  a  crusade  against  Ladislaus, 
and  put  his  kingdom  under  interdict.  Is  this,  asked 
Huss,  an  act  worthy  of  the  common  pastor  of  all 
Christendom  ?  Bishops  are  required  every  Sabbath 
to  read  the  bull  of  excommunication  against  Ladislaus. 
Christians  are  summoned,  in  this  personal  quarrel  be- 
tween the  pope  and  king,  to  march  against  the  latter 
and  dethrone  him.  For  this  they  are  promised  the 
forgiveness  of  their  sins,  and  eternal  salvation.  Is 
the  shedding  of  blood  then  to  procure  the  remission 
of  sins?  Is  it  Christianity,  is  it  gospel,  to  incite 
Christians  to  war  upon  Christians?1  Such  was  the 
language  of  Huss  in  Bethlehem  chapel.  Jerome 
powerfully  supported  him.     For  a  time  a  large  num 

1  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  190. 


Ch.  VII.]  CONDITION   OF   LADISLAUS.  199 

ber  of  tlie  teachers  of  the  university  urged  the  same 
views.  But  the  interests  of  Wenzel  allied  him  to 
the  pope,  and  his  hope  to  recover  the  imperial  throne 
through  pontifical  influence  would  not  allow  him  to 
resist  the  measures  taken  by  John  XXIII.  to  promote 
the  crusade.  His  decision  silenced  the  opposition 
of  the  university.  Few  dared  to  speak  what  they 
thought,  while  king  and  pope  were  both  against  them. 
But  Huss,  if  he  felt  the  restraints  of  the  magistrates 
in  the  discharge  of  his  public  duties,  was  busy  with 
his  pen.  Indeed,  the  course  of  the  pontiff  himself 
would  not  allow  him  to  rest.  It  was  not  enough 
that  one  crusade  had  been  proclaimed.  Another, 
more  bitterly  provoked,  was  soon  to  follow,  as  if  to 
keep  up  the  agitation.1 

In  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  La- 
dislaus  and  the  pope,  the  king  of  Naples  had  been 
simply  excommunicated.  In  these  circumstances  the 
war  had  continued,  with  intervals  of  inaction,  for 
many  months.  Ladislaus  seemed  to  bear  his  sentence 
with  great  equanimity.  With  the  lawlessness  of  a 
bandit  and  the  faithlessness  of  a  pagan,  he  was  a 
fair  match  for  the  pontiff.  But  for  the  mischiefs  of 
the  war,  it  might  not  have  been  a  bad  spectacle  to 
see  the  two  men  cope  with  one  another.  The  ex- 
communicated king,  however,  was  a  standing  monu- 
ment of  the  weakness  and  disgrace  into  which  the 
papacy  had  fallen.  He  illustrated  in  his  own  person 
the  degradation  of  its  authority. 

Two  centuries  earlier  his  case  would  have  prob- 
ably been  a  hopeless  one.     And,  indeed,  now  the 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  173. 


200  LIFE    AND    XXME9    OF    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cii.  VIL 

terrible  scenes  of  the  crusade  against  the  Albigenses 
had  hardly  passed  from  the  memory  of  men.  At 
that  time  the  word  of  a  pope  had  changed  the  South 
of  France  from  a  garden  to  a  desert.  Raymond, 
Count  of  Toulouse,  suffered  the  humiliation  of  a 
public  flogging  in  the  church  of  St.  Giles.  His  whole 
province  Mas  given  up  to  pillage.  His  subjects 
were  murdered  by  the  wholesale,  in  almost  unresist- 
ing submission.  The  fanaticism  and  cruelty  of  such 
a  crusade  were  terrible. 

Ladislaus  had  not  indeed  the  same  grounds  for  fear 
as  the  prince  of  Toulouse.  The  papal  schism  had 
largely  broken  the  spell  of  pontifical  authority.  But 
yet  he  much  preferred  a  warfare  in  which  army  could 
be  measured  against  army,  steel  against  steel.  The 
weapons  of  excommunication  and  crusade  were  of  a 
kind  he  had  no  disposition  to  provoke,  till  he  was 
able  effectually  to  defy  them.  He  was  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  a  forced  peace — a  humiliating  recon- 
ciliation which  only  covered  the  purpose  of  a  bitter 
revenge,  for  the  time  deferred. 

Watching  his  opportunity,  he  acquired  a  new  ally. 
Genoa,  impatient  of  the  French  yoke,  revolted,  ex- 
pelled its  garrison,  restored  the  republic,  and  joined 
the  Neapolitan  party.  The  scale  was  now  turned. 
The  prince  of  Anjou,  the  ally  of  John  XXIII. ,  was 
defeated,  and  the  pope  was  left  exposed  to  a  ven- 
geance which  he  had  bitterly  provoked.  Under  pre- 
tence of  subduing  a  rebellious  Bubject,  Ladislaus 
gathered  a  powerful  army  on  the  confines  of  his  king- 
dom, and  placed  himself  at  its  head.  He  began  his 
march,   but  suddenly  turned   aside   and  presented 


CH.VII.]  ROME   SACKED.  201 

himself  before  the  gates  of  Rome.  His  galleys  had 
already  entered  the  Tiber,  and  the  pope,  struck  with 
consternation  at  the  sudden  and  well-concerted  at- 
tack, had  scarcely  time  to  escape  from  his  capital, 
when  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  his  foe.  The 
Neapolitan  army  entered,  and  a  frightful  scene  ensued. 
Kome  was  sacked.  For  several  days  she  experienced 
all  the  horrors  which  mercenary  bands  of  soldiers 
could  inflict.1 

As  soon  as  the  pope  could  get  his  spiritual  battery 
in  order,  he  opened  anew  a  terrible  broadside  in  the 
shape  of  another  "  crusade  "  against  Ladislans.  He 
summoned  Christendom  to  his  aid  to  crush  the  king 
of  Naples,  and  ravage  his  dominions  with  fire  and 
sword.  Plenary  indulgence  was  extended  to  all  who 
should  engage  in  the  holy  warfare.  Those  wTho 
should  contribute  money  to  assist  the  pope  were  as- 
sured of  a  full  recompense  in  spiritual  privileges. 
Some  of  the  indulgences  promised  would  vie  in 
absurdity  and  blasphemy  with  any  which,  a  century 
later,  were  offered  by  Tetzel. 

To  many,  there  was  nothing  surprising  in  all  this. 
It  was  accordant  with  the  usages  of  the  papacy.  But 
in  the  eyes  of  Huss  it  was  a  sin  to  be  rebuked. 

1  Proctor's  Italy,  140. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

BULL    FOR    THE    CRUSADE    AT    PRAGUE. 

The  Constancy  of  Hiss  Tried.  —  His  Procurators.  —  His  Petition  for  RE- 
lease from  the  summons  to  appear  in  person  at  ro.me.  —  tlie  clm'sade. — 
controversy  with  john  stores. — affairs  at  prague. —  disputation  at 
the  University.  —  Dean  of  Passau  and  Bulls  of  Indulgences.  —  Decision 
ok  the  Theological  Faculty.  —  Huss's  View  of  the  Crusade.  —  Wenzel 
Tolerates  the  Proclamation.  —  Preaching  of  Huss.  —  Meeting  Bbfori  the 
Council.  —  Admonition  of  the  Arciirishop. — Notice  of  the  Proposed  Dis- 
pute Affixed  to  the  Doors  of  the  Churches.  —  The  Discussion.  —  Jerome's 
Speech.  —  Second  Meeting  of  the  University.  —  Indulgences  Derided:  a 
Practical  Joke.  —  Interruption  in  the  Churches.  —  The  Offenders  Bbfobb 
the  Council.  —  Huss  Intercedes  for  Them. —  Reply.  —  Popular  Commo- 
tion.—  The  Execution.  —  The  Funeral.  —  Depression  of  Huss.  —  He  is  En- 
joined Silence.  —  A  Trying  Period. — Anxieties  of  Huss.  —  Change  in  the 
Views  of  the  King. — Reasons  of  it. — Sigismund's  Position.  —  His  Aspira- 
tions for  the  Imperial  Crown.  —  His  Election. — Anecdote.  —  His  Char- 
acter.—  His  Aims.  —  Wenzel's  Exclusion  from  the  Imperial  Throne. — 
Other  Reasons  for  his  Change  of  Policy. 

Jan.,  1412-July,  1412. 

It  was  in  such  circumstances, — a  crusade  proclaimed 
by  the  supreme  pontiff  against  Ladislaus — the  impe- 
rial throne  vacant  by  the  death  of  Robert — Wenzel 
anxious  to  recover,  in  part  through  the  influence  of 
the  pope,  his  lost  sceptre, — that  the  courage  and  con- 
stancy of  Huss  were  put  to  the  test.  The  policy  of 
"VVenzel  forbade  opposition  to  the  papal  measures. 
To  risk  the  imperial  crown  by  allowing  too  free  criti- 
cism of  the  proclamation  of  the  crusade,  was,  in  his 
view,  an  act  of  folly.  Huss  could  no  longer  depend 
upon  the  royal  favor. 


Ch.  VIII.]  PETITION    OF    HUSS.  203 

His  cause  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  papal  com- 
mission. Some  of  his  procurators  had  been  arrested 
and  thrown  into  prison.  One  of  them,  Jesseuitz,  had 
managed  to  escape.  Another,  a  former  teacher,  and 
subsequently  an  opponent  of  Huss,  Stanislaus  of 
Znaim,  had  been  suspected  of  heresy  for  his  former 
defence  of  Wickliffe,  and  a  tract  which  he  had  written 
on  the  subject,  and  was  compelled  to  justify  himself 
before  he  was  released.1  The  other  procurator  was 
Stephen  Paletz.  Both  of  them  appear  to  have  been 
thoroughly  frightened  by  their  imprisonment,  and 
they  were  set  at  liberty  only  after  a  period  of  eight- 
een months,  during  which  they  were  kept  in  duress, 
and  then  even  only  through  the  urgent  remonstrances 
of  the  king  and  of  the  university. 

It  was  soon  after  this  (September  1,  1411)  that 
Huss  made  a  solemn  declaration  of  his  views  and 
intentions,  or  perhaps  it  might  be  called  a  confession 
of  his  faith,  and,  in  a  tone  of  becoming  humility,  pe- 
titioned the  Holy  See  to  be  released  from  the  sum- 
mons of  personal  presence  at  Rome,  as  well  as  from 
the  consequences  of  the  process  against  him.  This 
declaration  was  read  before  a  full  meeting  of  the 
university.2  In  it  Huss  maintained  that  not  one  jot 
or  iota  of  the  law  of  Christ  could  pass  away — that 
Christ's  holy  church  is  founded  on  the  rock ;  and  he 
solemnly  declared  that  it  had  never  entered  his  mind 
to  wish  to  do  or  teach  any  thing  in  opposition  to  the 
law  of  Christ  or  the    holy  Catholic   church.      He 

1  Huss   says   that   Stanislaus  was  was  released  from  his  imprisonment, 

vexed   and   spoiled  hy  the    Roman  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  287. 

court,  and  was  forced  to  write  out  a  2  Helfert,   105.      Neander,  v.  274, 

refutation  of  his  own  views  before  he  gives  the  substance  of  this  confession. 


204  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF    .mux    HUBS.         [Cm.  VIII. 

finally  discnlpated  himself  from  various  errors  which 
he  said  had  been  falsely  imputed  to  him,  and  which 

no  one  was  further  from  approving  than  himself. 

This  declaration  and  petition  was  on  its  way  to 
Rome,  when  it  was  met  by  the  proclamation  of  the 
crusade  issued  by  the  pope  a  few  days  later.  (Sep- 
tember 9,  1411.)  It  might  have  been  supposed  that 
at  such  a  juncture,  and  anxiously  desiring  a  favorable 
response  to  his  petition,  Huss  would  have  been  more 
than  usually  cautious  or  reserved.  So  far  from  this, 
in  less  than  two  weeks  after  the  meeting  of  the  uni- 
versity,  we  find  Huss  in  a  spirited  controversy  with  the 
Englishman,  John  Stokes,  in  regard  to  the  writings 
of  WickHffe.1  Stokes  was  not  particularly  success- 
ful in  his  part  of  the  discussion,  if  we  may  judge 
from  his  proposal  that  the  scene  of  debate  should  be 
transferred  from  Prague  to  Paris,  Rome,  or  Oxford. 
The  friends  of  Huss,  on  the  other  hand,  held  that  if 
Stokes  had  anything  to  say  or  produce  against  Huss, 
he  should  bring  his  evidence  or  arguments  against 
him  in  the  place  where  he  resided. 

Intelligence  of  the  crusade  must  have  reached 
Prague  about  the  last  of  September  (1411).  IIu-s 
at  once  freely  and  boldly  discussed  the  papal  in- 
iquity. Paletz  as  yet  adhered  to  him.  He  admitted 
that  there  were  "palpable  errors"  in  the  papal  bull.'2 
The  minds  of  men  were  shocked  at  the  summons 
from  borne  to  Christian  nations  to  take  the  field 
against  their  brethren.  In  the  choice  between  John 
XXIII.  and   Ladislaus,  good   men  would  have  found 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  108. 
a  Ihiil.  2i>.">.      Huss  says  that  in  his     dismissis   0OnV8TBTIB  68    ml    Blgna  vol 

controversy  with  Paletz,  "  Jam  rebus    terzninos,  retrocidens  Bicut  cancer." 


CH.VIII.]      THE    PAPAL    LEGATE   AISfD    THE    BULL.  205 

it  Lard  to  decide.  It  was  difficult  to  say  which  was 
the  more  selfish,  unprincipled,  and  abandoned.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  John  XXIII.  would  have 
won  the  palm  of  audacious  wickedness,  on  the  sim- 
ple ground  that  Ladislaus  wore  only  a  crown,  while 
he  disgraced  the  tiara. (18) 

Early  in  1412  it  was  manifest  that  the  spirit  of 
Huss  was  fully  aroused.  At  one  of  the  regular  dis- 
putations of  the  university,  Huss  maintained  that 
the  great  Antichrist,  which  according  to  the  word 
of  God  was  to  come  at  the  end  of  the  world,  was 
even  now  in  possession  of  the  highest  dignity  of 
Christendom,  and  exercised  transcendent  authority 
over  all  Christian  people,  clerical  and  lay,  and  that 
he  is  in  fact  no  other  than  the  pope  of  Rome.  Hence 
Christians  are  not  to  obey  him,  but,  as  the  chief  en- 
emy and  grand  opponent  of  Christ,  they  are  rather 
to  resist  him.  Huss  subsequently  published  his 
argument. 

In  the  month  of  May,  the  dean  of  Passau,  the 
papal  legate,  reached  Prague.1  He  brought  with 
him  the  papal  bulls  of  indulgences.  Neither  the 
worthless  Albic,  who  had  received  the  pallium  from 
Rome,  nor  the  king,  placed  any  obstructions  in  the 
way  of  the  legate.  Albic  merely  stipulated — and  his 
very  sordidness  on  this  occasion  appears  almost  as  a 
redeeming  feature  in  his  character — that  it  should 
not  be  prescribed  at  the  confessional  what  portion 
of  his  property  each  should  give,  but  the  matter 
should  be  left  to  the  free  will  of  the  individual. 
The  bulls  were  read  from  the  pulpits  in  the  various 

1  Helfert,  109. 


206  LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF  JOHN'    HUBS.         [Oh.  VIII. 

churches  of  Prague;  the  crusade  and  indulgence 
preachers  gathered  the  people  at  beat  of  drum,  in 
public  places  in  the  city,  and  three  boxes  were 
placed, — one  at  the  cathedral,  another  at  the  Tern 
church,  and  another  at  the  Vissehrad, — to  receive 
the  money  that  might  be  contributed  by  the  faith- 
ful. 

The  theological  faculty  of  the  university  could 
not  entirely  ignore  what  was  taking  place  around 
them.  They  met  and  deliberated,  but  came  to  the 
sage  and  safe  conclusion  to  obey  the  orders  of  the 
king  and  the  directions  of  the  archbishop,  receiving 
the  papal  bull  without  committing  themselves  to  any 
decision  in  regard  to  it — a  matter  to  which  they 
were  not  called.  This  was  the  view  of  Paletz,  who 
at  this  juncture  separated  from  Huss.1 

This  tame  and  cowardly  conclusion  dissatisfied 
Huss.  He  felt  for  the  honor  of  the  law  of  God,  for 
the  cause  of  his  native  land,  and  the  souls  of  his 
countrymen.  His  spirit  within  him  glowed  with  the 
resolute  purpose  to  unmask  the  false  pretensions  and 
iniquitous  principles,  not  only  of  the  crusade,  but 
the  bull  of  indulgences. 

He  regarded  with  indignation  this  unscrupulous 
act  of  the  pope.  He  saw  in  it  the  prostitution  of 
sacred  interests  to  the  interests  of  a  personal  ambi- 
tion. He  pronounced  it  an  act  of  malignant  and 
autichristian  usurpation,  and  he  felt  called  upon  to 
meet  it  with  a  public  rebuke. 

1  "Nolumusnec  attendinmsattentare  toritatem  liabennms."     Tliis  was  the 

aliquld  contra  Dom,  Apostol.  aul  snaa  position — a  non-committal  one— first 

literaa,  ant  eas  quovis  modo  judieare  taken  by  l'aletz,  according  to  Huss. 

vel  definire,  cum  ad  hoc  nullam  auc-  — Mon.  i.  175. 


Cn.  VIIL]  HUSS    OPPOSES    THE    BULL.  207 

Nor  could  it  be  objected  to  him  that,  as  a  foreign 
matter,  it  was  one  in  which  he  had  no  interest.  It 
was  brought  home  to  his  own  city  and  his  own  doors. 
The  pope's  bull,  which  he  sent  through  Europe,  re- 
quired, as  we  have  seen,  every  bishop  on  the  same 
day  to  make  proclamation  of  the  excommunication 
against  Ladislaus.  It  summoned,  moreover,  all  Chris- 
tians to  march  to  his  help,  or  assist  him  with  levies 
and  gold,  in  return  for  which  he  promised  the  ple- 
nary remission  of  sin,  and  eternal  salvation.  It  was 
in  consequence  of  this  command  that  the  boxes  were 
placed  at  commodious  places  to  receive  contribu- 
tions of  money  in  behalf  of  the  crusade.  The 
preachers  exhorted  the  people  to  liberality  the 
more  earnestly,  that  they  did  it  under  the  eyes  of 
the  papal  legate.  Several  of  the  university  disap- 
proved these  measures  till  the  king  had  extended 
them  his  sanction.  This  was  not  long  wanting.  The 
motives  that  led  to  it  may  easily  be  understood. 

The  acquiescence  of  the  king  gave  a  new  strength 
to  the  papal  party.  Wavering  minds  were  decided 
by  it.  But  Huss  and  Jerome  looked  to  the  will  of 
a  higher  monarch.  The  permission  granted  by  the 
king,  on  their  views  and  plans  of  action  had  no 
effect.  In  the  lecture-room  of  the  university,  as 
well  as  in  Bethlehem  chapel,  Huss  denounced  the 
papal  measures.  He  maintained  that  it  was  an 
antichristian  procedure  to  spur  Christians  on  to* 
war  with  Christians,  and,  with  a  view  to  shedding  of 
blood,  to  sell  indulgences  for  money.  The  course  of 
Huss,  as  might  have  been  expected,  made  him  bitter 
enemies.     The  city  was  divided  into  opposite  and 


208  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.         [Ci.  VIII. 

hostile  parties.  The  council  of  the  king  summoned 
before  it  the  antagonisl  Leaders — among  them  Hubs 
and  Stephen  Paletz.  Huss  disputed  before  the  coun- 
cil, and  manfully  maintained  his  views.  His  enemies 
could  not  deny  the  honesty  of  his  convictions,  or  re- 
fute his  arguments.  But  the  council  were  not  pre- 
pared for  any  decisive  action.  They  dismissed  the 
parties  merely  with  the  charge  to  treat  one  another 
kindly.  The  archbishop  admonished  Huss  to  obey 
the  pope.1  He  received  for  answer,  that  he  would 
do  this  only  so  long  as  the  commands  of  the  pope 
were  in  accordance  with  the  teachings  of  Christ  and 
his  apostles.  Huss  demanded  to  be  met  by  other 
arguments  than  counsels  to  a  blind  obedience.  With 
the  feelings  of  a  patriot  and  a  Christian,  he  could 
not  see  his  countrymen  betrayed  to  death  and  the 
gospel  trodden  under  foot  without  remonstrance. 
The  blood  of  his  friends  and  neighbors  was  required 
to  be  shed.  The  small  revenue  of  an  impoverished 
people  was  to  be  exhausted  for  the  foreign  interests 
of  an  individual. 

In  June,  1412,  he  affixed  to  the  doors  of  several 
churches  and  cloisters  the  notice  that  on  a  certain 
day,  June  7th,  he  would  publicly  dispute  on  the  fol- 
lowing question :  "  Whether  it  is  according  to  the 
law  of  Christ,  and  a  profitable  thing,  that  Christian 
believers,  with  God's  glory,  the  salvation  of  souls, 
and  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom  in  view,  should  give 
their  support  to  the  bull  of  the  pope,  proclaiming  a 
crusade  against  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples  ?"  He  like- 
wise challenged  all  the  teachers  of  the  university, 

1  This  may  have  been  on  the  occasion  previously  mentioned. 


Ch.  VIII.]  ARGUMENT    AGAINST   THE   BULL.  209 

priests  and  monks,  to  meet  liim  with  their  objections.1 
The  concourse  to  the  discussion  was  immense.  The 
common  people  crowded  in  to  listen,  in  spite  of  the 
effort  of  the  authorities  of  the  university  to  exclude 
them  under  the  pretext  that  they  could  not  un- 
derstand the  matter.2  Huss  began  by  asseverating 
that  he  had  commenced  his  investigations  simply 
with  a  view  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of 
the  church,  impelled  by  his  conscientious  convictions. 
For  his  authority  he  should  abide  strictly  by  the 
teachings  of  Christ  and  his  apostles.  He  then  ad- 
duces the  grounds  on  which  an  affirmative  answer 
might  be  given  to  the  question.  "  It  seems,"  he  says, 
"  that  we  are  to  approve  the  bull  of  the  pope  be- 
cause he  is  one  of  Christ's  vicars  on  earth,  to  whom 
he  has  said,  '  He  that  heareth  you  heareth  me,'  be- 
cause he  has  '  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing  on 
earth ;'  because  he  has  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  and  is  the  sivprerne  interpreter  of  the  law  of 
Christ;  because  such  bulls  have  always  been  re- 
ceived, and  the  present  is  intended  for  the  support 
of  the  church,  to  reduce  whose  authority  is  to  hinder 
the  salvation  of  souls,"  etc. 

He  then  turns  to  the  negative  side  of  the  question, 
and  finds  still  more  weighty  the  arguments  for  re- 
jecting the  bull.  First  of  all,  the  putting  of  men  to 
death  which  it  requires,  and  the  exhaustion  of  na- 
tions which  it  occasions,  cannot  well  be  reconciled 
with  the  love  of  Christ.  As  to  the  remission  of  sins 
promised,  he  admits  the  priest  has  power  to  ab- 
solve the  true  penitent,  but  by  no  means  in  the  man- 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.,  173.  3  L'Enfant's  Pisa,  iii.,  94. 

VOL.  I.  14 


210  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.         [Cii.  VIII. 

ner  prescribed  by  the  pope.     He  that  is  wise  holds 
not  merely  that  whoever  confesses  is  absolved,  bnt 

that  he  is  absolved  on  condition  of  repentance,  sin- 
ning no  more,  relying  on  God's  mercy  and  the  pur- 
pose of  future  obedience  to  God's  commands.    Of  such 
a  conversion  of  the  sinner  the  priest  lias  no  means  to 
judge  but  by  a  revelation;  for  none  can  attain  for- 
giveness of  sin  but  he  who  has  attained  from  God, 
who  alone  can  bestow  pardon,  the  necessary  grace. 
IIuss  holds,  moreover,  that  neither  the  pope  nor  any 
of  the  clergy  may  bear  arms  and  fight  for  the  sake 
of  riches  or  worldly  dominion ;    for  Christ  forbade 
his  disciples  to  do  this;  and  such,  moreover,  was  the 
view  of  the  apostles  and  of  the  fathers  of  the  church. 
"  Tears  and  prayer  are  the  arms  of  a  bishop."     The 
passage,  Luke  xxii.  38,  commonly  cited  to  show  that 
the  church  has  two  swords,  a  spiritual  and  a  tem- 
poral, can  import  no  more  than  this,  that  these  swords 
belong  to  the  whole  church,  which  is  composed  of 
laity  as  well  as  clergy,  and  the  latter  of  whom  are 
to  use  only  the  spiritual,  or  the  word  of  God.     It  is 
ignorance  to  believe  that  we  must  obey  the  pope  in 
all  things,  especially  in  regard  to  a  bull  expedited 
from  such  selfish  views.     One  should  rather,  after  the 
example  of  Christ   and  his  apostles,  endure   wrong 
patiently,  than  spur  on  Christians  to  exterminate  one 
another.     Does    any  oue  say  that  these  commands 
belong  only  to  those  that  are  perfect  ?  Then  the  pope 
should  be  the  most  perfect  among  the  clergy.  After 
commenting  on  many  monstrous  passages  of  the  bull, 
Huss  replies  to  the  grounds  adduced  for  an  affirmative 
answer.     When,  for  example,  the  keys  of  heaven  are 


CaVIIL]  ESTTEEKUPTION    OF   HUSS.  211 

promised  to  Peter,  this  means  only  a  limited  au- 
thority, while  the  loosing  and  binding  must  be  per- 
formed of  God,  before,  as  spoken  by  men,  it  can  have 
any  validity.  How  could  ignorant,  licentious,  and 
covetous  priests,  who,  for  a  specified  sum,  receive  in- 
dulgences from  the  commissary,  really  impart  the 
same  to  the  poor  and  the  rich  in  proportion  to  this 
tax  ?  How  can  Christians  doubt  that  these  robbers 
are  thieves  of  Antichrist ;  and  if  such  an  one  is  the 
doorkeeper,  how  can  he  open  the  door  to  those  that 
would  enter  into  Christ  ?  We  can  find  nowhere  in 
scripture  that  any  holy  man  said  to  another,  I  have 
forgiven  you  your  sins ;  I  have  absolved  you :  nor 
are  they  holy  men  who  have  granted  absolution  from 
punishment  and  guilt  for  so  many  years  and  days 
that  we  cannot  even  learn  the  time  when  indulgences 
sprung  up.  Among  other  remarks,  he  adds,  that  we 
are  no  more  to  fear  unrighteous  papal  excommunica- 
tion than  the  apostles  were  terrified  by  the  ban  of  the 
synagogue.  Nor  does  he  leave  any  one  in  doubt  that  he 
altogether  rejects  the  doctrine  of  papal  infallibility.1 
As  Huss  proceeded  with  his  argument,  some  of  the 
older  doctors,  Wolf,  Goebel,  and  Leo,  sought  to  con- 
vince him,  by  citations  out  of  ecclesiastical  and  im- 
perial law,  that  he  was  in  the  wrong.  They  prophe- 
sied disorder  and  murders  as  the  result  of  his  course. 
They  advised  him  rather  to  go  to  Rome  to  dispute 
with  the  pope  in  person,  and  objected  to  his  ingrati- 
tude for  setting  himself  in  opposition  to  him  whom 
he  might  thank  for  his  office  as  priest.  Dr.  Leo  in- 
veighed against  Huss  as  too  young  a  man  to  handle 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.,  173-191. 


212  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JolIX    HISS.         [Cn.  VIIL 

Hu-h  grave  matters.  At  this  the  people  began  to 
murmur.  Hare  quieted  them.  But  Jerome  made  a 
long  -peeck  in  which  he  supported  the  reformer 
throughout,  and  closed  with  these  words:  u Who- 
ever holds  with  us,  let  him  follow  us.  Huss  and  my- 
self will  go  to  the  council-house,  and  tell  the  council 
1", Idly  to  their  face,  that  the  papal  bull  and  indul- 
gence are  iniquitous."1 

The  speech  of  Jerome  was  energetic,  and  made  a 
deep  impression.  The  attendant  knights  and  citi- 
zens interrupted  him  with  their  applause.  "This 
man  speaks  truth.  Right  is  on  his  side,"  was  the 
cry  from  every  quarter. 

It  would  have  needed  but  a  word  to  procure  an 
immediate  attack  by  the  multitude  on  the  council- 
house,  where  the  friends  of  indulgences  were  delib- 
erating. But,  through  the  influence  of  their  leaders, 
the  disposition  which  might  so  easily  have  resulted 
in  violence  was  with  some  difficulty  restrained. 

A  second  meeting (1J)  of  the  university  was  soon 
called,  somewhat  less  numerously  attended  than  the 
first.  It  was  more  peaceably  conducted.  Huss  and 
Jerome  were  urged  to  consider  the  danger  into  which 
the  city  would  be  thrown  by  popular  insurrection  or 
commotion.  Both  promised  to  guard  against  giving 
any  occasion  for  it,  although  Huss  added,2  u  Shall  I 
then  keep  silence  when  I  ought  to  speak?  Will  not 
the  truth  inculpate  me — me  who  knew  it,  and  out  of 
fear  abandoned  it  ?  Should  my  life  be  dearer  to  me 
than  my  duty  ? "  8 

1  L'Enfant,  iii.  95.  '  L'Enfant  states  that  many  IIuss- 

9  Becker,  p.  61.  ites  engaged  by  mutual  oaths  to  visit 


Ch.  VIII.]  THE   MOCK   PEOCESSION".  213 

Such  was  the  position  taken  by  Huss.  He  could 
not  violate  conscience  or  abandon  principle.  Yet  he 
was  anxious  to  prevent  any  popular  tumult.  As  the 
congregation  dispersed,  admiring  crowds  followed 
him  to  the  door  of  his  dwelling.  As  they  left  him 
there,  they  cried  out,  at  parting,  "  Huss,  abandon  us 
not.     Remain  firm." 

Firmness  was  indeed  necessary.  The  king  could 
not  be  relied  upon  in  the  emergency.  Even  yet  he 
dared  not  break  entirely  with  the  pope.  The  ene- 
mies of  Huss  were  many  and  powerful,  and  bitterly 
exasperated.  Some  occasion  for  this  was  given  per- 
haps by  the  imprudence  of  Jerome,  urged  on  by  his 
own  impulsive  nature.  A  few  days  after  the  dispu- 
tation in  the  university,1  one  of  the  royal  favorites, 
Wok  Woksa  of  Waldstein,  encouraged,  as  it  seems, 
by  Jerome  and  other  masters,  had  got  up  a  proces- 
sion through  the  streets  of  the  city  designed  to  mani- 
fest the  popular  contempt  for  the  papal  bulls.  Pros- 
titutes, with  certificates  of  indulgences  hung  around 
their  necks,  were  made  to  head  the  procession,  which 
moved,  amid  the  shouts  and  cheers  of  the  citizens,  till 
it  reached  a  pile  of  faggots  heaped  up  beneath  the 
gallows.  Here,  in  contempt  of  the  boxes  designed 
to  receive  the  money  paid  for  indulgences,  an  iron 
box  was  placed,  into  which,  while  the  indulgences 

all  the  churches  in  which  the  indul-  against    the   violence    and    carnage 

gences  were  published,  and  withstand  which  might  result  from  their  meas- 

the  priests  while  engaged  in  the  pub-  ures.     It  is  said  that  both  promised 

lieation  ;  that  the  magistrates  feared  no  longer  to  oppose  the  indulgences, 

lest  an  insurrection  should  be  the  re-  but  to  observe   greater  moderation, 

6ult;  and  that  the  rector  of  the  uni-  Becker's  account  seems  to  me  more 

versity    sent   for    Huss  and   Jerome,  in  keeping  with  the  character  of  Huss. 
to  urge   them   strenuously  to  guard         '  Helfert,  119. 


214  i  mi:  and  times  of  joiin  hubs.       [«'«.  vm. 

thrown  upon  the  lighted  faggots  were  consumed, 
were  cast,  as  contributions,  not  gold  or  silver,  but  the 
most  nauseous  things,  together  with  a  satirical  writ- 
ing against  indulgences. 

The  effect  of  this  singular  scene  was  scarcely  such 
as  Huss  could  have  desired;  but  it  perfectly  suited 
the  taste  of  Jerome,  and  doubtless  of  thousands  of 
others.  Still,  it  was  not  a  little  exasperating  to  the 
papa]  party.  It  tended  to  fan  the  flame  which  was 
already  kindled  to  a  fiercer  heat. 

Nor  was  this  all.  The  very  next  day  after  the 
•discussion  had  taken  place,  several  of  the  young  men 
most  zealous  in  opposition  to  the  papal  bulls,  deter- 
mined that  the  ignorance  and  iniquity  of  the  papal 
clergy  should  be  exposed.  There  were  multitudes 
among  them  who  felt  themselves  capable  of  silencing 
the  priests  by  arguments  drawn  from  scripture. 
They  resolved  to  visit  the  churches  generally,  and 
Contradict  every  priest  who  should  preach  the  indul- 
gence.1 

On  one  of  the  following  Sundays,  the  preachers  in 
several  of  the  churches  were  rudely  interrupted  by 
students  and  artisans.  They  were  boldly  called  liars 
and  deceivers.2  The  pope  was  denominated  Anti- 
christ for  having  proclaimed  a  crusade  against  a 
Christian  people.  In  the  castle  church,  whilst  the 
preacher  assailed  IIuss  with  unmeasured  abuse  in  the 
hope  of  restoring  the  doctrine  of  indulgences  to  its 
former  reputation,  a  shoemaker  from  Poland,  named 
Stasseck — or,  as  given  by  L'Enfant,  Stanislaus  Passec 

1  Helfert,  119,  120.  partisan  prejudice  must  be  taken  into 

8  So  says  CochlseuB,  37,  38.     His    account. 


Ch.  VIII.]  THE   THEEE    OFFENDEKS.  215 

— came  forward  and  gave  the  priest  the  lie.  A  great 
uproar  at  once  ensued.  The  offended  party  prevailed 
on  the  warden  of  the  castle  to  take  the  offender  into 
custody,  and  deliver  him  over  to  the  civil  magistrates. 
Similar  disturbances  occurred  the  same  day  at  the 
Thein  church,  as  well  as  at  the  convent  of  St.  James. 
In  the  church,  while  the  priest  was  commending  the 
papal  bull,  he  was  interrupted  by  a  student  named 
Martin  Krschidesco  crying  out,  "  Now  it  is  plain  that 
the  pope  is  truly  Antichrist,  since  he  has  proclaimed 
a  crusade  against  Christians."  In  the  convent,  the 
vender  of  indulgences  was  expelled  by  another  stu- 
dent named  John  Hudek.  Both  offenders  were  ar- 
rested, and,  with  the  shoemaker,  committed  to  the 
city  prison. 

From  the  known  opinions  of  most  of  the  members 
of  the  council,  the  worst  was  to  be  feared.  There 
was  no  doubt  that  the  prisoners  would  be  punished 
with  extreme  severity.  They  were  in  fact  sentenced 
to  death  as  disturbers  of  the  peace.1  Intelligence  of 
this  was  at  once  communicated  to  Huss.  He  hastened 
from  the  college  to  the  council-house.  Having  ob- 
tained admittance,  accompanied  by  a  large  number 
of  the  professors  and  students,  he  earnestly  entreated 
the  magistrates  not  to  punish  the  three  inconsiderate 
youths  with  death.  Their  crime,  he  asserted,  might 
be  excused  in  some  measure  by  their  zeal  for  the 
gospel,  and  the  great  offence  occasioned  by  in- 
dulgences, for  if  they  deserved  to  be  punished  for 
the  sake  of  the  indulgences,  he  deserved  .it  far  more 

1  The  sentence  was  based  osten-  ding  any  to  speak  against  the  papal 
eibly  on  a  decree  of  Wenzel,  forbid-     bull  under  pain  of  death. 


216  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   nUS3.         [Cn.  Yin. 

himself.  But  the  council  had  been  wrought  upon 
by  the  priests,  and  were  deaf  to  his  entreaties. 
They  objected  to  him  that  this  was  no  concern  of 
his,  and  that  he  was  mixing  himself  up  in  matters 
that  did  not  belong  to  him.  They  suggested  that  it 
was  his  aim  to  set  the  city  in  an  uproar,  and  that  he 
had  already  injured  it  enough  by  the  expulsion  of  the 
Germans.  They  said  the  question  now  was  not  in 
regard  to  indulgences,  but  concerning  open  violators 
of  the  public  peace  who  had  sought  to  produce 
bloodshed.  Still  they  encouraged  him  to  hope  that 
favor  would  be  shown  them.  They  told  him  that 
as  to  the  prisoners  'he  and  his  friends  might  set 
their  minds  at  ease.  Their  petitions  would,  either 
the  following  morning,  or  possibly  the  same  day,  be 
of  some  service  to  them.' 

The  report  of  the  danger  that  menaced  the  pris- 
oners had  already  spread  through  the  city.  More 
than  two  thousand  armed  men  were  in  a  short  time 
assembled  around  the  council-house.  They  were 
ready  at  a  word  to  offer  powerful  and  effectual  aid 
for  the  release  of  the  prisoners.  But  IIuss  was 
averse  to  violence.  He  only  wished  to  save  the 
lives  of  the  three  young  men.  Whether  he  under- 
stood the  irony  of  the  answer  of  the  council  or  not, 
he  suppressed  the  bitterness  that  he  must  have  felt. 
He  humbly  thanked  the  senate  for  the  promised 
favor,  and,  communicating  it  to  the  people,  persuaded 
them  to  disperse.  Scarcely  was  the  danger  passed, 
and  IIuss  gone,  than  the  scornful  laugh  was  raised 
at  his  expense.  The  lords  of  the  council  declared 
him  to  be  a  deluded  and  credulous  fool.     Doubtless 


Ch.  VIII.]  THE    EXECUTION.  217 

a  bold  bad  man  would  have  shown  less  scruple,  and 
cut  the  knot  by  decisive  measures.  But  Huss  would 
not  countenance  violence,  although  he  had  been 
threatened  with  it  himself. 

He  would  by  no  means  take  the  offenders  out  of 
the  hands  of  justice.  His  own  love  of  peace  and 
order  would  not  permit  him  to  sanction  their  dis- 
turbance, and  yet  he  could  not  willingly  consent  to 
a  penalty  so  unjust  as  a  capital  infliction.  He  re- 
turned to  his  house  in  the  cherished  expectation  that 
a  just  measure  of  penalty  might  satisfy  all  parties, 
and  make  a  salutary  impression. 

But  his  hopes  were  doomed  to  disappointment. 
Scarcely  had  the  crowd  withdrawn  and  the  streets 
been  cleared,  when  the  council,  left  unmolested,  pro- 
ceeded with  its  work.  The  executioner  was  admitted 
through  a  back  door,  and  the  prisoners  were  be- 
headed. But  the  foul  deed  could  not  long  remain 
a  secret.  The  blood  of  the  murdered  men  flowed 
from  the  place  where  they  were  beheaded  out  into 
the  open  street,  and  told  the  story  of  their  fate.  In 
every  part  of  the  city  old  and  young  flew  to  arms. 
Grief  and  vengeance  possessed  all  hearts.  Nobility 
and  students  led  -on  the  people.  The  council-house 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  assailants ;  but  the  prin- 
cipal object  of  their  vengeance — the  guilty  judges — 
had  fled. 

The  people's  thirst  for  vengeance  now  gave  place 
to  bitter  expressions  of  their  grief.  They  sought 
out  the  place  where  the  young  men  were  executed, 
broke  open  the  vaults  which  concealed  the  bodies, 
and  into  which  they  had  hurriedly  been  thrown. 


218  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HTJ8&         [Cn.  VIIL 

wrapped  them  in  rich  shrouds,  and,  placing  them  on 
a  gilded  bier,  bore  them  in  solemn  procession  to  the 
Bethlehem  church.  An  innumerable  train  of  mourn- 
ers followed  them,  with  waving  banners  and  funeral 
hymns.  They  could  not  but  regard  the  victims  of 
this  summary  injustice  somewhat  in  the  light  of 
martyrs. 

Huss  was  deeply  grieved  at  this  melancholy  issue 
of  the  affair.  He  felt  the  blow  as  a  personal  injury. 
Two  of  the  victims  were  his  own  students.  For 
eight  days  he  was  completely  unmanned,  and  gave 
himself  up  to  retirement  and  sorrow.  Reviving  at 
length  from  his  depression,  he  preached  a  funeral 
sermon  on  the  fate  of  the  three  youths.1  In  this  he 
declared  that  such  a  death  had  more  than  compen- 
sated for  all  that  was  sinful  and  earthly  in  them,  and 
had  exalted  them  to  the  rank  of  immortal  martyrs 
for  the  sake  of  gospel  truth.  "  Henceforth,"  said  he, 
"  no  communion  can  exist  between  the  adherents  of 
Rome  and  the  Bohemian  Christians  ;"  but  he  conjured 
the  weeping  people  to  beware  of  using  violence 
toward  the  enemy,  leaving  God  to  deal  with  their 
wicked  malice  and  remorseless  cruelty. 

Notwithstanding  this  touching  and  Christian  ap- 
peal, the  magistrates  forbade  the  preacher,  under 
pain  of  severe  punishment,  to  make  even  any  distant 
allusion  in  public  to  those  who  had  recently  been  be- 
headed. But  if  Huss  was  ready  to  comply,  the  seed 
he  had  sown  in  the  cause  of  truth  had  been  watered 
by  the  blood  of  its  victims,  and  its  harvest  was  sure. 

1  1  Ii-lf.it  gives  a  somewhat  differ-  represents  it  a*  |>ul>lic.  The  other 
ent    account    of    the    execution,     lie     accounts  are  as  stated  in  the  text. 


Ch.  VIII.]  POLICY    OF    SIGISMUMD.  219 

The  cause  of  reform  could  not  die.     The  very  rash- 
ness of  the  enemy  had  given  it  its  martyrs. 

But  there  were  causes  at  work  which  were  soon 
destined  to  operate  in  favor  of  Huss.  Popular  in- 
dignation at  the  extortions  of  Rome  made  itself 
manifest,  and  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  king, 
while  abroad  the  changed  aspect  of  affairs  destroyed 
in  Wenzel  the  hope  of  recovering  the  empire,  and 
indisposed  him  any  longer  to  temporize  with  the 
pope.  In  order  to  understand  the  change  which 
now  took  place  in  the  royal  policy,  our  attention  must 
be  directed  to  another  quarter,  from  which  new  actors 
appear  upon  the  troubled  scene.  Sigismund,  second 
son  of  the  emperor  Charles  IV.,  had  received,  in  right 
of  his  wife  Mary,  daughter  of  Louis,  king  of  Hun- 
gar)',  the  throne  of  that  kingdom.  The  position  of 
Hungary  made  it  the  Thermopylae  of  Christendom, 
and  destined  it  to  receive  the  first  shock  of  Moslem 
invasion.  In  the  terrible  battle  of  Nicopolis,  (1396,) 
where  the  proudest  nobility  of  Europe,  gathering  to 
the  standard  of  the  Hungarian  monarch,  sustained 
so  terrible  a  defeat,  his  hopes  seemed  to  be  blasted. 
But  when,  six  years  after,  the  arms  of  the  invader 
yielded  to  the  prowess  of  Tamerlane,  and  Bajazet 
was  forced,  in  his  iron  cage,  to  grace  the  triumphant 
progress  of  the  Asiatic  conqueror,  the  good  fortune 
of  Sigismund  seemed  to  be  restored.  Yet  the  course 
of  events  had  caused  him  to  take  a  deep  interest  in 
the  affairs  of  Italy.  The  ambition  of  Ladislaus  was 
insatiable.  He  is  said,  not  improbably,  to  have  as- 
pired to  the  imperial  crown.  With  some  show  of 
justice  he  claimed  the  crown  of  Hungary,  where  his 


220  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOITN   IIUSS.         [Cu.  VIII. 

childhood  had  been  spent,  and  where  he  had  been 
favorably  regarded  by  Louis,  the  previous  monarch. 
The  debaucheries  and  cruelty  of  Sigismund,  who  at 
this  time  seems  to  have  been  no  unworthy  relative 
of  his  royal  brother,  had  disgusted  and  alienated  his 
subjects  (1401).  His  person  was  seized,  and  a  gen- 
eral revolt  spread  through  the  kingdom.  At  this 
opportune  moment,  Ladislaus,  previously  instructed 
no  doubt  by  his  partisans,  appeared  with  a  fleet  off 
the  shores  of  Dalmatia.  Zara  and  several  other 
maritime  cities  acknowledged  his  authority.  lie 
even  received  at  the  former  place  the  Hungarian 
crown.  But  in  the  meantime  Sigismund  had  recov- 
ered his  liberty.  His  fickle  palatines  renewed  their 
allegiance,  and  Ladislaus,  defeated  in  his  attempt, 
withdrew,  and  sold  to  the  grasping  ambition  of 
Venice  his  recent  conquests  in  maritime  Dalmatia. 
Sigismund  could  not  regard  with  favor  either  the 

o  o 

spoiler  or  his  jackals.  The  necessity  of  his  position 
made  him  the  friend  of  the  enemies  of  the  king 
of  Naples. 

Meanwhile  John  XXIII.  had  been  placed  by  Ladis- 
laus in  difficult  circumstances,  and  Sigismund  and 
John  XXIII.  alike  complained  of  his  violence.  The 
interests  of  the  king  and  pope  were  the  same.  On 
the  accession  of  the  latter  to  the  pontificate,  Sigis- 
mund sent  him  ambassadors,  the  burden  of  whose 
complaint  was  the  usurpations  of  Venice.  The  pope, 
anxious  to  secure  the  favor  of  the  king,  answered 
him  by  the  promise  of  his  influence  in  his  behalf 

But  the  occasion  had  already  come  when  that  in- 
fluence was  to  be  exerted  in  another  direction  than 


Ch.  VIII.]  SIGISMUND    ELECTED    EMPEKOE.  221 

the  one  proposed,  and  with  a  large  measure  of  suc- 
cess. By  the  death  of  Robert  the  imperial  throne 
was  vacant.  To  the  pope  it  was  of  immense  impor- 
tance that  it  should  be  occupied  by  one  who  would 
sympathize  with  him  in  his  opposition  to  the  king  of 
Naples.  He  wrote  to  the  electors,  urging  them  to 
make  choice  of  Sigismund  for  emperor.  He  repre- 
sented to  them  his  fitness  for  the  place  at  the  present 
crisis.  The  enmity  of  Sigismund  to  Ladislaus  was, 
however,  his  chief  merit  in  the  eyes  of  the  pope. 

The  persuasions  of  the  pope  were  not  without 
effect.  They  were  powerfully  seconded,  however,  by 
other  motives.  After  the  deposition  of  Wenzel, 
Sigismund,  as  the  second  son  of  Charles  IV.,  seemed 
to  have  the  clearest  right  to  the  imperial  crown. 
Notwithstanding  his  dissolute  habits,  he  had  given 
proof  of  capacity  and  energy.  When  Wenzel,  in 
1393,  was  making  himself  at  once  the  laughing-stock 
and  curse  of  the  empire,  Sigismund,  conspiring  with 
several  others,  had  seized  and  imprisoned  him.  In 
spite  of  a  rival  claimant,  he  had  grasped  and  retained 
the  dominion  of  Hungary.  He  had  distinguished 
himself  in  his  conflicts  with  the  Turks,  and  had  as- 
pired to  draw  around  him  the  strength  of  Christen- 
dom for  their  defeat.  France  had  sent  him  her 
gallant  knights,  and  those  of  them  who  survived  re- 
turned to  declare  the  shame  of  their  own  rashness 
and  defeat  in  not  listening  to  the  wiser  counsels  of 
the  Hungarian  monarch. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  the  elevation  of 
Sigismund  to  the  imperial  throne.  It  is  said  that, 
when  the  electors  were  assembled,  and  Sigismund 


222  I.I!  i:    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN"    HUBS.         [Cn.  VIIL 

was  asked,  first  of  all,  in  quality  of  king  of  Hungary, 
ti  i  make  his  nomination,  lie  named  himself.  "  I  know 
myself,"  said  he,  "others  I  do  not;  I  do  not  know 
that  they  would  be  as  capable  as  I  am  to  govern  the 
empire,  especially  in  this  period  of  the  schism  of 
the  church."1  The  electors,  admiring  the  frankness 
of  the  king,  or  possibly  overawed  by  his  audacious 
impudence,  unanimously  gave  him  their  suffrages. 
This  must  however  have  been  after  the  death  of 
Jodicus,  who  for  ten  months  was  a  rival  claimant  of 
the  imperial  crown. 

The  character  of  Sisdsniund  seemed  to  be  a  singular 
compound  of  that  of  his  father  and  that  of  his 
brother,  Wenzel.  He  had  the  subtility  of  the  first, 
and  the  license  of  the  last,  except  that  his  shriue 
was  that  of  Venus  rather  than  of  Bacchus.  Endowed 
with  eloquence  and  energy,  as  well  as  possessed  of 
a  fine  personal  appearance,  he  lacked  the  more  im- 
portant qualities  necessary  to  a  perfect  statesmanship. 
He  was  a  man  for  the  emergency,  not  for  a  settled 
and  consistent  policy.  He  sought  to  ride  the  wave, 
rather  than  provide  for  the  voyage.  He  settled  his 
disputes  with  Venice  by  the  sale  of  Zara,  thus  imi- 
tating the  policy  of  his  foe.  He  compromised  his 
disputes  in  other  quarters  in  order  to  set  himself  at 
the  task,  toward  which  his  ambition  seems  to  have 
been  more  directed  even  than  to  the  imperial  crown, 
of  giving  peace  to  the  church.  We  shall  see  in  the 
sequel  with  what  success. 

riis  language  on  this  occasion,  as  erning,  whether  in  prosperity  or  ad- 

giYen  by  Menzel,    is,    "There  is  no  versity.     I,  therefore,   as  elector  of 

prince  in  the  empire  whom  I  know  Braiulcnhurg,   give  Sigismund,  king 

better    than    myself.      No   one    sur-  of  Hungary,  my  vote,  und  herewith 

passes  me  in  power  or  in  the  art  of  gov-  elect  myself  emperor." 


Ch.  viii.]  wenzel's  hopes  defeated.  223 

The  schism  stood  in  fact  in  the  way  of  the  execu- 
tion of  the  great  design  which  he  had  long  cherished. 
So  long  as  the  church  was  divided  by  the  dissensions 
which  prevailed,  Christendom  was  endangered  by  the 
Turk.  If  the  anti-popes  could  be  removed,  and  one 
be  elected  in  their  place  who  should  be  universally 
recognized,  the  mighty  torrent  of  Moslem  invasion 
might  be  met  and  turned  back.  Such  a  result  would 
crown  the  name  of  Sigismund  with  imperishable 
fame,  and  wipe  out  the  shame  of  the  defeat  of  Ni- 
copolis.  If  we  see  the  emperor  therefore  turning 
against  the  pope,  to  whom  in  part  he  owed  his  elec- 
tion, and  who  promised  to  be  his  firmest  ally ;  if  we 
see  him  using  his  influence  to  dethrone  him,  and 
afterward  shutting  him  up  for  years  in  prison,  we 
may  be  prepared  to  understand  the  policy  to  which 
such  results  were  due.  It  was  this  which  led  him 
to  attempt  the  reconciliation  of  the  knights  of  the 
Teutonic  Order,  and  the  king  of  Poland,  by  whom 
the  former  in  several  battles  had  been  almost  en- 
tirely prostrated  in  the  year  1410.  It  was  with  a 
similar  purpose,  as  well  as  undoubtedly  to  win  the 
glory  of  having  restored  peace  to  the  church,  that  a 
few  months  later  he  extorted  from  the  reluctant 
pope  the  summoning,  in  conjunction  with  himself,  of 
the  famous  council  of  Constance. 

But  Sigismund's  election  effectually  excluded  Wen- 
zel  from  the  imperial  throne.  He  saw  himself  at 
once  and  effectually  bereft  of  his  last  hope  of  recov- 
ering the  Roman  crown — the  object  for  which  he 
had  intrigued  with  the  council,  and  for  which  he  had 
put  forth  all  the  energy  which  his  feeble,  irresolute, 
and  self-indulgent  nature  allowed  him  to  exert.     It 


224  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    HISS.         [Ch.  VHI. 

Mas  no  longer  his  interest  to  favor,  in  any  special 
manner,  the  pontiff  who  had  conspired  with  his 
brother  to  rob  hini  of  what  he  considered  his 
hereditary  right. 

There  were  other  causes,  moreover,  now  contribu- 
ting to  a  reaction  in  favor  of  Huss.  The  king,  who 
was  always  the  creature  of  circumstance,  had  at  first 
accepted,  or  rather  tolerated  the  papal  bull.  But 
he  grew  dissatisfied  when  he  was  told  what  streams 
of  gold  it  was  draining  off  to  Konie — how  the  poor 
peasant  who  had  no  money  sold  his  cow,  till  the 
popular  genius  of  the  country  seized  upon  these 
facts  and  gave  them  expression  in  the  street  songs. 
He  brought  before  him  men  who  could  testify  to  the 
truth  of  these  things,  and  then  dispatched  them  to 
Rome  with  a  complaint  against  this  traffic  in  indul- 
gences. "  Your  dealers,"  says  he  to  the  pope,  "  where 
they  are  offered  a  span,  take  an  ell ;  they  promise 
heaven  to  all  that  will  yield  up  their  gold,  and 
preach  much  else  little  likely  to  promote  the  salva- 
tion of  the  faithful.  But  while  they  deceive  simple 
minds,  they  heap  up  great  stores  of  wealth." 

With  all  his  faults,  the  king  was  not  disposed  to 
have  his  subjects  abused  by  any  but  himself;  and 
above  all,  he  disliked  to  be  troubled  with  petitions 
and  complaints.  The  election  of  Sigismund  removed 
the  last  chance  for  his  recovery  of  the  empire,  and 
he  had  no  longer  any  motive  to  treat  the  papal 
measures  with  any  studied  forbearance.  In  these 
circumstances,  and  with  the  influences  of  national 
feeling  brought  to  bear  strongly  upon  him,  he  aban- 
doned the  cause  of  the  popc,(ao)  or  at  least  ceased 
to  manifest  any  zeal  in  its  behalf. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

SECOND   EXCOMMUNICATION   OF  HUSS.     HE   WITHDRAWS 
FROM  PRAGUE. 

Excommunication  op  Huss. — How  he  was  to  be  dealt  with. — Bethlehem 
Chapel  to  be  Torn  Down.  —  The  Attempt  Defeated.  —  The  City  Council 
Divided.  —  The  Interdict.  —  Its  Legitimate  Effect.  —  Wenzel's  Decree  Re- 
quiring Divine  Service  to  be  Performed  as  Usual.  —  The  Division  in  the 
University.  —  Theological  Faculty. — The  Eight  Doctors.  —  Huss  still 
Preaches.  — Letter  from  England.  —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  He  Leaves  Prague. 
— His  Appeal  to  Jesus  Christ.  —  Substance  of  his  Complaints.  —  Martin  V. 
and  the  Council  of  Constance.  —  Gerson  on  Appeal  from  the  Pope. — 
Huss  Preaches  in  the  Cities  and  Villages  in  the  Open  Air.  —  His  Vindi- 
cation. —  An  Interruption.  —  Letter  to  the  Cardinals.  —  Reasons  fob 
Leaving  Prague.  —  Busy  with  his  Pen. 

July,  1412-May,  1413. 

The  time  was  at  hand  when  Huss  was  specially  to 
feel  the  need  of  the  support  of  the  king.  There  was 
no  longer  any  hope  of  mercy  at  Rome  for  a  man  who 
had  unscrupulously  exposed  the  iniquity  of  the  pa- 
pacy and  had  sinned  against  its  avarice.  The  issue 
of  his  case  could  not  long  remain  doubtful.  In  July, 
1412,  John  X'XIII.  committed  the  matter  into  the 
hands  of  the  cardinal,  Peter  de  Angelis,  who  decided 
finally  to  confirm  the  excommunication  of  Huss.  To 
this  conclusion  he  had  been  brought  in  part  by  the 
representations  of  the  priest  of  St.  Adalbert,  in  New 
Prague,  Michael  of  Deutschbrod,  or,  as  he  is  better 
known,  Michael  de  Causis.  No  fitter  tool  of  malice 
and  intrigue  could  be  found.  He  had  defrauded  the 
VOL.  i.  15 


826  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHH    HISS.  [Cn.  IX. 

king  and  fled  his  country,  and  Lis  character  was  that 
of  a  knave  and  a  profligate.  We  shall  meet  him 
again  at  the  council  of  Constance. 

The  terrible  hull  of  excommunication  was  launched 
against  IIuss  in  the  summer  of  1412.1  None  might 
give  him  food  or  drink.  None  might  buy  of  him,  or 
sell  to  him.  None  might  converse  or  hold  inter- 
course with  him.  None  might  give  him  lodging,  or 
allow  him  fire  or  water.  Every  city,  village,  or  cas- 
tle where  he  might  reside  was  put  under  interdict. 
The  sacraments  could  not  be  administered  there.  All 
religious  worship  was  suspended  there.  If  Huss  per- 
severed in  his  obduracy,  his  curse  of  excommunica- 
tion was  to  be  published  in  every  parish  church  on 
every  Sunday  and  feast  day,  with  solemn  tolling  of 
the  bells  and  the  casting  of  lighted  torches  to  the 
earth.  If  he  died  excommunicate,  he  was  to  be  de- 
nied church  burial;  or,  if  buried  in  consecrated 
ground,  his  body  was  to  be  dug  up  again  from  its 
grave. (21) 

Nor  was  this  all.  John  NXIII.  gave  significant 
expression  of  his  bitter  purpose  to  crush  the  reformer, 
in  a  bull  proceeding  directly  from  himself,  in  virtue 
of  which  the  person  of  Huss  was  to  be  seized  and 
brought  before  the  archbishop  of  Prague  or  the  bishop 
of  Leitomischel,  while  the  Bethlehem  chapel  was  to 
be  torn  down  and  levelled  to  the  ground,  that  it 
might  no  longer  continue  a  den  of  heretics.  No 
wonder  that  Paletz  now  broke  entirely  with  Huss, 
and  turned  pale  before  such  an  array  of  spiritual  ter- 
rors ;  that  his  course  was  such  that  IIuss  could  say, 

1  Helfert,  122. 


Ch.  IX.]  MUTUAL    EXASPERATION.  227 

"  he  turned  and  walked  backward  like  a  crab."  A 
worldly  prudence  invited  him  to  abandon  what  seemed 
a  desperate  cause. 

The  Germans  of  Prague,  bitterly  opposed  to  Huss, 
undertook  the  execution  of  that  part  of  the  bull 
which  had  respect  to  Bethlehem  chapel.  On  one  of 
the  festivals  of  the  church,  they  assembled,  provided 
with  arms,  and  under  the  lead  of  a  certain  Bohe- 
mian, Bernhart  Chotek,  marched  toward  the  chapel, 
where  they  found  Huss  occupying  the  pulpit.  But 
here  their  new-born  zeal  was  suddenly  cooled  by  the 
sight  of  the  immense  assembly,  which,  although  un- 
armed, inspired  a  healthful  respect. 

In  the  city  council,  whither  they  turned  back  to 
report  their  failure,  a  bitter  discussion  ensued  as  to 
what  should  be  done.  The  Germans,  who  were  in 
the  majority,  held  that  there  never  would  be  peace 
till  the  chapel  was  pulled  down ;  but  they  dared  not 
take  the  initiative  in  the  bold  measure.  The  Bohe- 
mian members  were  too  resolute  in  spirit,  although 
in  the  minority,  to  allow  their  opponents  the  hope 
of  a  peaceful  issue.  The  two  parties  were  forced  to 
content  themselves  with  mutual  reproaches.  The 
church  party  called  the  chapel,  in  derision,  "The 
Church  of  the  Three  Saints,"  while  the  friends  of 
Huss  invented  a  new  street-song  to  express  their  con- 
tempt.1 

The  ecclesiastical  authorities  adhering  to  John 
XXIII.  endeavored  to  enforce  the  interdict.  The 
bull  of  excommunication  against  Huss  had  been  pub- 
lished, as  far  as  possible,  in  all  the  parish  churches ; 

1  Helfert,  123. 


228  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  IX. 

but  he  still  refused  to  leave  the  city,  or  abandon  his 
pulpit.  Nothing  remained  but  to  attempt  to  drive 
him  forth  by  the  most  extreme  terrors  that  spiritual 
tyranny  ever  devised.(22) 

It  is  true  that  this  final  weapon  of  pontifical  ven- 
geance was  not  what  it  had  been  centuries  before. 
But  even  now  it  was  not  rashly  to  be  braved.  It 
was  still  formidable.  Kings  had  bowed  submissive 
before  its  terrors ;  and  although  the  schism  of  the 
church  and  the  views  which  Huss  disseminated  at 
Prague  had,  in  many  minds,  deprived  it  of  much  of 
its  authority,  it  was  still  not  lightly  to  be  contemned. 
We  regard  it  now  as  the  outrageous  stretch  of  papal 
tyranny,  a  monument  of  that  intensely  vindictive 
malice  which,  for  the  offence  of  an  individual,  doomed 
a  whole  city  or  kingdom  to  the  bitterest  infliction. 
Aided  by  the  superstitions  of  men,  it  seemed  to  grasp 
at  once  the  powers  not  only  of  the  present  life,  but 
of  the  life  to  come.  During  an  interdict,  the  churches 
were  closed,  the  bells  were  silent,  the  dead  were  left 
unburied,  and  no  rites  but  those  of  baptism  and  ex- 
treme unction  could  be  performed.  All  the  economy 
of  social  and  civil  life  seemed  struck  with  a  palsy ; 
the  wheels  of  enterprise  and  labor  stood  still,  waiting 
for  the  guilty  to  depart,  or  die.  Some  few  of  the 
clergy  of  Prague  may  have  had  boldness  to  imitate 
the  conduct  of  him  by  whom  it  was  imposed,  when, 
seven  years  before,  as  tyrant  of  Bologna,  he  had  de- 
fied the  interdict  of  Gregory.  The  greater  number, 
however,  would  be  awed  to  obedience  by  the  papal 
authority. 

It  was  at  this  critical  moment  that  Wenzel  in- 


Ch.  IX.] 

terposed.  Huss,  from  a  sense  of  duty,  refused  to 
abandon  his  post  or  yield  to  an  unjust  excommunica- 
tion. In  fact,  it  is  doubtful  whether  his  friends,  in 
the  circumstances,  would  have  allowed  him  to  depart. 
Heedless  of  the  interdict  themselves,  they  experienced 
but  little  inconvenience  from  it.  It  did  not  close 
Bethlehem  chapel,  or  seal  the  lips  of  Huss.  Indeed, 
the  blow  was  more  severely  felt  by  the  papal  than 
the  reform  party.  The  priests  of  the  former,  it  is 
true,  were,  for  the  most  part,  well  content  with  a 
state  of  things  that  did  not  much  molest  their  indo- 
lence ;  but  the  people  complained. 

Wenzel  issued  a  decree  enjoining  upon  the  parish 
priests  attendance  upon  their  spiritual  duties,  in  spite 
of  the  presence  of  Huss  within  the  walls.  Any  neg- 
lect of  this  order  should  be  visited  by  a  forfeit  of 
salary.  The  decree  wrought  wonders.  It  counter- 
worked the  papal  bull.  The  priests,  many  of  them, 
returned  to  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  although 
Huss  still  remained  unmolested  within  the  walls  of 
the  city. 

Meanwhile,  however,  a  division  had  sprung  up  in 
the  university  which  threatened  serious  consequences. 
The  students  and  masters  were  nearly  unanimous  in 
sustaining  Huss ;  but  the  theological  faculty  had 
taken  ground  against  him  almost  to  a  man.1  The 
faculty  was  composed  of  the  doctors  of  theology,  sev- 
eral of  whom  had  been,  but  a  year  or  two  before, 
his  most  intimate  friends  or  his  firmest  supporters. 
Among  them  were  Stanislaus,  Paletz,  Andrew  Broda, 

1  Huss,  however,  complains  that  his     speak  in  behalf  of  the  whole  theolog- 
eight  principal  opponents  assumed  to     ical  faculty. 


230  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUSS.  [Cn.  IX. 

and  John  Elia.  The  time  of  danger  had  come. 
S  oislaua  and  Paletz  had  felt  the  claws  of  the  lion. 
The  others  also  had  proved  too  timid  to  stand  by 
their  convictions  in  the  hour  of  trial.  Repeated  con- 
ferences were  held,  but  the  division  of  sentiment  was 
becoming  more  marked.  Several  discussions  were 
held  at  Zebrak,1  at  which  Husa  was  present,  but  with 
no  favorable  issue.  A  controversy  commenced,  which 
is  to  be  noted  hereafter,  and  which  continued  fur  quite 
a  period,  between  the  eight  doctors,  or  a  portion  of 
them,  on  one  side,  and  Huss  on  the  other.2  No 
Protestant  reader  at  the  present  day  will  hesitate  iu 
his  decision  as  to  which  side  victory  inclined. 

Huss  still  kept  his  place  in  Bethlehem  chapel, 
cheering  the  hearts  and  inspiring  the  zeal  of  his  ad- 
herents. At  this  difficult  and  troubled  moment, 
(autumn  of  1412,)  he  received  an  encouraging  letter 
from  England/23'  It  was  written  by  a  Wickliffite 
named  Richard,  and  spoke  cheering  words.  Huss 
took  it  with  him  into  the  pulpit,  and  read  it  to  his 
hearers.  "  See,"  said  he,  "  our  dearly  beloved 
brother  Richard  has  written  you  a  letter  full  of 
cheer  and  encouragement."8  Huss  replied  to  it  "in 
the  name  of  the  church  of  Christ  in  Bohemia,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  church  of  Christ  in  England,"  assur- 
ing its  author  that  the  king,  queen,  lords,  knights. 
and  common  people  in  the  cities  and  throughout 
the  land,  were  holding  fast  by  the  true  doctrine.4 

It  was  not  without  some  scruples  that  Huss  had 
continued  to  remain  at  Prague.     He  felt  that  it  was 

1  Hdfert,  187.  » Helfert*  116. 

1  Mou.  llussi,  256-323.  «  Helfert,  181. 


Ch.  IX.]  HUSS    LEAVES    PRAGUE.  231 

perhaps  wiser  for  him,  for  a  time  at  least,  to  with- 
draw from  its  Avails.  To  some  extent,  no  doubt,  the 
interdict  was  still  enforced,  and  Huss  bore  it  ill  that 
any  should  suffer  on  his  account.  The  king  at  length 
allowed,  if  he  did  not  advise  him  to  leave.  There 
was  no  doubt  that  the  cause  he  loved  would  still 
have  able  advocates.  It  would  at  least  be  manifest, 
if  he  withdrew,  that  it  was  not  bound  up  in  the 
person  of  one  man,  and  was  not  dependent  on  his 
presence.  At  any  moment  when  it  seemed  advisa- 
ble, it  was  in  his  power  to  return,  while  the  corre- 
spondence of  his  friends  would  keep  him  informed  of 
whatever  might  occur  in  his  absence.  He  therefore, 
toward  the  close  of  1412,  left  the  city,  and  Master 
Hawlik  supplied  his  place  in  Bethlehem  chapel. 

He  was  not  willing  to  depart,  however,  without 
clearly  defining  his  position.  He  did  not  go  from 
any  regard  for  usurped  papal  authority,  or  unjust 
excommunication.  On  leaving  the  city,  he  drew  up 
his  third  and  final  appeal  from  the  sentence  of  the 
pope.  His  former  appeals  had  proved  vain.  John 
XXIII.  had  excommunicated  him.  But  there  was 
another  court  left  to  which  he  might  look,  and  one 
to  which  popes  and  emperors  were  amenable.  "Al- 
mighty God,  one  essence  in  three  persons,  is  the  first 
and  final  refuge  of  all  who  are  oppressed.  He  is  the 
Lord,  who  keepeth  truth  forever,  doing  justice  for 
those  who  suffer  wrong,  near  to  those  who  call  upon 
him  in  truth,  and  condemning  to  destruction  incor- 
rigible transgressors.  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  true 
God  and  true  man,  surrounded  by  high  priests, 
scribes,  and  Pharisees,  his  judges  and  their  partisans, 


232  LIKE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIL'SS.  [Cil  IX. 

and  willing  to  ransom  by  a  l)loody  and  shameful 
death  from  eternal  condemnation,  his  children  cho- 
sen from  the  foundation  of  the  world,  has  given  his 
disciples  a  noble  example  for  committing  their  cause 
to  the  judgment  of  that  God  who  has  all  power  and 
knowledge,  and  who  doeth  whatsoever  he  will.  Imi- 
tating  his  holy  and  great  example,  I  appeal  to  God, 
who  sees  me  oppressed  by  this  unjust  sentence  and 
by  the  pretended  excommunication  of  high  priests, 
scribes,  Pharisees,  and  judges  occupying  Moses'  seat. 
I  follow  likewise  the  example  of  Chrysostom,  who 
appealed  from  two  councils ;  of  the  blessed  bishop, 
Andrew  of  Prague,  and  of  Robert  of  Lincoln,  who 
appealed  with  all  humility  and  devotion  to  the  sov- 
ereign and  infinitely  just  Judge,  who  can  neither  be 
intimidated  by  any  fear,  nor  corrupted  by  gifts,  nor 
deceived  by  false  testimony.  I  desire  that  all  Chris- 
tian believers,  especially  princes,  barons,  gentlemen, 
vassals,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  our  Bohemian 
kingdom,  should  be  informed,  and  moved  to  sym- 
pathy for  the  pretended  excommunication  launched 
against  me  by  Peter,  Cardinal  Deacon  of  St.  Ange, 
commissioned  to  do  it  by  Pope  John  XXIII.,  at  the 
instigation  of  my  enemy,  Michael  de  Causis,  and  with 
the  approval  of  the  canons  of  Prague.  This  cardinal, 
for  nearly  two  years,  has  utterly  refused  audience  to 
my  advocates  and  procurators,  though  he  ought  not 
to  have  refused  it  to  a  Jew,  a  pagan,  or  a  heretic. 
This  same  cardinal  has  been  unwilling  to  accept  my 
reasonable  excuses  that  I  alleged  for  a  dispensation 
from  appearing  personally  before  him,  nor  has  he' 
made  any  account  of  the  authentic  testimony  of  the 


Ch.  IX.]  HUSS    APPEALS   TO    JESUS    CHEIST.  233 

university  of  Prague.  Whence  it  is  evident  that  I 
have  not  incurred  the  guilt  of  contumacy,  since  it  is 
not  through  scorn,  but  for  valid  reasons,  that  I  did 
not  appear  at  Rome  when  I  was  cited,  as,  first,  be- 
cause my  enemies  would  lie  in  ambush  for  me  on  the 
road ;  then,  because  the  dangers  of  others  serve  me 
for  an  example ;  again,  because  my  procurators  are 
engaged  to  submit  to  the  trial  by  fire,  against  whom- 
soever at  the  court  of  Rome ;  and  finally,  because 
they  have  imprisoned  my  procurators,  without  any 
reason  for  it,  so  far  as  I  am  aware.  So  also,  as  it  is 
established  by  all  ancient  laws  as  well  as  by  the  sa- 
cred books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  and  by 
canon  law,  that  the  judges  are  to  visit  the  places 
where  the  crime  has  been  committed,  and  there  take 
evidence  of  the  facts  bearing  on  the  accusation,  of 
persons  who  are  acquainted  with  the  accused,  and 
are  neither  his  ill-wishers  nor  his  enemies,  men  who 
are  not  impelled  by  malice,  but  by  zeal  for  the  law 
of  God ;  and  finally,  as  it  is  ordained  by  the  same 
laws,  that  he  who  is  cited  or  accused  may  appear 
in  a  safe  place  where  he  may  be  free  to  defend 
himself,  and  that  the  judge  be  not  one  of  his  ene- 
mies any  more  than  the  witnesses — it  is  plain  that,  all 
these  conditions  having  been  wanting;,  I  am  absolved 
before  God  from  the  guilt  of  contumacy,  and  dis- 
charged from  this  pretended  and  frivolous  excom- 
munication. I,  John  Huss,  present  this  appeal  to 
Jesus  Christ,  my  Master,  who  knows,  protects,  and 
judges  the  righteous  cause  -of  every  individual 
whomsoever." 1 

i  Mou.  Hussi,  i.  236,  etc.     Also,  L'Enfant's  Pisa,  iii.  85,  86, 


234  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHW   HCSS.  [Cn.  IX. 

This  appeal  of  Has  speaks  fo*  it-elf.     It  shows  us 
a  man  conscious  of  the  wrong  done  him,  calmly  yet 

decidedly  exposing  it,  and  resting,  in  a  faith  which 
nothing  could  shake,  on  that  final  refuge  of  oppressed 
innocence — the  justice  of  God.  Some  of  his  enemies 
objected  to  his  appeal  as  unwarranted  and  imperti- 
nent. But  no  one  can  put  himself  in  the  circum- 
stances of  Huss,  conscious  of  the  honest  integrity  of 
his  own  heart,  and  not  feel  that  it  is  the  noble  ex- 
pression of  a  character  and  faith  worthy  of  all  honor. 

Nor  could  it  in  that  day  be  justly  regarded  as 
heresy  to  aj~>peal  from  the  pope.  Urban  VI.  was  pro- 
nounced by  the  cardinals  who  elected  him  to  be 
apostate,  excommunicate,  Antichrist,  ursurper,  anath- 
ematized, the  destroyer  of  Christianity.  The  cardi- 
nals of  Gregory,  but  a  few  months  before,  had  ap- 
pealed from  him  to  a  general  council.  They  called 
him  a  worthy  co-laborer  of  his  rival  the  anti-pope 
Benedict,  his  compeer  in  acts  of  violent  outrage  and 
iniquity  against  all  Christendom.  How  different 
from  the  calm,  unvindictive,  but  solemn  appeal  of 
Huss  ! 

In  the  council  of  Constance,  some  years  later,  the 
declaration  of  the  newly-elected  pope,  Martin  V.,  that 
it  was  not  permissible  to  appeal  from  the  decision  of 
a  pope,  was  promptly  met  and  sharply  answered. 
John  Gerson,  ex-chancellor  of  the  university  of  Paris, 
and  a  bitter  enemy  of  Huss,  could  not  suffer  the  dec- 
laration to  pass  in  silence,  or  even  seem  to  have  the 
approval  of  the  council.  He  asserts  that  Others  be- 
side himself  regarded  the  papal  document  in  which 
it  was  inserted  as  tending  to  overthrow  not  only  all 


Ch.  IX.]  GERSOjST  on  right  of   appeal.  235 

the  authority  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  but  of  that  of 
Constance,  and  to  render  null  all  that  they  had  done 
in  deposing  the  intruding  popes,  or  electing  Martin 
V.  himself.1 

This  declaration  of  the  pope  gave  Gerson  occasion 
for  writing  a  treatise  on  the  subject.  He  discusses 
the  question,  tuheiher  it  is  permissible  to  appeal  from 
the  judgment  of  the  pope,  and  in  ivhat  case.  He  op- 
poses to  the  constitution  of  the  pope  the  decree  of 
the  fifth  session  of  the  council,  which  makes  the  pope 
himself,  as  well  as  all  others,  in  matters  pertaining  to 
faith,  the  extirpation  of  schism,  and  the  reformation 
of  the  church  in  head  and  members,  subject  to  the 
council.  This  decree  Gerson  supports  on  various 
grounds,  some  from  scripture  and  some  from  reason. 
But  the  same  reasons  that  exist  for  appealing  from  a 
pope  to  a  general  council  equally  fallible,  might  much 
better  apply  to  an  appeal  from  a  pope  or  a  general 
council  to  the  unerring  Judge,  or  at  least  to  his  re- 
vealed will.  In  the  case  of  Huss  there  was  no  other 
resource.  From  the  archbishop  and  the  pope  he  ap- 
pealed for  the  justice  of  his  cause  to  the  Judge  of  all. 

But  the  expulsion  of  Huss  from  Prague  only  re- 
moved him  to  another  sphere  of  action,  where  his  in- 
fluence was  felt  in  the  end  as  powerfully  perhaps  as 
in  that  city.  He  did  not  forget  in  his  exile  the  prin- 
ciples he  had  avowed  before  the  archbishop,  and 
which  had  induced  him  to  persist  in  preaching  in 
Bethlehem  chapel.  They  were  equally  powerful  with 
him  now.  No  place  for  him  was  too  profane  or  sacred 
for  holding  forth  the  word  of  God.    Throngs  crowded 

1  Gerson.  Op. 


236  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF    JOHN"    BUSS.  [Cii.  IX 

to  hear,  and  were  curious  to  see,  a  man  who  had  1>een 
excommunicated,  yet  who  spoke  with  the  earnestness 
and  fervor  of  an  apostle;  who  had  been  driven  out 
of  Prague  by  the  interdict,  yet  whose  holy  and  blame- 
less life  shamed  his  persecutors.  His  eloquence  was 
as  effective  in  the  open  fields  as  in  Bethlehem  chapeL 
Poor  peasants  and  proud  nobles  gathered  around 
him,  in  the  forests  and  the  highways,  to  hear  his  forci- 
ble expositions  and  applications  of  the  word  of  God. 
The  rector  of  the  university  of  Prague  left  the  lec- 
ture-room and  the  academic  halls  to  talk  to  the  iumo- 
rant  multitudes  scattered  over  the  land.  Some  might 
think  of  him  as  of  Paul,  "Much  learning  hath  made 
thee  mad  ;"  but  it  was  a  learning  that  the  humblest 
could  appreciate;  a  learning  that  consisted  in  a 
thorough  acquaintance  with  the  word  of  God  and 
the  duties  which  it  enjoined.  From  city  to  city,  and 
from  village  to  village,  Huss  pursued  his  apostolic  mis- 
sion. His  hearers  came  in  crowds  from  their  homes, 
fields,  and  workshops.  The  impression  made  was 
in  many  cases  deep  and  abiding.  Years  did  not  ef- 
face it.  When  Huss  afterward  was  enclosed  by 
prison  walls  in  the  city  of  Constance,  there  were 
thousands  of  his  Bohemian  countrymen,  far  distant 
from  Prague,  on  whose  hearts  his  memory  was  deeply 
engraven  by  the  experience  wrought  within  them 
through  the  words  that  were  uttered  now. 

In  his  treatise  on  the  church  he  has  presented  us 
with  the  vindication  of  his  present  course.1  "The 
command  that  forbids  me  to  preach  is  opposed  to  the 
words  and  example  both  of  Christ  and  his  apostles. 

1  Cochl.Tus,  19;  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  197-240. 


Ch.  IX.]  AN   INTEKEUPTION.  237 

Christ  preached  to  the  people  on  the  sea,  in  the 
desert,  in  the  open  fields,  in  houses,  in  synagogues,  in 
villages,  in  the  streets ;  and  the  apostles  preached 
everywhere,  the  Lord  helping  them.  The  command, 
moreover,  is  opposed  to  the  interests  of  the  church, 
in  forbidding  the  word  to  have  free  course.  It  was 
for  these  reasons,"  says  he,  "  that  I  appealed  against 
the  bull  intended  to  silence  me." 

Removed  from  the  immediate  neighborhood  of 
his  most  virulent  and  violent  foes,  the  life  of  Huss 
was  one  of  comparative  quiet.  Yet  thrown,  as  he 
necessarily  was,  among  such  vast  and  incongruous 
multitudes,  some  among  them  acting  as  the  spies  of 
his  persecutors,  his  words  were  not  always  received 
with  unanimous  applause.  On  one  occasion1  he  was 
speaking  in  severe  terms  of  the  pope  and  cardinals, 
in  the  castle  of  a  certain  lord,  when  an  old  man,  sup- 
posed to  have  been  a  priestly  spy,  assuming  the  ap- 
pearance of  great  simplicity,  asked  him  what  those 
words  popes  and  cardinals  meant  in  the  Bohemian 
language,  and  if  he  had  ever  seen  one  of  them. 
"  I  never  have  seen  them,  and  I  have  no  wish  to  see 
them,"  said  Huss.  "  But  how  comes  it,"  asked  the  old 
man,  "  that  you  speak  such  bad  things  of  people  you 
have  never  seen  or  examined  ?  For  myself,"  said 
he,  "  I  was  a  long  time  ago  in  Rome  with  my  father ; 
and  I  have  seen  the  pope  and  some  of  the  cardinals, 
and  I  found  in  them  a  remarkable  piety."  "  Very 
well,"  replied  Huss,  "if  they  are  so  much  to  your 
taste,  go  back  and  spend  the  rest  of  your  life  with 
them."     The  old  man  shaking  his  head,  answered, 

1  L'Enfant's  Pisa,  iii.  87. 


238  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IX# 

"  My  Master,  I  am  too  old  to  undertake  so  long  a 
journey,  but  do  you,  who  are  yet  a  young  man,  go  and 
tell  them  to  their  face  what  you  have  said  so  com- 
fortably of  them  in  their  absence,  and  you  will  see 
what  answer  they  will  give  you."  The  lord  of  the 
castle,  who  had  Huss  under  his  protection,  took  him 
away  with  him,  and  imposed  silence  on  the  intruder  - 
In  the  works  of  Huss  are  found  several  treatises 
and  letters  that  were  written  during  this  period  of 
his  retreat.  One  of  the  latter  is  addressed  to  the 
cardinals.  In  this  he  sets  forth  to  them,  with  much 
mildness  and  modesty,  that  the  occasion  of  his  mis- 
fortunes and  reproach  must  be  his  apology  for  ad- 
dressing them  and  John  XXIII.  "At  the  time," 
says  he,  "when  obedience  was  withdrawn  from 
Gregory,  and  men  joined  themselves  to  the  college 
of  cardinals  in  order  to  give  peace  to  the  church,  I 
urged  this  union  in  my  preaching  before  the  nobility, 
the  clergy,  and  the  people,  with  energy  and  success. 
But  Sbynco,  archbishop  of  Prague,  then  an  enemy 
of  the  sacred  college  of  cardinals,  caused  a  prohi- 
bition to  be  affixed  to  the  doors  of  the  churches,  for- 
bidding all  the  doctors  of  the  university,  and  me  in 
particular,  from  performing  any  sacerdotal  function, 
and  alleging  as  the  reason,  that  we  had  unadvisedly 
and  wickedly  abandoned  Gregory.  In  consequence 
of  this  he  was  compelled,  after  the  council  of  Pisa, 
to  change  his  party  and  adhere  to  the  decisions  of 
the  council."  After  having  thus  set  forth  facts  which 
were  incontestible,  he  prays  the  cardinals  to  remem- 
ber the  promise  they  had  made,  of  according  protec- 
tion and  favor  to  those  who  should  unite  with  them ; 


Ch.  IX.]  LETTER    TO    THE    CARDINALS.  239 

and  engages  to  give  reasons  for  his  faith,  even  at  the 
peril  of  fire,  before  the  university,  all  the  prelates, 
and  those  who  had  been  his  hearers.  He  sends  to 
them,  moreover,  the  favorable  testimony  that  the 
university  of  Prague  had  borne  of  him. 

His  letter  was  one  well  adapted  to  secure  him 
a  favorable  hearing.  But  there  was  scarcely  time 
for  its  perusal  before  affairs  took  a  new  shape,  and 
Huss  had  nothing  left  to  hope  for  from  the  pope  or 
cardinals. 

In  some  of  his  letters  he  states  the  reasons  that 
had  led  to  his  withdrawal  from  Prague,  and  his  re- 
treat to  his  native  village.  "  I  feared,"  says  he, 
"that  my  presence  there  would  be  the  means  of 
drawing  down  persecution  on  the  faithful,  and  in- 
creasing the  animosity  and  grievances  of  my  perse- 
cutors." "  My  enemies  reproach  me,"  says  he,  "  for 
having  fled ;  but  I  have  done  so  in  imitation  of 
Christ's  example,  and  in  obedience  to  his  precept 
not  to  abandon  the  truth,  for  which  I  am  ready  to 
suffer  death,  God  helping  me,  but  from  fear  of  being 
the  occasion  of  the  eternal  damnation  of  the  wicked 
and  the  affliction  of  the  good."  In  his  retreat  he  did 
not  forget  that  example  which  taught  him  not  only 
when  persecuted  in  one  city  to  flee  to  another,  but 
in  all  places  to  speak  as  he  was  able,  "  all  the  words 
of  this  life." (24) 

It  was  during  this  retreat  of  Huss  from  Prague, 
that  his  pen  was  most  busy.  Released  from  the 
duties  which  occupied  him  in  the  university,  and  from 
the  distractions  which  disturbed  his  mind  at  Prague, 
lie  had  leisure  for  a  more  careful  investigation  and 


240  LIFE   AIST)   TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cn.  IX. 

exposition  of  his  views.1  This  leisure  lie  improved 
by  the  use  of  his  pen,  and  in  all  probability  he  thus 
effected  as  much  or  more  than  he  would  have  done 
by  remaining  at  Prague.  In  the  after  days  of  his 
persecution,  the  friends  that  clustered  around  him, 
that  remonstrated  in  his  behalf,  that  were  ready  to 
take  up  arms  and  risk  their  lives  to  defend  his  mem- 
ory, were  the  country  lords  and  knights,  some  of 
whom  had,  doubtless,  become  attached  to  him  as  their 
teacher  at  the  university,  while  others  had  learned 
to  love  and  revere  the  man,  as  they  read  in  their 
feudal  castles  circulating  copies  of  treatises  from  his 
pen.. 

The  first  portion  of  the  period  during  which  IIuss 
was  absent  from  Prague  was  spent  chiefly  at  the 
castle  Kozi-Hradek,  which  belonged  to  the  lords  of 
Astie.2  Here  his  work  on  the  church,  with  the  con- 
troversial treatises  in  its  defence  against  Stanislaus 
and  Paletz,  was  written.  Much  of  his  subsequent 
correspondence  dates  from  Kozi.  It  was  from  this 
place  that  he  wrote  numerous  letters  to  his  fast 
friend,  Christiann  of  Prachatitz,  rector  of  the  uni- 
versity. Subsequently  the  noble  knight,  Henry  of 
Lazan,  offered  him  his  castle,  the  stronghold  of  Cra- 
cowec,  as  a  place  of  refuge.  From  this,  as  a  centre, 
he  went  forth  in  various  directions  as  an  itinerant 
apostle,  and  tens  of  thousands  improved  the  oppor- 
tunity to  hear  the  gospel  from  his  lips. 

1  Helfert,  145.  "  Helfert,  148. 


CHAPTER    X. 

HUSS   IN  RETIREMENT. 

Foreign  Prejudice  Against  Huss.  — Council  op  Rome.  —  Incident  of  the  Owl.^ 
Complaints  Against  the  Archbishop. — Futilitt  of  the  Measures  Against 
Huss.  —  His  Work  on  the  Church.  —  Question  in  Regard  to  the  Validitt 
of  the  Excommunication  of  Huss. —  Jessenitz. —  The  Royal  Court  of 
France.  —  Views  of  Gerson.  —  Views  of  D'Ailly.  —  Appeal  to  Scrip- 
ture.  —Disturbances. — Derisive  Songs.  —  Contemptuous  Treatment  of  the 
Monks.  —  The  Friar  and  his  Relics.  —  Jerome  and  the  Papal  Indulgences. — 
The  Provocation  Given.  —  Three  Antagonists  of  Huss.  —  Broda.  —  Stephen 
of  Dola.  —  His  Work  Against  Wickliffe.  —  Its  Covert  Attack  on  Huss. — 
Letter  of  Huss.  —  Treatise  of  Stephen,  or  "  Anti-Hussus." —  His  Motives. — ■ 
Conrad  and  the  University  of  Paris.  —  "  Counsel  "  of  the  Latter.  —  Synod 
of  Prague.  —  Counter  "  Counsel  "  of  Huss  —  "  Counsel  "  of  the  Doctors. — 
The  Theological  Faculty.  —  Conrad  Consults  the  Bishop  of  Leitomischel. — 
His  Answer.  —  Futility  of  the  Synod's  Action.  —  Wenzel  and  his  Measures 
of  Reform.  —  Their  Effect  upon  the  Enemies  of  Huss.  —  His  Absence  from 
Prague.  —  His  Language  on  the  Humiliation  of  his  Enemies.  —  The  Cause 
of  Reform  Advances.  —  "The  Missionaries"  of  Huss.  —  Demand  in  Bohe- 
mia for  a  General  Council.  —  Other  Reasons  for  it.  —  The  Schism.  — 
Doubts  of  D'Ailly.  —  Their  Solution  by  Gerson.  —  Corruption  of  the 
Church.  —  Hungary  and  the  Turks.  —  The  Terror  Inspired  by  Them.  — 
A  Council  Summoned. 

May,  1413-Sept.,  1414. 

The  popular  movement  at  Prague  in  favor  of  re- 
form had  now  begun  to  attract  attention  generally 
throughout  Christendom.  It  was  discussed  at  Paris 
and  Oxford  as  well  as  Rome.  Everywhere  Huss  was 
reputed  a  heretic.  His  enemies,  and  they  were 
many,  had  industriously  circulated  the  most  exag- 
gerated reports  in  regard  to  his  proceedings.  With 
most  his  cause  was  already  prejudged.  Undoubtedly 
VOL.  i.  16 


242  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

it  contributed  greatly  to  this  result  that  his  views 
were  everywhere  identified  with  those  of  AYickliffe. 
To  this  impression  the  decisions  of  the  council  of 
Rome,  held  in  1412,  gave  renewed  strength.  John 
XXIII.  was  a  shrewd  tactitian,  and  readily  perceiwd 
the  advantage  which  he  might  derive  from  convoking 
at  Rome  the  general  council  which  that  of  Pisa  had 
declared  should  be  held  within  three  years.  He 
might  preside  over  it  himself  in  the  very  capital  of 
the  Christian  world,  and  gain  the  prestige  over  his 
rivals.1  Although  its  results  disappointed  his  hopes, 
and  a  meagre  representation  of  the  church  attended 
its  sessions,  the  popular  odium  attached  to  the  doc- 
trines of  Wickliffe  invited  the  sentence  which  con- 
demned them  and  all  who  favored  them  as  heretical. 
The  sentence  carried  indeed  the  less  weight  with  it, 
that  so  few  of  the  higher  dignitaries  of  the  church 
gave  their  countenance  to  the  council,  while  those 
who  followed  the  allegiance  of  the  rival  pontiffs 
found  in  its  proceedings  abundant  matter  for  ridicule. 
During  its  session,  according  to  Clemengis,  an  owl 
had  made  its  appearance  in  the  place  of  convocation, 
and,  alighting  on  one  of  the  rafters,  could  not  be  dis- 
lodged by  sticks  and  stones  thrown  at  it  by  the  grave 
filth ers  of  the  council.  Great  was  the  consternation 
produced  by  its  appearance,  and  the  assembly  broke 
up  in  strange  confusion.2  It  was  said  by  some,  who 
relished  an  incident  so  ridiculous,  that  the  Holy 
Ghost  had  come  to  attend  the  sessions,  only  he  had 
taken  the  form  of  an  owl  instead  of  a  dove.     Still 

1  Fleury,  xxv.  827.  owl,  with  some  embellishments,  xxv. 

*  Fleury   relates   the   6tory   of    the     329. 


Ch.  X.]  FOKEIGN   PKEJUDICE.  243 

the  decisions  of  the  council  in  regard  to  the  doctrines 
of  Wickliffe  had  given  them  new  notoriety,  and  the 
time  and  occasion  of  their  condemnation  aided  to 
cast  the  odium  of  their  heresy  upon  the  proceedings 
of  Huss.  The  commotions  at  Prague  were  ascribed 
to  his  teachings.  The  violence  and  insults  offered  to 
the  clergy  were  exaggerated  by  report ;  and  D'Ailly, 
who  attended  the  council,  testifies  that  he  heard  of 
them  on  his  return  from  Rome,  from  the  lips  of  some 
of  the  countrymen  of  Huss  whom  he  fell  in  with  on 
his  journey.  Foreign  prejudice  thus  came  to  the  aid 
of  the  party  at  Prague  opposed  to  reform.  John 
XXIIL,  moreover,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  king,  in 
which,  referring  to  the  sentence  of  the  council  of 
Rome  against  Wickliffe,  he  urged  the  extermination 
from  Bohemia  of  all  who  adhered  to  his  doctrines. 

But  all  these  measures  failed  to  secure  their  object. 
Huss1  had  left  Prague;  but  he  seems,  on  several 
successive  occasions,  to  have  returned,  whenever  he 
judged  that  duty  required  or  safety  would  permit.2 
His  absence,  however,  only  provoked  and  exasper- 
ated the  popular  feeling.  His  friends  complained 
that  the  pope  and  the  archbishop  had  forbidden  the 
preaching  of  the  word  of  God  and  the  gospel  of 
Christ,  and,  by  the  indulgences  issued  by  the  Roman 
court  and  sanctioned  by  the  bishop's  consistory, 
sought  their  own  selfish  interests,  and  not  those  of 
Jesus  Christ ;  that  they  took  from  Christ's  sheep  the 
wool  and  the  milk,  but  fed  them  neither  with  the 
word  of  God  nor  holy  examples.  They  insisted, 
moreover,  that  the  commands  of  the  pope  and  his 

i  L'Enfant.     Council  of  Constance,  24.  9  Helfert,  145. 


244  life  a:nd  times  of  joss  ansa.         [Ch.  x. 

prelates  were  not  to  be  obeyed  unless  they  accorded 
with  the  doctrine  and  life  of  Christ  and  his  apostles; 
that  the  laity  ought  to  judge  of  the  doings  of  the 
priesthood,  for  Peter  was  reprehended  by  Paul  be- 
cause he  was  to  be  blamed;  and  they  laid  down  the 
rules  by  which,  in  any  case,  it  might  be  determined 
whether  the  prelates  were  to  be  obeyed.  As  to 
papal  jurisdiction,  they  treated  it  with  scornful  deri- 
sion, pointing  to  the  schismatic  popes,  each  condemn- 
in -■  the  others,  and  condemned  by  them,  yet  unable 
to  subject  them  to  his  obedience.  In  such  circum- 
stances, the  processes  of  the  papal  court  were  power- 
less and  nugatory.1  They  could  not  be  enforced  at 
Prague.  Nor  did  the  absence  of  Huss  help  to  restore 
quiet.  It  only  provoked  to  a  bolder  reprehension  of 
ecclesiastical  corruption  and  injustice,  and  aggravated 
the  popular  hostility  to  the  measures  of  Rome.  Nor 
did  the  friends  of  Huss  shrink  from  discussion  with 
the  ablest  members  of  the  opposite  party.  Coch- 
leius  complains  that  the  latter  were  assaulted  by 
shrewd  and  various  questionings  on  the  part  of  men 
who  were  prepared  to  judge  of  doctrine  for  them- 
selves, and  paid  little  heed  to  judicial  (ecclesiastical) 
decisions. 

Meanwhile  Huss,  in  his  retirement,  was  bnsy  with 
his  pen.  His  enemies  had  driven  him  from  Prague, 
but  they  had  only  forced  him  into  a  new  sphere  of 
activity  where  his  influence  was  to  be,  if  possible, 
more  widely,  at  least  more  permanently  felt. 

His  treatise  on  the  church  is  the  most  elabo- 
rate and  systematic  of  his  works,  and  it  was  written 

1  Cochlicus,  p.  24. 


Ch.  X.]  HUSS'   TEEATISE    ON   THE    CHURCH.  245 

at  this  period.  The  germs  of  it  had  long  existed  in 
his  mind,  and  had  been  presented  in  his  sermons  in 
Bethlehem  chapel.1  Bat  he  now  proceeded  to  de- 
velop them  in  a  more  concise  and  connected  method. 
It  is  from  this  work  mainly  that  his  enemies  drew 
the  materials  upon  which  to  base  their  charges  against 
him;  and  it  was  of  this  that  cardinal  D'Ailly  re- 
marked, at  the  council  of  Constance,  that,  through 
an  endless  multitude  of  arguments,  it  attacked  the 
papal  authority,  and  the  plenitude  of  the  papal 
power,  as  much  as  the  Koran  did  the  Catholic  faith.8 

Huss  showed  in  this  work  the  strong  influence  ex- 
erted  over  him  by  the  writings  of  Augustine.  He 
divides  the  human  race  into  tw.o  classes,  with  refer- 
ence to  their  final  destiny, — the  elect  and  non-elect,  or 
the  saved  and  lost.  The  elect  or  predestinate,  of  all 
times,  compose  the  one  true  Catholic  church.  Of  this 
body  Christ  alone  is  the  one  and  all-sufficient  head. 
He  is  himself  the  rock,  as  he  declared  to  Peter,  on 
which  he  would  build  his  church.  The  church  is  his 
mystic  body,  his  bride,  ransomed  by  his  blood,  that 
it  might  be  blameless,  without  stain  or  wrinkle.  The 
living  who  are  predestinate,  compose  the  church  mil- 
itant so  long  as  they  are  here  on  earth.  They  strive 
against  the  world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil.  Those  in 
purgatory  compose  the  sleeping  church,  and  the  saints 
in  their  eternal  home  in  glory  the  church  triumphant. 

The  visible  church,  or  the  church  as  to  its  external 
aspect,  embraces  two  classes.  There  are  those  in  it 
who  are  not  of  it,  just  as  the  human  body  may  have 
its  wens,  excrescences,  or  parts  superfluous.  There  are 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.,  297-255.  2  Gerson,  Op. 


24G  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF    JOHN    SUBS.  [Ch.  X. 

some  who  are  truly  predestinate,  real  believers,  obe- 
dient to  Christ.  There  are  some  who  are  thrust  out 
of  the  visible  church  by  the  power  of  Antichrist, 
who  are  yet  members  of  it.  Others  are  nominally 
members,  but  yet  are  hypocrites ;  others  still,  neither 
in  name  nor  reality,  pertain  to  it. 

The  church,  externally  viewed,  has  in  it  good  and 
bad,  predestinate  and  reprobate,  wheat  and  tares. 
Some  are  to  be  gathered  to  the  heavenly  country, 
others  are  to  be  burned  with  the  fire  unquenchable. 
The  reprobate  are  symbolized  by  the  foolish  virgins, 
by  the  guests  who  refuse  the  invitation  to  the  mar- 
riage, the  barren  tree,  the  worthless  fishes. 

Christ  is  the  sole  supreme  head  of  the  church,  the 
true  pontifix,  high  priest,  and  bishop  of  souls.  The 
apostles  did  not  call  themselves  the  heads  of  the 
church,  but  servants  of  Christ  and  of  the  church. 
Even  Gregory  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  called 
universal  bishop. 

But  after  this  came  a  change.  Till  the  donation 
of  Constantine,  the  bishop  of  Rome  was  but  the  peer 
of  his  brethren.  Later  emperors  confirmed  the  do- 
nation, and  the  pope  has  since  claimed  to  be  the 
head  of  the  church  militant,  and  vicar  of  Christ  on 
earth,  so  that,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  church  on  earth 
has  three  heads, — Christ  as  God,  Christ  as  incarnate, 
and  his  vicar  for  the  time  being. 

But  in  truth  the  pope  is  no  more  a  successor  of 
Peter,  than  the  cardinals  are  successors  of  the  apos- 
tles, lie  is  only  to  be  considered  Christ's  and  Peter's 
successor  and  vicar,  when  he  resembles  Peter  in 
faith,  humility,  and  love  :  and  cardinals  are  successors 


CaX.]  APOSTOLIC   SUCCESSION-.  247 

of  the  apostles  only  when  they  emulate  their  virtues 
and  devotion.  But  this  same  might  be  said  of  oth- 
ers who  have  never  been  popes  or  cardinals.  St. 
Augustine  was  of  more  service  to  the  church  than 
many  popes,  and  than  all  the  cardinals  from  the  be- 
ginning until  now.  Were  not  Jerome,  Gregory, 
Ambrose,  and  men  of  that  sort  truer  and  better  suc- 
cessors and  vicars  of  the  apostles,  than  the  present 
pope  with  his  cardinals,  who,  neither  by  a  holy  life, 
doctrine,  or  wisdom,  enlighten  the  people  ?  If,  in- 
stead of  fulfilling  their  calling,  and  having  Christ's 
example  before  them,  they  rather  strive  for  worldly 
things,  splendor  and  pomp,  and  excite  avarice  and 
envy  in  believers,  then  are  they  successors,  not  of 
Christ,  of  Peter,  or  of  the  apostles,  but  of  Satan, 
Antichrist,  Judas  Iscariot. 

It  cannot  therefore  be  said  that  the  pope,  as  such, 
is  the  head  of  the  church.  The  pope  can  know,  in 
regard  to  himself,  with  absolute  certainty,  whether 
he  can  be  saved,  no  more  than  any  other  man.  In 
case  he  is  not  predestinate,  he  is  not  only  not  the 
head  of  the  church,  but  not  even  a  member  of  it. 
Peter,  as  Paul  testifies,  fell  into  error.  Pope  Leo  was 
a  heretic.  All  may  see  what  pope  Gregory  XII.  is, 
condemned,  together  with  his  rival,  at  the  council  of 
Pisa. 

The  popedom  is  not  essential  to  the  well-being  and 
edification  of  the  church.  If  it  is  said,  that  for  Chris- 
tians spread  over  the  whole  earth  there  must  be  a 
pope,  the  must  is  only  to  be  understood  in  the  sense 
in  which  it  is  said  in  scripture,  that  "  offences  must 
needs  come ;  but  woe  to  him  by  whom  they  come." 


248  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   DXSS.  [Cii.  X. 

In  the  early  church  there  were  but  two  grades  of 
office,  deacon  and  presbyter;  all  beside  are  of  later 
and  of  human  invention.  But  God  can  bring  back 
his  church  to  the  old  pattern,  just  as  the  apostles  and 
true  priests  took  oversight  of  the  church  in  all  mat- 
ters essential  to  its  well-being,  before  the  office  of 
pope  was  introduced.  So  it  may  be  again ;  and  it 
were  possible  that  there  should  be  no  more  a  pope  till 
the  last  day.  God  be  praised,  who  sent  his  only  be- 
gotten Son  to  be  the  head  of  the  church  militant, 
for  he  is  able  to  preside  over  it,  lead  it,  infuse  into  it 
energy  and  grace,  even  though  there  were  no  pope, 
or  though  a  woman  were  seated  in  the  papal  chair. 

As  of  the  pope  and  cardinals,  so  of  the  prelates 
and  clergy.  Here,  too,  there  is  a  clerg}'-  of  Christ 
and  a  clergy  of  Antichrist.  The  former  is  built  on 
Christ  and  his  laws,  labors  constantly  for  the  glory 
of  God,  and  seeks  simply  to  follow  Christ.  The 
latter,  though  wearing  the  robes  of  Christ's  clergy, 
rests  upon  privileges  savoring  of  pride  and  avarice, 
finds  itself  obliged  to  defend  human  ordinances, 
strives  after  a  proud,  splendid  equipage.  Not  the 
office  makes  the  priest,  but  the  priest  the  office. 
The  place  does  not  sanctify  the  man,  but  the  man 
the  place.  Not  every  priest  is  a  saint,  but  every 
saint  is  a  priest.  Faithful  Christians  keeping  the 
commandments  are  the  magnates  of  the  church,  but 
prelates  who  break  them  are  least,  and  if  reprobates, 
have  no  part  in  the  kingdom  of  God.  It  is  false  to 
say  that  the  laity  are  to  depend  on  the  prelates  for 
what  they  believe.  The  divine  mission  of  pope, 
bishop,  priest,  etc.,  is  determined  by  the  fact  that  he 


Ch.  X.]  MEASUKE    OF    OBEDIENCE.  249 

seeks  not  his  own  glory,  but  the  glory  of  God ;  not 
his  own  advantage,  but  the  edification  and  peace  of 
the  church.  Hence,  if  an  inferior  does  not  discern 
in  his  superior  a  becoming  conduct,  he  is  not  bound 
to  hold  him  in  a  state  of  present  justification,  or  even 
among  the  predestinate. 

And  as  to  obedience,  it  is  the  voluntary  act  of  a 
reasonable  creature,  by  which  he  subjects  himself  to 
the  decision  of  those  above  him.  Hence  each  sub- 
ject must  prove  the  command  of  his  superior, 
whether  it  is  permissible  and  to  be  respected.  For 
in  case  it  tends  to  the  injury  of  the  church  and 
of  souls,  he  must  not  comply  with,  but  oppose  it. 
Every  true  Christian  must,  hence,  when  a  command 
issues  to  him  from  the  pope,  deliberate  whence  it 
originates — whether  it  is  an  apostolic  ordinance  and 
a  law  of  Christ,  or  mediately  such,  and  he  is  then  to 
regard  and  honor  it ;  but  if  the  opposite  is  the  case, 
he  must  not  honor,  but  rather  firmly  oppose  it,  and 
not  by  subjection  incur  guilt.  Opposition  in  such  a 
case  is  true  obedience.  Devianti  Papce  rebellare,  est 
Christo  domino  obedire. 

Nor  is  this  all.  "  If  thy  brother  sin  against  thee, 
rebuke  him."  If  spiritual  superiors  err  in  life  and 
conduct,  the  laity  may  chide  them ;  and  if  it  is  ill- 
endured,  and  the  question  is  asked,  How  come  you  to 
judge  us?  the  laity  may  reply,  How  does  it  happen 
that  you  seek  alms  and  tithes  of  us  ? 

The  power  of  the  keys,  that  is,  the  power  to  re- 
ceive the  worthy,  and  reject  the  unworthy,  belongs 
to  God  alone,  who  ordains  salvation,  or  foreknows 
perdition.     The  priest  has  no  power  to  release  from 


250  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHH   HUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

guilt  and  eternal  punishment ;  the  pope  even  has  not 
this  power;  then  would  he  be  sinless  and  infallible, 
but  this  belongs  to  God  only.  The  priest  has  only 
the  churchly  office  of  declaring,  (miniMerium  denunr 

ciationi*,)  not  of  binding  or  loosing,  unless  this  is  al- 
ready done  of  God.  And  God  is  governed,  not  by 
the  human  sentence  of  loosing  or  binding,  but  the 
absolution  must  follow  the  grace  of  God  and  the 
sinner's  repentance.  Intellectual  knowledge  is  not 
essential  to  the  soul's  salvation,  but  true  contrition 
and  confession  of  the  heart. 

Such  in  substance  were  the  main  positions  taken 
by  Huss,  in  this  the  most  able  and  systematic  of  his 
writings.  Cochleius  confesses  the  remarkable  ability 
displayed  in  its  production.  He  saw,  more  clearly 
perhaps  than  Huss  himself,  the  broad  scope  and  the 
full  bearing  of  the  argument.  It  reduced  the  whole 
cumbrous  mass  of  the  dominant  hierarchy  to  a  heap 
of  rubbish.  It  annihilated  papal  authority.  It  made 
the  simple  priest  the  peer  of  the  pope.  It  dissipated 
at  once  the  arrogant  pretensions  of  the  church  of 
Rome.  It  made  the  faith  that  works  by  love,  and 
not  organic  connection  with  the  hierarchy,  the  con- 
dition of  membership  in  the  spiritual  church  of 
Christ.  It  stripped  the  priesthood  of  that  supersti- 
tious terror  with  which  they  were  invested,  as  the 
sole  dispensers  of  salvation.  It  made  the  simple 
layman,  if  a  true  believer,  a  king  and  priest  unto 
God.  All  human  distinctions  of  rank  and  office  were 
seen  to  shrink  into  insignificance  before  the  ennobling 
relation  which  the  humblest  member  of  Christ  might 
sustain  to  him  as  the  great  head  of  the  church.     Ex- 


Ch.  X.]  BEARING    OF   THE   TREATISE.  251 

communication,  and  all  the  fulminations  of  papal 
authority,  if  unjust,  or  in  conflict  with  the  law  of 
Christ,  became,  ipso  facto,  null  and  void. 

Here  was  a  basis  for  the  most  sweeping  reforms. 
Huss  had  reached  a  point  where  he  could  not  logi- 
cally pause.  He  was  evidently  unaware  of  the  radi- 
cal divergence  of  his  own  views  from  those  of  the 
dominant  hierarchy.  He  was  in  spirit  a  Protestant 
— a  Puritan — before  these  terms  were  known.  And 
yet  he  held  fast  to  certain  so-called  Catholic  dog- 
mas,— confession,  purgatory,  transubstantiation.  etc., 
— and  really  believed  himself,  rightfully,  a  member 
still  of  the  church  that  had  cast  him  out. 

But  the  church  party,  with  men  like  Paletz  and 
Stanislaus  at  its  head,  were  not  blind  to  the  logical 
consequences  that  followed  from  the  fundamental 
principle  of  the  argument  of  Huss ;  and  against  this, 
the  sole  and  supreme  authority  of  scripture,  they 
directed  their  attacks.  The  treatise  of  Huss  opened 
the  field  for  controversy.  It  gave  precision  to  the 
views  of  the  party  he  represented,  and  exasperated 
their  opponents.  The  dividing  lines  were  more  closely 
drawn,  and  the  mutual  repulsion  and  antagonism 
were  aggravated.  The  treatise  of  Huss  was  attacked 
by  the  doctors,  and  he  was  prompt  to  repel  the  at- 
tack. Each  new  collision  brought  the  combatants 
back  to  this  old  battle-ground.  The  real  question 
at  issue  was  between  the  authority  of  the  pope  and 
the  authority  of  the  scriptures. 

The  treatise  of  Huss  bore,  in  a  very  obvious  man- 
ner, upon  the  important  question  now  agitated  in 
his  absence  at  Prague — the  validity  of  his  excom- 


252  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ck  X. 

mnnication.  The  friends  of  the  papacy  were  stren- 
uous in  defending  it,  while  those  who  adhered  to 
Huss  were  equally  zealous  in  its  refutation.  The 
former  maintained  that  Huss,  as  excommunicate, 
had  no  longer  the  right  or  authority  to  preach,  and 
they  insisted  and  urged  that  he  should  be  silenced. 
They  asserted  that  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  disregard 
or  contemn  the  papal  sentence.  It  was  enough  that 
that  sentence  had  been  pronounced. 

But  it  so  happened  that  the  excommunication  of 
Huss  was  subsequently  extended  to  embrace  persons 
who  had  adopted  his  views,  and  who  never  had  been 
brought  to  trial  or  heard  in  their  own  defence.1  A 
new  phase  was  thus  given  to  the  question  of  the  valid- 
ity of  the  papal  sentence,  which  those  who  impugned 
it  were  not  slow  to  perceive.  If  excommunication  was 
unjust  in  one  instance,  it  might  be  in  another.  The 
pope  was  no  longer  infallible.  His  decisions  might 
be  called  in  question,  and  it  mattered  little  what  the 
merits  of  the  case  of  Huss  might  be,  if  the  author  of 
his  excommunication  was  shown  to  have  committed 
a  gross  blunder  as  well  as  gross  injustice.  Jessenitz, 
a  preacher  at  Prague,  and  one  of  the  procurators  of 
Huss  at  Rome,  took  up  the  matter,  and  argued  the 
nullity  of  the  sentence  on  principles  which  were  evi- 
dently in  advance  of  the  age,  and  which,  however 
consonant  to  justice,  were  utterly  repudiated  by  the 
papal  party.2  And  yet,  the  most  enlightened  and 
able  members  of  the  Catholic  church — some  most 


1  Man.  ITussi,  i.  87.  "  Scholares  et        a  See  his  treatise  included  in  Moo. 
fiunilarea  1  [usd,"  were  included  in  the    Hussi,  vol.  i,  Si\>. 
sentence  of  excommunication. 


Ch.x.]  views  of  d'ailly.  253 

bitterly  prejudiced  against  Huss — might  be  cited  in 
defence  of  his  view  of  excommunication.  The  royal 
court  of  France  had  but  recently  declared  the  excom- 
munications of  Benedict  to  be  no  longer  binding,  and, 
even  at  the  ensuing  council  of  Constance,  the  French 
embassadors  maintained  that  the  fulminations,  sen- 
tences, and  censures  pronounced  against  those  who 
refused  the  payment  of  annates,  were  not  to  be  feared, 
nor  did  those  against  whom  they  had  been  directed 
need  to  be  absolved.1  Gerson  himself  had  written 
but  a  few  months  previous,2  "  We  ought  not  to  be 
compelled  to  obey  those  whose  conduct  is  notoriously 

vile,  and  scandalizes  the  whole  church If  we 

should  withdraw  ourselves  from  every  brother  who 
walketh  disorderly,  how  much  more  from  a  perverse 
and  unjust  superior,  by  whose  example  the  common- 
wealth is  corrupted  and  the  church  disgraced."  If 
Huss  appealed  moreover  to  a  council,  then  from  the 
treatise  of  D'Ailly  "  On  the  Difficulty  of  Reform,"  he 
might  have  drawn  abundant  materials,  equally  per- 
tinent in  defence  of  his  cause.  That  able  writer  had 
maintained,  just  after  the  close  of  the  Pisan  council, 
that  in  authority,  dignity,  and  official  superintend- 
ence, a  pope  is  subject  to  a  general  council  represent- 
ing the  universal  church.  Their  decisions  were  like 
the  gospel  of  Christ.  A  pope  could  not  change  or 
dispense  with  them,  for  over  them  he  had  no  juris- 
diction.3 He  held,  moreover,  that  the  pope  as  a  man 
might  sin,  might  err.  And  what  else  is  he  but  hu- 
man? "Man  of  men,  clay  of  clay,  a  sinner,  and 
peccable  ;  two  days  before,  the  son  of  a  poor  rustic." 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  i.  146.  2  Ibid,  i.  127.  s  Ibid,  i.  88. 


254  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF  JOirST   HUSS.  [Ch.  X. 

Pie  is  not  above  the  gospel — then  bis  authority  would 
be  greater  than  Christ's,  and  could  not  be  derived 
from  him  as  its  source.1  Of  the  church  Catholic, 
moreover,  the  pope  is  not  the  head,  but  Christ  only.2 
Surely,  with  such  authorities  upon  his  side,  Huss 
might  well  venture  the  lists  with  any  of  his  antago- 
nists, for  the  church  of  that  age  could  not  boast  two 
abler  champions  than  Gerson  and  D'Ailly. 

But  to  such  authority  Huss  did  not  appeal.  We 
find  no  trace  in  his  writings  to  show  that  he  was 
even  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  the  Paris  theo- 
logians. It  was  to  the  gospel — to  scripture  alone — 
that  he  looked  for  the  warrant  and  sauction  of  his 
course.  Here,  indeed,  was  the  strength  of  his  cause. 
The  plain  common-sense  of  the  citizens  of  Prague 
could  not  comprehend  the  force  or  conclusiveness  of 
that  logic  which  placed  the  decisions  of  men,  or  even 
the  decretals  of  the  popes,  on  a  level  with,  much 
more  above,  the  plain  doctrine  of  the  word  of  God. 
At  every  step  in  their  arguments,  the  papal  party 
were  met  by  some  troublesome  citation  from  scrip- 
ture, some  plain  and  direct  declaration,  which  could 
be  met  by  no  visionary  theory  or  scholastic  subtlety. 
So  far  had  the  simplicity  of  scriptural  doctrine  and 
worship  prevailed,  that  ecclesiastical  decisions  and 
sacerdotal  authority  were  utterly  powerless,  unless 
they  could  allege  in  their  favor  some  indisputable 
evidence  from  the  sacred  writings. 

It  was  indeed  to  be  expected  that  in  such  a  state 
of  things  occasional  acts  of  violence  should  occur. 
The  cupidity  and  impudence  of  those  who  favored 

1  Von  der  Ilardt,  i.  11.  a  Ibid,  70. 


Ch.  X:]  PROVOCATION"    OFFERED.  255 

the  cause  of  indulgences,  especially  of  those  who 
trafficked  in  them,  afforded  a  standing  provocation 
to  a  populace  not  all  of  whom  were  capable  of  the 
same  self-restraint.  Stephen  of  Dola,  in  his  contro- 
versial writings,1  complains  of  those  whom  he  de- 
scribes as  missionaries  of  Huss,  and,  curiously  enough, 
recounts  the  results  of  their  labors  in  the  same 
language  which  Christ  employed  when  he  foretold 
the  divisions  that  should  arise  from  his  teachings. 
The  scriptural  knowledge  of  the  people  and  their 
increased  intelligence,  as  well  as  jealousy  of  the 
clergy,  led  them  to  look  with  deep  indignation  upon 
those  ecclesiastical  impositions,  the  manifest  and 
perhaps  sole  object  of  which  was  to  rob  them  of 
their  money.  When  Gerson  could  speak  as  he  did 
on  the  subject  of  indulgences,  and  expose  the  futility 
of  so  many  Ave  Marias  before  an  image,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  men,  who  had  studied  the  subject 
only  in  the  light  of  the  gospel,  should  resent  the 
claims  of  the  papal  agents  as  an  insult  to  reason 
itself.  And  with  all  this  intelligent  resistance  to  the 
usurpation  of  Roman  cupidity,  there  was  often  joined 
much  of  that  party  zeal  which  must  necessarily 
spring  up  where  a  community  is  arrayed  in  opposing 
sections.  Huss  expressly  disowns  and  condemns  the 
conduct  of  some  of  his  followers,  who  resorted  to  the 
low  and  disgraceful  measure  of  applying  to  their 
antagonists  abusive  epithets.2  Three  years  before, 
the  conduct  of  Sbynco  had  been  such  that  it  was 
impossible  to  restrain  that  popular  contempt  for  him 

1  Mart.   Anec.  Anti   Hussus,  iv.  p.         "  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  264. 
883.     Gerson.  Opera,  h.  406. 


25G  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOH2ST   HUSS.  [Cn.  X 

and  Lis  course,  which  Lad  found  expression  in  de 
risive  songs  and  ballads  sung  alone  the  streets;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  decree  of  the  king  and  the 
influence  of  IIu-s  to  the  contrary,  ballads  of  a  sim- 
ilar character,  directed  against  the  priests  of  the 
papal  party,  were  still  in  common  use.  The  monks, 
as  they  passed  along  the  streets,  were  sometimes 
insulted  and  hooted  at  by  the  promiscuous  crowds 
of  men  and  boys,  who  regarded  them  with  any  other 
feelings  than  those  of  reverence  or  respect.  That 
popular  odium  against  them  which  in  England  had 
made  the  words  of  Wickliffe  so  effective,  was  equally 
strong  at  Prague,  where  they  were  scorned  for  their 
vices  and  hated  for  their  impudence.  "  Go,  lay  off 
your  cowls ;  thresh  in  the  barns ;  get  you  wives ;  go 
to  work  farming ;" *  such  were  the  greetings  which 
they  received  from  the  populace  as  they  passed  by. 
On  one  occasion  a  friar  was  sitting  with  his  relics 
in  the  church  of  the  Carmelites,  exhibiting  his  treas- 
ures and  begging  for  money  for  the  building  of  a 
church,  when  one  of  the  disciples  of  Huss  came  up. 
In  somewhat  rude  phrase  he  demanded  of  the  men- 
dicant, "  What  are  you  about  here,  friar  ? "  "  Seek- 
ing alms,  while  I  exhibit  my  relics,"  was  the  reply. 
"  You  speak  false,"  said  the  disciple  of  Huss,  "  if  you 
call  these  the  relics  of  saints.  You  keep  here  the 
bones  of  dead  carcasses,  and  deceive  Christians  by  your 
greedy  begging."  Suiting  the  action  to  the  word, 
he  kicked  over  the  table  on  which  the  relics  lay,  and 
tumbled  them  to  the  earth.  The  friar  caught  the 
offender,  put  him  under  arrest,  and  had  him  called 

1  Anli-Hussus,  Mart.  Anec,  iv.  557. 


Ch.  X.]  ANTAGONISTS    OF   HUSS.  257 

upon  to  answer  the  charge  against  him,  when  the 
prisoner's  friends  learning  what  had  taken  place,  as- 
sembled in  large  numbers,  deeply  indignant,  and 
armed  for  the  rescue.  The  residence  of  the  friars, 
probably  not  without  a  good  degree  of  resistance 
both  by  the  arm  and  tongue,  was  sacked  and  ravaged, 
and  the  poor  mendicants,  after  revilings  and  beatings, 
were  left  to  mend  their  broken  relics. 

That  similar  scenes  not  unfrequently  occurred,  is 
most  probable.  Among  the  charges  brought  against 
Jerome  at  the  council  of  Constance,  are  some  which 
imply  that  his  conduct  in  this  respect  had  been  far 
from  unexceptionable.  Some  of  these  are  denied; 
but  the  evidence  is  strong,  if  not  decisive,  in  regard 
to  his  course  on  the  reception  of  the  papal  bulls  for 
tlie  crusade.  On  another  occasion  he  is  said  to  have 
thrown  a  priest  into  the  Moldau,  who,  but  for  timely 
aid,  would  have  been  drowned.  But  such  violence 
was  bitterly  provoked.  The  burning  of  the  books 
by  Sbynco,  the  execution  of  the  three  men  for  as- 
serting the  falsehood  of  the  indulgences,  the  excom- 
munication of  Huss,  to  say  nothing  of  the  course 
pursued  by  his  assailants,  had  excited  a  strong  feel- 
ing against  the  patrons  of  papal  fraud  and  ecclesias- 
tical corruption.  We  are  only  surprised  that  the 
deep  resentment  felt  wTas  confined  in  its  expression 
within  such  limits. 

Among  the  antagonists  of  Huss  were  four  men  who 
had  been  numbered  among  his  most  intimate  friends. 
These  were  Stanislaus  of  Znoyma,  his  former 
teacher,  Stephen,  prior  of  Dola,  Stephen  Paletz,(25) 
and  Andrew  Broda,  the  two  latter  once  his  fellow- 
vol.  i.  17 


258  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.   X. 

students,  sharers  of  his  table  and  his  lied.  Broda 
deserted  him  from  the  moment  that  lie  was  excom- 
municated, but  he  still  corresponded  with  him  by 
letter,  in  the  hope  of  inducing  him  to  return  again, 
as  he  phrased  it,  to  the  unity  of  the  church.  A  man 
of  kindly  disposition,  but  of  no  remarkable  ability, 
and  terrified  at  the  very  name  of  papal  fulminations, 
Broda  shrunk  from  Huss  as  from  the  touch  of  lep- 
rosy, yet  still  addressed  him  in  terms  dictated  by  the 
memories  of  former  intercourse  and  affection.  Ste- 
phen of  Dola,  howrever,  was  less  scrupulous.  His 
first  assault  upon  Huss  was  under  cover  of  an  attack 
against  the  articles  of  Wickliffe.1  He  calls  the  English 
reformer,  "Thou  son,  not  of  man,  but  the  devil;1' 
and  asks,  "  Why  do  you  love  vanity  and  seek  after  a 
lie  ? "  As  he  proceeds  his  vocabulary  of  abuse  is  en- 
larged, and  he  speaks  of  him  as  "a  tricky  fox  with 
deep  holes,"  "  a  worse  traitor  than  Judas."  He  ar- 
raigns Wickliffe  for  maintaining  that  the  decretals 
are  apocryphal,  and  that  the  clergy  who  waste  time 
in  their  study  are  fools,  while  papal  and  episcopal 
indulgences  are  warmly  defended. 

That  Huss  felt  that  the  treatise  was  aimed  at  him 
is  manifest  from  his  letter  to  the  monks  of  Dola, 
where  the  author  of  the  work  had  been  prior,  before 
his  removal  to  Olmutz.  This  letter  is  inserted  by 
Stephen  in  his  preface  to  his  "Anti-Hussus,"  in  which 
he  throws  off  the  mask  and  comes  out  boldly  against 

1  The  treatises   of  "  Anti-Wiekler  of  the  first  treatise  alone  is  sufficient 

fus,"    "  Anti-Hussus,"  etc.,   are  to  be  to  refute  it  It  was  written  a  year  or 

found   in   Mart.  Anecdota.,  torn.  iv.  two  before  Paleti  became  an   antag- 

Coohleius  identifies  their  author,  Ste-  onist  of  Huss,  and  a1  that  time  Paleti 

pheu  of  Dola,  with  Stephen  Paletz.  was  as  uiueh  a  Wiokliffite  as  Huss. 
This  is  obviously  an  error.    The  date 


Ch.  X.l  STEPHEN"   OF   DOLA.  259 

Huss  himself.  In  this  letter1  Huss  complains  of  Ste- 
phen for  the  slanders  which  he  had  uttered  against 
himself  and  others.  He  was  unwilling  to  be  so 
fully  identified  with  Wickliffe.  "  Though  Wickliffe, 
or  an  angel  from  heaven,  taught  otherwise  than 
scripture  teaches,  I  would  not  follow  him — my  heart 
abhors  the  errors  ascribed  to  me."  Such  is  his  lan- 
guage. As  to  his  disregard  of  excommunication,  he 
claims  that  he  has  not  shown  contempt  for  any  just 
authority.  "  I  disobey,"  he  says,  "  the  de-ordination 
of  my  superiors,  because  scripture  teaches  me  to 
obey  God  rather  than  man.  The  apostles  preached 
Jesus  Christ  when  forbidden  by  the  chief  priests." 
After  giving  his  reasons  for  non-comj^liance  with 
the  papal  citation,  he  cautions  his  antagonist  how  he 
judges  others. 

But  Stephen,  in  his  reply,  seems  to  pay  small  heed 
to  such  wise  counsel.  He  begins  his  treatise  by  a 
play  upon  Huss'  name,  bidding  him  beware  lest  he 
fly  too  high  and  scorch  his  wings.  He  charges  him 
with  having  made  his  pulpit,  in  Bethlehem  church, 
a  chair  not  of  preaching,  but  of  prevarication.  His 
temple  was  turned  into  an  ensnaring  den  of  Wick 
liffites,  where  he  spoke  against  his  fathers  and 
brethren  and  the  common  pastor  of  the  church,  to 
the  grave  scandal  of  the  people.  A  just  sentence 
had,  therefore,  overtaken  him.  It  was  but  right 
that,  by  the  force  of  the  interdict,  he  should  be 
made  a  vagabond,  driven  from  place  to  place  to 
conceal  himself.  But  the  great  crime  of  Huss,  in 
the  eyes  of  Stephen,  was  his  contempt  for  ecclesi- 

1  Mart.  Anect,  iv.  363. 


2G0  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Ca.  1 

astical  authority.     The  evils  that  had  followed  his 

t'-uhinu-  were  friirhtful,  in  the  view  of  his  accuser. 
"So  far  has  Huss  prevailed,"  says  Stephen,  "that  I 
have  heard  and  understood  that  many  of  the  laity 
say,  '  What  so  great  need  is  there  that  we  should 
confess  to  a  mortal  man,  when  with  contrite  heart 
we  confess  to  the  High  Priest.  God  Almighty, 
alone  ? ' " 

To  this  treatise  of  the  monk  of  Dola,  Huss  replied. 
The  issue  was  such  that  the  author  found  little 
encouragement  to  renew  the  attack  in  a  direct  man- 
ner.  In  his  "  Dialogus  Volatilis,"  addressed  to  the 
"bishop  of  Leitomischel,  he  takes  occasion  again  to 
reprehend  the  course  of  Huss,  complaining  mainly 
of  his  disobedience  and  disregard  of  the  sentence  of 
excommunication. 

It  is  not  difficult,  from  the  knowledge  of  the 
course  of  Paletz,  and  his  former  relations,  and  subse- 
quent treatment  of  Huss,  to  divine  some  at  least  of 
the  motives  that  incited  him  to  assail  a  former  Mend 
and  companion.  Huss  and  Paletz  were  both  men  of 
marked  ability,  and,  to  a  considerable  extent,  their 
aims  had  harmonized.  But  when  Huss  braved  the 
fulminations  of  the  papal  court,  Paletz,  whose  convic- 
tions on  the  subject  in  dispute  were  the  same  with 
those  of  his  associate,  shrunk  back  with  a  craven 
fear.  It  was  now  that  jealousy  of  his  rival's  influ- 
ence gave  a  sting  to  the  malice  of  his  treachery. 
Stephen  of  Dola  had  dilated  upon  the  large  salary 
which  Huss  received,1  and  Paletz,  probably  judging 
from  after-disclosures   at   the   council  of  Constance, 

1  Mart.  Ancc,  iv.  558. 


Ca.  X.]     "COUNSEL1'  OF   THE   PAEIS    THEOLOGIANS.        261 

shared  the  same  feelings.  Moreover,  having  com- 
mitted himself  to  a  cause  which  demanded  first  of 
all  the  sacrifice  of  conscience,  the  pride  of  Paletz  for- 
bade his  withdrawal  from  a  conflict  which  he  had 
himself  challenged.  Henceforth  with  him  it  was 
war,  without  truce  or  compromise,  till  one  or  the 
other  was  forced  to  submission. 

Meanwhile  the  enemies  of  Huss  at  Prague  and 
in  the  university  were  not  idle.  Conrad,  who  had 
acted  as  administrator  of  the  archiepiscopal  office, 
and  who  now,  in  name  as  well  as  in  reality,  was 
archbishop  of  Prague,  was  a  man  of  a  different 
temper  from  his  predecessor  Sbynco.  Less  rash 
and  hasty,  he  proceeded  in  his  measures  with  a 
cautious  deliberation.  He  sent  to  the  university  of 
Paris  to  procure  an  authentic  copy  of  the  counsel 
which  they  had  given  to  his  predecessor  in  regard 
to  the  steps  to  be  taken  for  extirpating  heresy  from 
Bohemia.1  This  counsel,  notwithstanding  the  schism, 
and  the  liberality  of  the  Paris  theologians,  was  after 
the  most  approved  pattern  of  church  orthodoxy.  It 
directed  that  the  doctors  and  masters  of  the  uni- 
versity should  be  assembled  by  the  archbishop  along 
with  his  clergy  at  his  palace,  and  that  each  should 
be  required  to  declare,  under  oath,  that  he  neither 
holds  nor  wishes  to  maintain  any  of  the  forty-five 
articles  of  Wickliffe ;  that  in  regard  to  relics,  indul- 
gences, and  the  ceremonies,  customs,  and  censures 
of  the  church,  he  believes  as  the  church  believes  of 
which  the  pope  is  the  head,  and  the  cardinals,  the 

1  The  various  "  Counsels "  connect-  in  Cochlaeus,  and  in  Helfert's  Ap- 
ed with  this  matter  are  to  be  found    pendix. 


262  LI  IK    AM)    TIMES    <>F    JOHN    HISS.  [Cft  i 

manifest  successors  of  the  apostles,  are  the  body; 
that  each  should  profess  obedience  to  the  Roman 

See ;  and  that  it  should  be  announced  to  all  the 
members  of  the  university  that  no  one  should  main- 
tain any  of  the  forty-five  articles,  under  pain  of 
anathema,  or  banishment  from  the  kingdom.  These 
measures  were,  moreover,  to  be  published  through- 
out the  diocese,  and  any  one  who  transgressed  should 
be  proceeded  against  according  to  canonical  sanc- 
tions. The  derisive  songs  which  were  sung  in  the 
streets  and  taverns  were  to  be  suppressed,  and  Huss 
was  not  to  be  allowed  to  preach  until  he  had  ob- 
tained absolution  from  the  court  of  Rome. 

This  counsel  of  the  university  of  Paris  was  sub- 
mitted by  the  archbishop  to  a  synod,  summoned  to 
meet  at  Bomischbrod,  but  afterwards  transferred  to 
Prague.  Huss,  aware  of  the  proposed  measure, 
came1  with  a  "  counsel "  of  his  own,  which  he  was 
prepared  to  lay  before  them.  "For  the  honor  of 
God,  the  salvation  of  the  people,  the  good  name  of 
Bohemia  and  Moravia,  as  well  as  of  Prague  and  the 
university,  and  for  the  restoration  of  peace  and 
unity:" — such  was  the  object,  according  to  Huss,  to 
be  promoted  by  the  measures  he  proposed.  These 
were,  that  the  former  edict  of  conciliation  between 
the  archbishop  and  the  barons  and  Huss  should  be 
solemnly  confirmed  ;  that  Bohemia  should  be  allowed 
to  retain  its  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges,  in  the 
same  manner  with  other  kingdoms:  that  Huss, 
against  whom  Sbynco  had  brought  no  charge  when 

1  It  is  doubtful  whether  he  was  present  in  person.     Jessenitz  was  his  pro- 
curator. 


Cq.  X.]       "COUNSEL"  OF   PALETZ   AND    STANISLAUS.       263 

he  consented  to  the  compromise,  should  be  present 
to  meet  any  charges  whenever  they  were  made,  and 
that  none  should  be  allowed  to  make  any  which  he 
was  not  prepared  to  substantiate,  under  pain  of  a 
sentence  such  as  his  charge  against  Huss  implied; 
that  public  notice  should  be  given  that  any  who 
wished  to  accuse  Huss  should  inscribe  their  names 
upon  the  archbishop's  chancellor's  book ;  that  such 
as  spread  reports  that  were  merely  slanderous,  should 
be  punished;  that  the  doctors  of  theology  and  of 
canon  law  should  be  required,  if  they  knew  of  any 
heretic,  to  name  him, — and  if  they  should  say  they 
knew  of  none,  should  be  forbidden,  under  penalties, 
to  circulate  charges  of  heresy  ;  that  in  case  this  was 
done,  a  deputation  should  be  sent  to  the  Roman 
court  to  vindicate  the  fair  name  and  honor  of  the 
kingdom;  and  that  for  the  present  the  interdict 
should  not  be  enforced,  notwithstanding  the  presence 
of  Huss. 

But  Paletz  and  Stanislaus,  in  the  name  of  other 
masters  of  the  theological  faculty,  had  their  "  coun- 
sel "  to  present.  As  the  king  and  barons  had  di- 
rected an  investigation  of  the  causes  of  the  troubles, 
they  propose  to  point  them  out.  In  their  view,  they 
were  threefold,  viz:  the  opposition  made  to  the  con- 
demnation of  Wickliffe's  articles ;  the  contempt  shown 
the  pope  and  cardinals,  as  well  as  their  authority,  by 
appeals  to  Holy  Scripture  as  their  judge,  while  the 
appellants  interpret  it  as  they  please ;  and  the  gen- 
eral disregard  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  both  that 
of  prelates  and  of  the  Apostolic  See,  by  inferiors. 
The  doctors  held  that  the  clergy  were  not  to  judge 


2G4  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    IIUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

of  the  validity  or  justice  of  the  excommunication  of 
Hubs,  and  that  consequently,  accepting  it,  they  must 
observe  the  interdict.  Papal  and  prelatical  author- 
ity was  exalted  above  that  of  the  scriptures.  The 
doctors  would  have  it  enjoined,  under  severe  penal- 
ties, that  no  one  in  Bohemia  should  hold  or  teach 
other  than  as  the  Romish  church  holds  and  teaches  ; 
and,  in  case  any  should  offend  by  speaking  in  favor 
of  \YicklinVs  articles,  or  resisting  the  ecclesiastical 
authority,  he  should  be  given  over  for  judgment  to 
the  ecclesiastical  courts,  or,  in  case  this  did  n<>t  avail, 
to  the  secular  arm.  The  excommunication  of  Huss, 
without  any  discussion  of  its  justice  or  injustice,  was 
to  be  accounted  valid  in  virtue  of  the  authority  of 
the  Apostolic  See. 

The  theological  faculty  also  presented  a  separate 
"counsel."1  It  agreed  mainly  with  that  of  Paletz 
and  Stanislaus.  It  proposed,  however,  a  meeting  of 
all  the  doctors  and  masters  of  the  university  at  the 
archbishop's  palace,  where  each  should  be  required, 
under  solemn  oath,  to  declare  that  he  accepted  none 
of  Wickliffe's  forty-five  articles  as  true  ;  that,  as  to  the 
seven  sacraments  and  all  matters  of  faith,  he  believed 
in  accordance  with  the  Romish  church,  whose  head 
is  the  pope  and  whose  body  is  the  college  of  cardi- 
nals; and  that  he  recognized  the  duty  of  obedience 
to  the  Apostolic  See  and  the  prelates  of  the  church. 
This  oath  was  to  be  required  of  all,  under  penalty 
of  excommunication  and  banishment.  The  arch- 
bishop also  was  to  summon  a  synod,  and  by  it  enjoin 

1  A  fuller  account  of  the  synod  i*    veraity  <>f  Prague,"  quoted  by  Ilel- 
given  in  Tomek's  "  Elistory  of  tin-  I'm-    fert,  '280-284. 


Ch.  X.]  PRUDENCE   OF    CONRAD.  265 

that  no  error  should  be  preached  throughout  the 
laud.  Aud  as  to  Huss,  he  should  be  utterly  forbid- 
den to  preach  till  he  had  received  absolution  from 
the  pope ;  nor  was  he  any  longer  to  be  allowed,  by 
his  secret  presence  in  Prague,  to  put  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  the  observance  of  the  divine  offices. 

With  such  diverse  counsels  before  it,  it  was  impos- 
sible for  the  convocation  to  effect  a  compromise.  The 
position  of  Huss  was  utterly  irreconcilable  with  that 
of  the  doctors,  and  the  archbishop  was  at  a  loss 
what  course  to  pursue.  He  had  not  the  Quixotic 
zeal  that  would  lead  him  to  repeat  the  blunders  of 
his  predecessor,  or  tilt  at  the  shadow  of  heresy  at 
the  risk  of  his  position,  as  well  as  honor  and  peace. 
He  sent,  therefore,  the  various  "  counsels,"  including 
that  of  Huss  as  well  as  those  of  the  universities  of 
Paris  and  Prague,  to  the  martial  bishop  of  Leitomis- 
chel — "  John  the  Iron,"  as  he  was  most  appropriately 
called — asking  his  advice.  The  stern  prelate — whom 
we  again  meet  at  the  council  of  Constance — more 
fitted  both  by  taste  and  experience  to  wield  the 
sword  than  the  crosier,  was  most  ferociously  ortho- 
dox. He  was  opposed  to  all  compromise,  and  favored 
the  execution,  to  the  letter,  of  the  "  counsel "  of  the 
university  of  Paris.  His  advice  was,  that  the  vice- 
chancellor  should  take  careful  supervision  of  the 
masters  and  students  of  the  university,  investigating 
and  correcting  their  errors  ;  that,  as  the  controversies 
which  found  place  among  them  were  ventilated 
among  the  people  by  the  public  preaching  from  the 
pulpit,  care  should  be  taken  that  Huss  and  his  fol- 
lowers should  be  silenced — especially  were  they  to 


2G6  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cii.  X 

be  excluded  from  Bethlehem  chapel ;  that  the  pa- 
pa] mandates  on  the  Bubject  should  be  enforced,  and 

that  heretical  books,  and  those  who  owned  or  read 
them,  should  be  anathematized.  The  bishop  then 
attempts  to  refute  the  counsel  of  Hues,  and  closes  by 
exhorting  archbishop  Conrad  to  a  zealous  prosecu- 
tion of  measures  for  extirpating  heresy  from  Bo- 
hemia. 

The  synod  had  met,  Feb.  6,  1413.  The  bishop's 
letter  dates  four  days  later,  Feb.  10,1 — so  that  his 
response  must  have  been  prompt  at  least.  But  there 
was  yet  another  who  was  to  take  part  in  the  discus- 
sion. This  was  Jacobel,  or  James  of  Misa,  a  friend 
of  Husa.  Whether  his  views  were  presented  at  the 
synod,  or  subsequently,  as  in  the  case  of  the  bishop, 
is  somewhat  uncertain.  It  appears  probable,  how- 
ever, that  they  were  urged  before  the  syuod.2 

The  object  of  the  convocation  was  a  compromise 
that  should  promote  peace.  "  But,"  inquired  Jacobel, 
"what  sort  of  a  peace  is  meant?  Is  it  peace  with  the 
world,  or  peace  with  God  ?  If  the  latter,  it  could  be 
secured  only  by  keeping  the  divine  commandment-. 
The  very  origin  of  the  strife  was  in  the  unholy  and 
violent  resistance  offered  to  those  who  wished  to  es- 
tablish this  peace.  Without  it,  moreover,  the  peace 
of  the  world  would  be  of  no  avail ;  but  let  it  be  first 
secured,  and  the  other  would  follow  of  itself." 

Whether  in  consequence  of  this  discussion  or  not, 
Wenzel  was  led  to  issue  a  decree  which  seemed  in- 
tended for  the  support  of  the  ecclesiastical  authori- 

1  Coehlaus. 
9  Ilelfert's   extract    from    Tomek's     Prague"  would  seem  to  indicate  tli.it 
"  Ilistory     of     the     University     of     this  was  the  ease. 


Ch.  X.]        NULLITY    OF   HUSS'   EXCOMMUNICATION.  267 

ties,  although  he  advised  the  doctors  to  refute  error 
by  arguments  rather  than  by  edicts.  The  decree, 
however,  was  publicly  proclaimed  in  the  council- 
house  of  the  city.  But  it  was  evidently  designed 
more  to  keep  up  appearances,  than  to  throw  any  ob- 
struction in  the  way  of  the  friends  of  Huss.  Indeed, 
viewed  in  this  light,  it  was  but  a  dam  of  straw  thrown 
across  the  tide  of  popular  feeling.  It  was  impossible 
that  the  decree  should  be  enforced.  Nor  was  it  long 
before  a  refutation  of  the  positions  taken  by  the 
doctors  appeared.  Two  of  the  procurators  of  Huss, 
who  had  answered  his  citation  at  the  Roman  court, 
John  of  Jessenitz,  and  Frederic  Epinge,  the  first  a 
doctor,  and  the  last  a  bachelor  of  canon  law,  had 
already  come  forward  publicly  in  his  defence, — and 
this  defence  overthrew  the  main  points  on  which  the 
doctors  based  their  conclusions.  To  this  Huss  refers 
the  doctors.  Jessenitz  had  shown  that  no  prelate 
should  excommunicate  any  one,  unless  he  knows  that 
he  is  first  excommunicate  of  God;  and  in  several 
respects  had  argued  the  nullity  of  Huss'  sentence. 
But  Huss  himself  went  further.  He  reprehends  those 
excommunications  which  are  unjustly  prelatic,  or 
rather  Pilatic,  and  maintains  that  the  curse  of  the 
wicked  is  rather  a  benediction.  The  scriptural 
knowledge  that  had  already  become  diffused  among 
the  people,  enabled  them  to  vindicate  this  view  of 
the  matter,  and  meet  even  the  doctors  with  argu- 
ments not  easy  to  be  confuted.  In  vain  were  the 
decretals  cited,  or  the  authority  of  the  church  ad- 
duced. "Laity,  butchers,  shoemakers,  tailors,  and 
humble  mechanics,"  says  Stephen  of  Dola,  "  rise  up 


268  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Ch.  X. 

proudly,  and  contemn  authority."  Cochleius1  has 
preserved  a  brief  summary  of  the  arguments  em- 
ployed by  the  Hussite  party  to  refute  the  doctors. 
As  to  the  first  cause  of  the  troubles,  they  deny  ut- 
terly the  truth  of  the  charge  that  the  nation  gen- 
erally are  heretical,  and  denominate  the  imputation 
of  erroneous  views  in  regard  to  the  Bacraments  a 
mere  slander.  They  hold,  that  not  the  pope  and  his 
cardinals,  but  that  all  priests  and  bishops  are  suc- 
cessors of  the  apostles.  The  head  of  the  church  is 
not  the  pope,  but  Christ.  The  body  is  not  the  car- 
dinals, but  all  believers.  Such  is  the  testimony  of 
scripture  and  of  the  fathers.  They  deny,  moreover, 
the  competent  authority,  on  the  part  of  bishops  and 
archbishops,  for  condemning  the  articles  of  Wick> 
liffe.  These  were  substantially  the  views  presented 
by  Huss  in  his  work  on  the  church. 

As  to  the  second  cause  of  discord  urged  by  the 
doctors,  Huss  himself  refers  to  the  schismatic  state 
of  the  church,  divided  under  the  allegiance  of  three 
several  popes,  and  shows  how  futile  the  effort  to 
obtain  from  them  decisions  of  doubtful  questions,  in 
regard  to  which  they  could  not  agree,  and  especially 
if  these  should  be  found  contrary  to  the  scriptures 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  from  which  the 
fathers  themselves  deduced  their  authority.  Besides, 
he  remarks  how  the  doctors  stultify  themselves  in 
citing  scripture,  (Deut.  xvii.,)  to  show  that  not  scrip- 
ture, but  the  prelates  are  to  decide  doubtful  ([mo- 
tions! He  appeals  to  scripture  for  the  support  of 
his  position,  yet  they  make  the  pope  supreme.     As 

'  P.  50. 


Ch.  X.]  EEPLY    OF    THE   DOCTOKS.  269 

to  the  place  where  the  decision  is  to  be  solicited — 
in  accordance  with  the  passage  cited  from  Deute- 
ronomy— why  is  it  to  be  sought  at  Bologna,  Perusia, 
or  Avignon,  where  the  pope  resides,  rather  than  at 
Jerusalem,  Antioch,  or  Rome?  The  doctors,  more- 
over, had  asserted  that  the  pope  was  in  all  things  to 
be  obeyed.  This  was  putting  a  contempt  upon  the 
Holy  Scriptures  and  the  sacred  canons ;  for  some  popes 
had  been  heretical,  and  one  was  a  woman,  and  these 
not  only  should  not  be  obeyed,  but  should  not  be 
communed  with  or  favored — so  at  least  the  rubrics 
and  canons  taught.  The  true  causes  of  the  troubles 
in  Bohemia  are  traced  to  the  preaching  of  the  gospel, 
with  the  reproofs  and  admonitions  of  which  the 
clergy  are  enraged,  on  account  of  the  exposure  which 
is  thus  made  of  their  simony  and  heretical  prac- 
tices. 

As  to  the  argument  of  the  doctors  that  the  ex- 
communication of  Huss  was  to  be  considered  valid 
because  the  papal  mandates  to  that  effect  had  been 
issued  and  had  been  generally  received,  the  same 
argument  might  be  employed  to  show  that  because 
Adam  and  Eve  complied  with  the  temptations  of  the 
devil,  and  obeyed  him,  therefore  their  descendants 
should  do  the  same  ;  or  that,  inasmuch  as  our  fathers 
were  pagans,  we  should  have  remained  pagan  still. 
Besides,  various  reasons  might  be  adduced  to  show 
that  the  sentence  against  Huss  was  null  and  void. 

But  the  doctors  were  not  content  even  yet  to  let 
the  matter  rest.  To  the  arguments  of  Huss  they 
make  a  lengthy  and  minute  reply.  They  do  not  hes- 
itate to  maintain,  in  an  almost  unqualified  manner, 


270  LIFE   AWD    TIMES    OF   JOSS    IIUSS.  [Cii.  X. 

the  most  objectionable  of  their  former  doctrines,  al- 
though upon  some  point-  they  could  not  agree  among 
themselves.  IIuss  shows,  in  his  reply  to  them,  how 
Paletz  and  Stanislaus  could  not  accord  on  the  subject 
of  the  headship  of  the  church.  Paletz,  however, 
seems  to  have  been  supported  by  most  of  the  other 
six  doctors,  and  to  have  carried  the  day  over  the 
more  enlightened  and  scriptural  views  of  Stanislaus. 
A  large  part  of  the  argument  is  taken  up  in  showing 
that  the  headship  of  the  church  is  in  the  pope,  and 
in  reducing  the  authority  of  scripture  to  a  minimum, 
while  that  of  the  prelates  and  the  pope  and  car- 
dinals is  exalted  above  all  other  authority  on  earth. 
They  maintain  that  so  long  as  it  could  not  manifestly 
be  known  or  shown  that  John  XXIII.  was  a  heretic, 
his  commands  were  to  be  obeyed.  Could  they  have 
looked  forward  to  the  trial  and  dej^osition  of  that 
pontiff  two  years  later,  they  would  probably  have 
modified  or  kept  back  that  proposition. 

These  views  were  urged  in  behalf  of  others  more 
obscure,  by  eight  doctors,  of  whom  Paletz,  Stanislaus, 
and  Andrew  Broda  are  the  most  prominent.  The 
names  of  the  others  were  Peter  de  Ikoyma,  John 
Elia,  John  Hildesis,  Matthew  the  Monk,  and  Herman 
the  Eremite ;  beside  whom,  we  find  the  names  of 
George  Bota  and  Simon  Wenda  mentioned.1  All  of 
these  no  doubt  sympathized  together  in  the  general 
opposition  to  the  reform  party  ;  but  as  the  reply  of 
Huss  is  denominated  "The  Refutation  of  the  Eight 
Theological  Doctors,"  it  is  most  probable  that  only 
eight  of  them  appended   their  names  to  the  docu- 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  265. 


Ch.  X.]  NECESSITY    OF    COMPROMISE.  271 

ment.1  Notwithstanding  their  united  effort,  Huss  did 
not  shrink  from  the  encounter  to  which  they  had 
thus  challenged  him.  In  the  most  merciless  manner 
he  exposes  the  inconsistency  of  their  positions,  and 
quotes  them — as  his  knowledge  of  their  former  views 
enabled  him  to  do — against  themselves.  But  it 
scarcely  needed  that  Huss  should  throw  his  pen  into 
the  scale,  to  determine  how  it  should  preponderate. 
The  argument  of  the  doctors  had  only  exposed  the 
weakness  of  a  cause  which  their  united  ability  could 
not  even  render  plausible.  Some  of  their  statements 
were  so  evidently  subversive  of  the  whole  doctrine 
of  scriptural  Christianity,  that  the  only  choice  left 
was  between  the  word  of  God  and  the  decretals  or 
constitutions  of  the  popes.  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
doctors  attempted  to  recommend  the  latter.  Popu- 
lar opinion  spurned  such  counsel.  The  reasons  given 
for  this  by  Cochleius  are,  that  the  followers  of  Huss 
were  loud  in  their  demand  for  the  reform  of  the 
clergy,  "  whose  vices,  as  simony,  concubinage,  avarice, 
luxury,  and  worldly  pride,  they  accused  with  bitter- 
ness in  their  frequent  sermons  and  harangues  to  the 
people,"  and  that  for  this  the  laity  encouraged  and 
sustained  them.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  in  the 
popular  conviction  there  must  have  been  a  large 
basis  of  truth  at  the  bottom  of  the  charges. 

It  must  now  have  become  evident  to  the  arch- 
bishop that  to  adopt  the  counsel  which  the  univer- 
sity of  Paris  had  extended  to  his  predecessor  was  no 
longer  practicable.     The  reform  party  had  become 

1  Huss  represents  it  as  a  piece  of     speak  for  the  whole  theological  fac- 
arrogance  on  the  part  of  the  eight  doc-     ulty. 
tors,  that  they  assumed  as  they  did  to 


272  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   TIUSS.  [Cii.  X. 

too  numerous  and  powerful  to  be  thus  summarily 
dealt  with.  There  was  a  prospect  that  the  conflict 
would  be  more  bitterly  renewed,  and  the  king  felt 
that  it  was  time  for  him  to  interpose.  The  synod 
had  accomplished  nothiug.(2fi)  No  compromise  could  he 
effected  by  it.  The  king  therefore  tried  another  ex- 
pedient, lie  appointed  a  commission,  consisting  of 
the  archbishop,  the  Vissehrad  dean,  Jacob,  the  provost 
of  All-Saints,  Zdenek  of  Labaun,  and  Christiann  of 
Prachatitz,  rector  of  the  university,  as  well  as  a  fast 
friend  of  Huss.  The  two  parties  were  bound,  under 
penalty  of  fine  and  banishment,  to  abide  by  the  de- 
cision of  this  commission.  For  two  days  both  parties 
were  heard,  but  agreement  was  impossible.  Four 
doctors  entered  their  protest  and  withdrew  from  the 
conference.  The  king,  exasperated  at  their  course, 
banished  them.1  Shortly  after,  the  party  suffered 
another  defeat.2  The  German  element  had  hitherto 
predominated  in  the  city  council;  but  at  this  junc- 
ture, one  of  its  members,  for  some  cause,  was  executed. 
The  king,  by  new  appointments,  gave  the  Bohemians 
the  ascendency. 

Nor  was  this  all.  The  king  followed  up  the  mat- 
ter by  measures  for  reforming  the  clergy.  He  kept 
back  the  salary  of  unworthy  priests,  and  thus  prac- 
tically adopted  one  of  the  principles  for  which  Huss 
had  contended,  namely,  that  the  secular  power  is  au- 
thorized to  resort  to  forcible  measures,  and  the  con- 
trol of  the  temporalities  of  the  church,  for  the  reform 
of  clerical  corruption.     This  step  of  the  king  was  de- 

1  Stanislaus,  one  of  them,  died  soon  leisure  now  to  prepare  his  aecusa- 
aftcr.     1'alctz,  who  was  another,  had     tions.  Q  IKlfort,   140. 


Ch  X.]  HUSS    PRESENT   IN    PEAGUE.  273 

cisive  in  securing  the  predominance  of  the  reform 
party.  It  struck  terror  into  the  ranks  of  its  oppo- 
nents. The  priests  who  had  opposed  Huss  were 
less  anxious  to  see  the  sentence  against  him  executed 
than  to  retain  their  salaries.  A  thousand  eyes  were 
watching  them  ;  a  thousand  witnesses  were  ready  to 
testify  against  them,  whenever  they  rendered  them- 
selves obnoxious  to  the  cause  of  reform.  Rather 
than  be  harrassed  by  frequent  accusations  and  con- 
stant risks,  some  of  them  openly  joined  the  party 
which  they  had  opposed,  and  others,  for  the  time 
at  least,  were  constrained  to  moderation,  if  not  to 
silence.1  The  abandonment  of  the  papal  cause,  in 
many  cases  no  doubt,  was  a  cover  to  past  delinquen- 
cies, so  that  the  very  vices  and  excesses  of  the  clergy 
were  forced  for  the  time  being  to  strengthen  the  cause 
which  had  been  hitherto  an  object  of  mortal  hatred. 
It  was  no  longer  dangerous  for  Huss  to  visit  Prague. 
His  enemies  did  not  dare  to  molest  him,  and  he  might 
safely  challenge  his  accusers  to  present  their  charges. 
During  the  period  of  these  discussions,  which  con- 
tinued from  the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  cru- 
sade to  the  spring  of  1414,  it  is  difficult  to  trace  the- 
course  of  Huss  except  from  his  writings.  That  he 
was  during  a  portion  of  the  time  absent  from  Prague, 
is  evident  from  his  letters.  That  he  frequently  re- 
turned, or  was  present  in  Prague,  in  spite  of  the  in- 
terdict, is  attested  not  only  by  the  royal  decree  which 
required  the  priests  to  perform  the  divine  offices  as 
usual,  notwithstanding  the  presence  of  Huss,  but  from 
the  writings  of  Paletz  and  of  Broda.     According  to 

1  Cochlseus,  p.  62.   See  Helfert,  also,  as  well  as  Huss  vs.  The  Doctors. 
vol.  I.  18 


274  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    ITCSS.  [Cu.  X 

the  latter,  Huss  boasted  that  he  walked  openly  in  the 
city  and  in  the  sight  of  all,  and  yet  the  interdict  was 
disregarded.  The  only  reply  which  Broda  can  make 
is,  that  his  presence  was  not  always  known,  and  that 
he  was  in  fact  seen  by  very  few.  It  was  therefore 
the  ignorance  of  the  clergy  as  to  the  presence  of 
Huss — so  he  would  represent — which  led  them  to 
continue  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

Yet,  if  not  in  the  city,  he  was  at  least  not  far  dis- 
tant. The  demand  which  was  made  by  his  friends, 
that  in  case  accusations  were  presented  against  him  he 
should  be  allowed  to  be  present  and  confront  his  accu- 
sers, would  seem  to  imply  this.  But  after  the  royal 
measures  taken  upon  the  subject  of  clerical  reform,  in 
the  summer  and  autumn  of  the  year  1413,  most  of 
the  difficulties  which  drove  him  from  the  city  would 
be  removed.  Opposition  was  for  the  most  part 
silenced,  and  Huss  was  at  liberty  to  return  to  Prague. 
In  these  circumstances,  his  enemies  found  themselves 
disappointed  and  defeated.  Huss  openly  disregarded 
the  papal  sentence  ;  while  many  questioned  even 
whether  any  had  ever  been  pronounced  against  him. 
The  interdict  was  a  mere  nullity.  Those  who  had 
sought  to  enforce  it,  cringed  as  suppliants  of  the  royal 
favor  and  bounty.  They  were  no  longer  the  bold 
accusers,  but  trembled  at  the  charges  to  which  on 
«very  side  they  were  exposed.  There  was  now  occa- 
sion for  Huss  in  his  turn  to  exult,  if  he  had  been  so 
disposed.  The  humiliation  of  his  enemies  was  in  fact 
so  ludicrous  in  some  of  its  aspects,  that  he  could  not 
but  refer  to  it.  With  AVickliffe,  he  had  accounted 
tithes  mere  alms,  or  voluntary  grants,  and  as  such 


Ch.  X.]  SALARIES    OF   THE   PEIESTS.  275 

they  might  be  withheld  if  the  neglect  or  vice  of  the 
ecclesiastics  furnished  occasion.  His  enemies  had 
virulently  assailed  a  position  so  fatal  to  the  security 
and  integrity  of  their  gains,  nor  did  they  spare  its 
author  in  the  venom  of  their  malice.  Now  they  came 
to  the  town  hall  to  present  their  petitions  for  their 
tithes.  "  Ah ! "  said  the  lords,  "  you  said  before 
■that  tithes  were  not  purely  alms ;  but  you  assert  now 
that  they  are,  and  so  condemn  yourselves."  Huss 
noticed  this  absurd  course  of  the  clergy.1  "  I  wonder," 
says  he,  with  stinging  sarcasm,  "  I  wonder  that  the 
doctors  do  not  now  teach  in  the  town  hall  the  puttiug 
into  execution  of  that  article  on  the  withholding  of 
temporalities  from  the  delinquent  clergy  by  the  sec- 
ular lords !  Now,  like  the  chief  priests  and  Pharisees, 
they  are  silent ;  they  no  more  assemble  to  condemn 
that  article.  Surely,  what  they  feared  has  come  upon 
them,  and  will  come  again.  For  they  will  lose  their 
temporalities,  but  God  grant  that  they  may  save  their 
souls !  The  doctors  said  that  if  the  articles  were 
comdemned,  there  would  be  peace  and  concord ;  but 
their  prophecy  has  turned  out  the  reverse.  They  were 
exultant  in  the  condemnation,  but  now  they  mourn 
as  they  give  up  their  salaries.  They  condemned  the 
article  that  tithes  were  alms ;  now  they  beg  that  their 
salaries,  which  are  alms,  may  not  be  taken  away." 3 

Resistance  to  Huss  was  no  longer  offered.  Only 
Paletz  and  Broda  still  kept  up  the  controversy  by 
their  letters,  reproaching  Huss  mainly  for  his  contu- 
macy, and  for  what  they  denominated  his  slanders 
against  the  clergy 

1  Cochlaeus,  p.  63.  a  Ibid. 


276  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OE    JOHN    IP  [Cii.  X. 

For  several  months  affairs  remained  quiet  at 
Prague.  The  adherents  of  Huss  were  no  longer 
molested,  and  the  heat  of  controversy  died  away. 
The  archbishop  seemed  to  have  given  up  all  thought 
of  any  further  proceedings  against  Huss.  Meanwhile 
the  cause  of  reform  steadily  advanced.  Its  adher- 
ents, in  their  study  of  the  scriptures,  were  attaining 
views  more  and  more  evangelical.  They  were  pub- 
licly known  as  the  evangelical  party.  Huss  no  longer 
approved  of  the  worship  of  a  wooden  cross.1  He 
condemned  the  adoration  paid  to  the  pictures  of  the 
saints  in  the  churches.  On  the  subject  of  confession 
he  appeals  to  Chrysostom  as  sustaining  him  in  his 
teachings  upon  that  subject.  "I  do  not  bid  you 
present  yourselves  in  public,  or  accuse  yourselves 
before  others ;  I  only  wish  you  to  obey  the  prophet 
where  he  says,  Lay  your  way  open  before  the  Lord, 
confess  your  sins  to  the  true  judge,  declare  your 
faults,  not  with  the  tongue,  but  the  conscience,  and 
then  hope  to  obtain  mercy." 

The  seed  which  Huss  had  sown  was  ripening  to  its 
harvest.  Many  had  adopted  his  views,  and  with  a 
zeal  equal  to  his  own,  though  not  always  as  discreet, 
disseminated  them  abroad.  Even  while  the  meas- 
ures for  the  reform  of  the  clergy  had  not  yet  been 
adopted,  the  adherents  of  Huss  had  been  active  and 
diligent  in  their  work.  "You  send  your  messengers, " 
Bays  Stephen  of  Dola,  "everywhere, — to  nobles,  sol- 
diers, common  people,  women."  The  present  period 
allowed  them  larger  and  freer  scope  for  their  labors. 
They  quoted   scripture  largely  in  defence  of  their 

1  Mart.  Anec.  550. 


Ch.  X.]  DEMAND    FOR   A    COUNCIL.  277 

course."  The  word  of  God,  they  maintained,  should 
not  be  bound.  "Go  ye  into  all  the  world,  and 
preach  the  gospel."  This  was  the  commission  which 
furnished  them  their  warrant.  "If  persecuted  in 
one  city,  flee  ye  into  another,"  justified  them  in  shun- 
ning dangers  which  they  did  not  feel  called  to 
meet.  Things  done  in  secret  they  were  ready  "  to 
proclaim  upon  the  housetops ;"  and  if  it  was  objected 
to  them  that  they  were  violating  ecclesiastical  ordi- 
nances, they  were  ready  with  the  reply,  "  It  is  better 
to  obey  God  than  man."  Such  was  the  method  and 
justification  of  the  missionaries  which  Huss  sent  out, 
according  to  Stephen.  The  evangelical  party  was 
manifestly  in  the  ascendant.  Bohemia  might  almost 
be  considered  as  hopelessly  lost  to  the  church. 
Something  must  be  done  to  check  the  spreading 
heresy.  But  there  was  no  hope  in  the  king:  he 
could  not  be  relied  on,  but  was  rather  amused  with 
the  complaints  of  the  clergy.  There  was  no  hope 
in  the  barons :  they  strongly  sympathized  with 
Huss.  There  was  no  hope  in  the  archbishop  :  even 
now  there  may  have  been  ground  to  suspect  the  or- 
thodoxy of  his  intentions  in  regard  to  rooting  out  he- 
retical views.  The  university  was  already  lost  to  the 
church  party.  Help,  if  any  was  to  be  found,  must 
come  from  abroad.  There  was  a  conviction  becom- 
ing deeper  and  more  general  on  every  side,  among 
the  papal  party,  that  Huss  could  only  be  managed, 
and  his  heresy  restrained,  by  a  general  council. 
Might  not  one  be  convoked  ? 

This  was  a  question  not  only  agitated  in  Bohemia, 
but  all  over  Europe.      There   were  many  reasons 


278  life  an:>    :  ■  ■    lii ■    -.  [Oh.  X. 

which  conspired  to  urge  its  convocation.  The  scan- 
dalous condition  of  Christendom,  divided  in  alle- 
giance to  three  rival  pontiffs,  was  a  problem  which, 
by  general  consent,  demanded  the  assembled  wisdom 
of  the  chnrchfor  its  solution.  There  was,  moreover, 
on  all  sides  a  loud  demand  for  ecclesiastical  reform 
How  could  measures  which  bad  this  for  their  object 
be  initiated,  except  by  the  action  of  a  general  council  ? 
There  were,  indeed,  other  reasons  for  such  a  con- 
vocation, which  rested  upon  the  emperor's  mind  with 
peculiar  weight.  His  hereditary  kingdom  of  Hun- 
gary was  peculiarly  exposed  to  Moslem  invasion. 
Already  he  had  experienced  the  effects  of  the  power, 
valor,  and  fanatical  energy  of  his  terrible  neighbors. 
In  the  fearful  battle  of  Nicopolis  (1396)  an  army  of 
100,000  men,  drawn  from  every  part  of  Europe,  and 
among  whom  were  some  of  the  highest  nobility  of 
France,  had  been  routed  in  utter  and  almost  annihi- 
lating defeat.  Yet  it  had  been  their  proud  boast 
that  if  the  sky  should  fall  they  would  uphold  it 
upon  their  lances.  Few  escaped  from  the  field  of 
battle,  and  for  these,  enormous  ransoms  were  de- 
manded. Sigismund  himself  experienced  great  diffi- 
culty and  danger  in  attempting  to  return  to  Hun- 
gary, which  he  only  reached  after  a  twelve  months' 
absence,  and  even  then  to  find  in  Ladislansof  Naples 
a  dangerous  competitor  for  his  crown.  The  danger 
to  Europe  was  indeed  menacing.  The  Eastern  em- 
pire could  only  serve  as  a  temporary  barrier  to  the 
flashing  vengeance  of  Ilderim,  or  the  lightning,  as 
Bajazet,  the  Turkish  sultan,  was  called.  It  might 
well  be  that  he  would  soon  execute   his  exultant 


Ch.  X.]  MOSLEM   INVASION   THREATENED.  279 

threat  of  marching  to  Rome,  and  feeding  his  horse 
with  a  bushel  of  oats  upon  the  altar  of  St.  Peter. 
But  an  attack  of  the  gout  accomplished  what 
armies  were  weak  to  achieve.  It  stayed  the  day  of 
Moslem  vengeance,  and  granted  Europe  a  brief  re- 
prieve. Meanwhile  the  weak  emperor  of  the  East 
made  his  way  to  the  Western  courts  supplicating  aid. 
None  could  be  afforded ;  but  help  was  to  come  from 
another  source.  A  strange  ally  appeared,  invited 
by  the  diplomacy  of  the  Eastern  empire  and  the  ne- 
gociations  of  Christian  monarchs.  It  was  the  victo- 
rious Tamerlane — the  Napoleon  of  his  age — whose 
ambition  had  already  grasped  the  larger  part  of  Asia, 
and  could  brook  no  rival  empire.  More  than  1,000,- 
000  men  met  on  the  battle-field  of  Angoura,  in  Na- 
tolia,  (July  26th,  1402,)  and  Tamerlane  was  victo- 
rious. His  victim,  the  sultan,  is  said  to  have  dashed 
out  his  brains  against  the  bars  of  the  iron  cage  in 
which  he  was  confined  and  exhibited  by  his  con- 
queror. 

But  the  danger  had  only  been  deferred.  A  few 
years  passed,  and  the  Turkish  power  again  assumed 
a  threatening  aspect.  Sigismund  had  peculiar  reason 
to  beware  of  its  invasions.  Yet  how  could  he  hope 
to  meet  the  tide  and  roll  it  back,  unless  he  could  re- 
ceive the  united  support  of  Christendom  ?  But  the 
prospects  of  such  support,  while  the  church  was  rent 
by  schism  and  the  nations  were  arrayed  against  one 
another,  or  rent  by  internal  dissensions,  was  dark 
and  dubious.  The  troubles  and  discords  of  Bohemia, 
moreover,  required  attention,  and  the  emperor  was 
not  unmindful  of  the  glory  which  he  might  secure  as 


280  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUS3.  [Ch.  X. 

guardian  of  the  church  in  defending  her  against  foes 
within  as  well  as  without. 

All  these  motives  and  considerations  conspired  to 
enforce  the  policy  of  convoking  a  council.  The  de- 
mand for  it  came  from  diverse  and  distant  quarters. 
By  the  persuasions  of  the  emperor — persuasions 
pointed  with  threats  and  terror — John  XXIII.  re- 
luctantly consented  to  join  the  emperor  in  taking 
measures  for  its  convocation.  It  was  to  meet  at  Con- 
stance, an  imperial  city,  on  the  third  day  of  October, 
1414.  IIuss  was  cited  to  appear  before  it  and  an- 
swer the  charges  to  be  brought  against  him.  The 
emperor  directed  Wenzel  to  see  that  Huss  was  es- 
corted thither  properly  attended. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

SERMONS,  DOCTRINES,   AND  LETTERS  OF   HUSS. 

Geeson's  Letter.  —  Sermons  op  Hdss.  —  A  Lull  of  the  Storm.  —  Confidence 
of  Huss. — His  Influence.  —  His  Activity  During  this  Period.  —  His  Writ- 
ings.—  Reply  to  the  Eight  Doctors. — Other  Writings  of  Huss.  —  Their, 
Evangelical  Character.  —  Authority  of  Scripture  with  Huss. — The  Se- 
cret of  his  Strength. — Letters  During  his  Absence  from  Prague.  —  His 
Indecision  about  his  Return.  —  Letter  of  Sympathy  from  England.  — 
Period  of  Trial. 

1404-1414. 

The  course  of  Huss  had  made  him  many  enemies 
beyond  the  limits  of  Bohemia.  The  Germans  were 
enraged  at  the  part  he  had  taken  in  vindicating  the 
rights  of  the  Bohemian  nation  in  the  university. 
His  defence  of  Wickliffe  was  regarded  as  an  adoption 
of  all  his  objectionable  views,  though  the  inference 
was  in  fact  unwarranted.  England,  France,  and  Ger- 
many were  ready  to  lend  their  influence  to  silence 
the  reformer. 

John  Gerson  was  at  this  time  the  chancellor  of  the 
university  of  Paris.  He  was  probably  the  most  pow- 
erful subject  in  France,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  ex- 
cepted. Born  of  poor  parents,  he  had  raised  himself 
by  his  genius  and  application  to  a  position  in  which 
he  exerted  a  greater  sway  over  the  mind  of  Chris- 
tendom than  any  private  man  in  Europe.  We  can- 
not but  respect   his  ability,  and   acknowledge   the 


282  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JoJIIs     BUSS.  [Ctt  XI. 

general  integrity  of  his  course.  Tlie  whole  vigor 
and  energy  of  his  manhood  were  devoted  to  the 
interests  of  the  church,  and  the  removal  of  the  papal 
schism.  He  was  dismayed  at  the  intelligence  that 
reached  him  from  Bohemia.  Some  of  the  German 
students  who  left  Prague  would  doubtless  visit  the 
university  of  Paris,  and  report,  with  all  necessary 
exaggeration,  every  story  that  could  be  devised  or 
distorted  to  his  prejudice.  And  yet  Gerson's  bosom 
friend,  Clemengis,  had  uttered  truths  and  expostu- 
lations full  as  fervid  and  stinging  as  any  that  fell 
from  the  lips  of  the  Bohemian  reformer.  Could 
these  two  men  have  laid  aside  their  opposite  philos- 
ophies— for  Gerson  was  a  Nominalist,  and  Huss  a  Re- 
alist— and  have  become  acquainted  with  one  another, 
we  can  well  imagine  that  all  their  antagonism  would 
have  been  laid  aside,  and  they  have  rushed  with 
mutual  admiration  into  each  other's  arms. 

But  this  result  was  not  to  take  place.  Opposite 
philosophical  views  embittered  in  Gerson's  mind  the 
prejudice  which  he  had  already  conceived  against 
Huss.  He  regarded  him  only  as  a  heretic,  a  dan- 
gerous champion  of  Wickliffe,  to  be  punished  with 
severity.  A  historian,  opposed  to  Huss,1  has  pre- 
served us  the  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the  arch 
bishop  of  Prague,  during  the  absence  of  Huss  in  the 
year  1413.  Assuming  as  unquestioned  the  heresy 
of  Huss,  he  speaks  of  the  methods  of  extirpating  it. 
These  he  finds  to  have  been  in  past  times  various : 
"by  miracles  in  the  times  of  the  apostles;  by  argu- 
mentative  disputations  of  learned  men  afterward ; 

Cochliuus. 


Cu.  XL]  GERSOIn  S    LETTER.  283 

and  when  these  failed,  by  general  councils,  held 
under  the  favor  of  emperors.  Last  of  all,  when  the 
evil  became  desperate,  the  arm  or  the  secular  power 
was  invoked  to  cut  off  heresies,  with  those  that 
favored  them,  and  cast  them  into  the  fire,  thus 
guarding  against  their  word  eating  like  a  canker,  to 
their  own  and  others'  destruction."  He  suggests  to 
the  archbishop  that  his  path  of  duty  is  plain.  "  If 
false  teachers  sowing  heresy  demand  miracles,  let 
them  know  that  their  object  has  been  attained,  and 
they  are  passed  and  gone.  Our  faith  is  not  now  a 
novel  thing  to  be  confirmed  by  them.  These  men 
may  have  not  only  Moses  and  the  prophets,  but  the 
apostles  and  ancient  doctors,  as  well  as  the  holy 
councils.  They  have  also  modern  doctors,  gathered 
in  the  universities,  especially  that  mother  of  them, 
the  university  of  Paris,  which  has  been  free  of  heresy 
hitherto,  and,  with  God's  protection,  shall  be  for  ever. 
Having  all  these  things,  let  them  believe  them. 
Otherwise  they  would  not  believe,  though  one  rose 
from  the  dead.  There  will  be  no  end  to  disputing 
with  such  men,  who  contend  with  persevering  ani- 
mosity, and  lean  on  their  own  conceit.  Moreover, 
by  too  much  altercation  truth  suffers,  the  common 
people  are  scandalized,  and  charity  is  violated.  Such 
perversity  of  obstinate  men  comes  to  this  of  the  poet, 
JEgrescii  Medendo}  If,  then,  none  of  the  previously 
mentioned  remedies  avails,  it  only  remains  that  the 
axe  of  the  secular  arm  be  laid  at  the  root  of  the  bar- 
ren and  cursed  tree.  That  arm  you  are  to  invoke 
by  all  methods ;  and  you  are  required  to  do  it  by  a 

1  Is  sickened  by  remedies. 


284  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cii.  XI. 

regard  for  the  salvation  of  those  committed  to  your 
hands."™ 

The  university  of  Paris,  doubtless  at  the  insti- 
gation of  Gerson,  had  already  pronounced  sentence 
upon  some  of  the  more  obnoxious  doctrines  advo- 
cated by  Huss.1  His  enemies  were  busy  abroad  as 
well  as  at  home,  and  the  prospect  of  the  approaching 
council  would  not  slacken  their  diligence. 

Yet  an  examination  of  the  sermons  of  Huss, 
preached  in  the  earlier  years  of  his  ministry,  will 
show  that  at  that  time,  when  no  suspicion  of  his  or- 
thodoxy existed,  he  had  really  held  the  same  views 
which  were  subsequently  charged  as  heretical.  In 
them  we  find  those  ideas  advanced  which  were  the 
germ  of  his  treatise  on  the  church,  and  in  the  utter- 
ance of  his  rebukes  he  is  full  as  free  and  earnest  as 
at  any  subsequent  period.  He  had  commenced  his 
labors  in  Bethlehem  chapel  a  year  before  Sbynco  was 
elevated  to  the  archbishopric  of  Prague.  From  his 
reputation  for  integrity  and  ability,  as  well  as  from 
his  distinguished  position,  it  was  not  strange  that  he 
should  have  been  selected  during  successive  years 
to  preach  the  synodical  sermon.  On  the  first  oc- 
casion upon  which  he  discharged  this  duty — probably 
in  1404 — he  took  occasion  to  rebuke  the  tyrannic 
exercise  of  ecclesiastical  authority  by  which  worldly- 
minded  priests  exulted  over  the  poor,  in  the  infliction 
of  censures.  He  holds  up  to  reprehension  their 
drunkenness,  luxury,  and  lascivious  connections,  and 

1 A  list  of  these  may  be  found  in  the  teen  propositions  of  Huss  are  con- 
voking of  Eeck'sia<tie:il  History,  by  deinneil,  mainly  those  which  seemed 
P.  Nstalis   Alexander.     Some  seven-    most  allied  to  Wicklitl'e's  views. 


Ch.  XL]  HUSS'   SEKM0XS.  285 

calls  attention  to  their  avarice,  extortion,  and  am- 
bition to  secure  plurality  of  benefices.1 

In  his  synodical  sermon  of  the  following  year, 
(1405,)  he  distinctly  teaches  that  Christ,  and  not 
Peter,  is  the  rock  on  which  the  church  is  built ;  that 
the  church  of  the  predestinate  is  the  mystic  body  of 
Christ ;  that  every  priest  in  mortal  sin  is  an  enemy 
of  God ;  and  that  the  extortions  of  the  ecclesiastics 
are  detestable.  He  rebukes  the  monks  for  their  rob- 
bery, and  the  violation  of  their  vows  of  poverty, 
and  exposes  the  simony  that  trafficked  in  sacred 
things.2  In  his  discourse  in  1407,  he  is  especially 
severe  upon  the  corrupt  and  shameful  life  of  the 
clergy,  their  licentiousness,  disobedience,  quarrels, 
and  greed  of  gain;  and  he  does  not  fail  to  strike 
a  heavy  blow  at  the  gainful  frauds  practised  in  the 
sale  of  indulgences.  He  sees  worldly  prosperity,  but 
spiritual  misery  on  all  sides.  "  The  church  shines  in 
its  walls,  but  starves  in  its  poor  saints ;  it  clothes  its 
stones  with  gold,  but  leaves  its  children  naked." 3  His 
picture  of  priestly  luxury4  is  drawn  in  a  masterly 
manner.  Almost  everything  had  become  matter  of 
traffic.  All  the  offices  of  the  church  were  for  sale. 
Pride,  simony,  and  thirst  for  promotion  were  almost 
universal.  Yet  he  holds  that  none  but  he  who 
"puts  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  can  put  on  any 
moral  virtue,  and  declares  the  danger  lest  he  who  is 
a  pluralist  in  benefices  shall  be  a  pluralist  in  torments.5 

In  1410,  (March  4,)  Huss  preached  before  the  uni- 
versity; and  another  sermon  bears  date  Aug.  28th 
of  the  same  year.     In  these  he  refers  largely  to  cur- 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  ii.  27.     2  Ibid,  29-32.     3  Ibid,  36.     *  Ibid,  38.     6  Ibid,  39. 


280  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.   '        [Ch.  XT. 

rent  events.     lie  complains  of  those   doctors  who 
persecute  tin-  preachers  of  the  gospel  by  their  slan- 
ders.    "To  silence  them  they  invent  lies,  put  forth 
innuendoes,  say  that  by  their  love  of  error  they  havo 
driven  out  the  foreign  nations  from  the  university. 
They  falsely  accuse  them  of  thinking  ill  of  the  bod} 
of  Christ,  and  of  saying  that  the  pope  is  of  no  ac 
count."     It  seems,  therefore,  by  this  sermon,  that  he 
recognizes  the  authority  of  the  popes,  since  he  calls 
Alexander  V.,  and  John  XXIII.  who  had  just  been 
elected  his  successor,  vicars  of  the   apostles.      He 
prays  for  the  soul  of  one  in  case  of  his  having  com 
mitted  any  venial  sin,  and  for  the  sanctincation  of 
the  other. 

About  the  close  of  the  same  year  he  preached  on  the 
words  of  Luke,  xiii.  23 — "  Compel  them  to  come  in.v 
In  this  sermon  are  some  things  worthy  of  special  no- 
tice. He  holds  that  the  civil  power  extends  to  clergy 
as  well  as  laity.  Christ  subjected  himself  to  the  au- 
thority of  human  rulers.  A  prelate  should  be  feared, 
not  like  a  lay  prince,  for  corporeal  inflictions,  but  for 
the  spiritual  terrors  which  he  threatens  against  the 
guilty.  In  this  same  sermon  the  course  of  the  king 
is  commended  in  requiring  the  priests  to  preach  and 
discharge  their  office  under  penalty  of  losing  their 
revenues.  This  shows  that  the  interdict  was  disre- 
garded by  the  king,  and  that  at  this  time  he  did  not 
approve  of  the  measures  of  the  pope. 

In  the  following  year  Huss  preached  on  All-Saints 
day  on  the  words  of  John  xi.  21,  where  Martha  says; 
to  Jesus,  "  Lord,  if  thou  hadst  been  here  my  brother 

1  Mon.  Ilussi,  ii.  47. 


Cu.  XL]  VAIN    CEREMONIES.  287 

had  not  died."  In  this  sermon  he  treats  on  the  dif- 
ferent practices  of  commemorating  the  lives  of  the 
saints,  or  the  festivals  dedicated  to  their  memory. 
Some  of  these  he  approves,  and  others  he  condemns. 
Those  which  he  approves  are  meditation  on  the  mis- 
ery of  man  subjected  to  death  by  sin,  and  on  the 
death  of  Christ  on  account  of  our  sins.  This  medita- 
tion leads  us,  he  says,  to  enter  into  our  own  hearts, 
so  that  we  may  be  converted  and  die  happily.  We 
should  pray,  moreover,  for  the  dead,  and  thus  pro- 
cure aid  for  the  deeping  church,  that  is,  for  souls  in 
purgatory. 

That  which  he  reprehends  in  these  solemnities  is 
the  pomp  and  show  that  accompany  them,  the  false 
eulogies  of  the  dead,  and  the  profit  which  thereby 
accrues  to  the  priests.  On  this  subject  he  quotes  a 
Latin  verse : — 

De  morbo  niedicus  gaudet,  de  morte  Sacerdos.1 

"  To  what  serves  the  multiplication  of  vigils  in  the 
houses  of  those  who  have  died  rich,  except  for 
vain  praises?  There  is  no  great  anxiety  to  chaunt 
the  appointed  psalms,  either  on  the  part  of  him  who 
pays  or  the  priest  who  is  paid.  He  that  pays  only 
asks  that  numerous  vigils  be  performed  in  honor  of 
the  dead  ;  and  he  that  is  paid  is  only  anxious  to  be 
done  with  them.  To  this  end  he  hurries  through  his 
duty  as  fast  as  he  can.  To  what  end  is  this  pompous 
gathering  of  the  rich  to  the  processions  of  the  dead  ? 
Is  it  not  laughable  and  quite  ridiculous  to  see  the 
priests  comfortably  seated  on  their  cushioned  chairs, 

'  Disease  gratifies  the  physician,  death  the  priest. 


288  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.  [Cii.  XI. 

while  Christ  wept  over  the  tomb  of  Lazarus?  What 
is  the  use  of  the  ceaseless  tolling  of  so  many  bells. 
but  needlessly  to  lavish  out  money  that  might  be 
better  empL  >yed  ?  And  as  to  the  feasts  that  are 
made  after  the  burial,  in  what  do  they  end,  but 
gluttony,  drunkenness,  and  vain  conversations  ?  "  1 

Although  it  appears  by  this  sermon  that  Huss  still 
believed  in  purgatory,  he  did  not  regard  the  prayers 
of  the  living  for  the  dead  as  any  very  effectual  aid : 
"  because," 2  says  he,  "  the  matter  is  not  spoken  of  in 
the  whole  scripture,  except  in  the  second  book  of 
Maccabees,  which  is  not  reckoned  by  the  Jews  in 
the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament.  Neither  the  proph- 
ets, nor  Jesus  Christ,  nor  his  apostles,  nor  the  saints 
that  followed  them,  ever  taught  explicitly  that  we 
should  pray  for  the  dead ;  but  they  have  said  that 
he  that  lived  a  holy  life  should  be  saved.  For  my- 
self, I  believe  that  this  practice  has  been  introduced 
first  of  all  by  the  avarice  of  the  priests,  who  take 
little  trouble  to  exhort  the  people  as  the  prophets, 
Christ,  and  his  apostles  did,  to  an  holy  life  ;  but  ^  ho 
take  particular  pains  to  persuade  them  to  make  rich 
offerings,  in  the  hope  of  blessedness  and  a  speedy  de- 
liverance from  purgatory."  He  then  accuses  the 
priests  of  supporting  this  delusion  by  many  false- 
hoods, and  among  others,  by  this :  of  attributing  to 
St.  Gregory,  in  his  Stella  Clericorum,  the  words,  "  Oh  ! 
what  a  marvellous  gift  of  divine  mercy,  that  a  mass 
is  never  celebrated  which  does  not  result  in  these 
two  things — the  conversion  of  a  sinner,  and  the  de- 
liverance of  at  least  one  soul  from  the  pains  of  pur- 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  ii.  49.  a  Mon.  Ilussi,  ii.  52. 


Cn.  XL]  CLEMEXGIs'    EEBUKES.  289 

gatory."  He  maintains,  moreover,  that  the  mass  of 
a  wicked  priest  is  an  abomination  in  the  sight  of 
God,  and  can  be  of  no  service  either  to  the  living  or 
the  dead. 

The  abuses  of  saint's-days,  of  which  Huss  complain- 
ed in  his  sermons,  were  by  no  means  exaggerated. 
The  evil  throughout  Christendom  had  grown  to  an 
enormous  magnitude.  Almost  at  the  same  time  that 
Huss  was  calling  for  a  reform  at  Prague,  Clemengis, 
studying  the  scriptures  at  Langres,  had  his  attention 
forcibly  drawn  to  the  same  subject.  The  ex-rector 
of  the  university  of  Paris  is  not  one  whit  behind  the 
ex-rector  of  the  university  of  Prague  in  the  sever- 
ity of  his  rebuke.  "  From  sunrise  to  midnight,  they 
(the  multitude)  loiter,  swear,  blaspheme,  curse  God 
and  all  the  saints,  shouting,  disputing,  quarrelling. 
With  their  clamor,  tumult,  and  excess,  they  seem  to 
rave  like  madmen.  They  strive  to  see  who  can 
drink  the  most,  pledge  one  another  in  their  cups, 
become  drunk,  and  fall  to  violence  and  bloodshed. 
Passions  are  roused,  threats  uttered,  injuries  inflicted. 
The  wretched  criminals  are  brought  before  the 
courts,  found  guilty,  and  fined  so  heavily  that  the 
loss  of  one  day  cannot  be  made  good  by  a  month's 
labor. 

"  What  heathen,  acquainted  with  the  old  sacrile- 
gious ritual,  would  not  suppose,  if  he  could  be  present 
on  these  occasions,  that  they  were  rather  the  florals 
of  Venus  or  the  orgies  of  Bacchus,  than  the  festival 
of  a  saint,  especially  when  he  saw  such  enormities 
practised  as  was  customary  in  their  idolatrous  rites? 
That  festival  is  even  accounted  tame  and  uninterest- 
VOL.  i.  19 


290  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  XL 

ing  which  is  not  spiced  with  a  fight  and  bloodshed. 
Nor  need  we  be  surprised  that  Mars  should  become 
the  associate  of  Bacchus  and  Venus.  Minds  impelled 
by  wine  and  lost  are  readily  led  into  contention,  as 
by  the  poets  Venus  is  figured  united  to  Mars  by  a 
subtile  and  indissoluble  bond. 

"  Who  does  not  see  how  much  more  honest  and 
healthful  it  would  be  not  to  observe  these  festivals 
at  all,  than  to  observe  them  in  this  manner  ?  Whose 
heart  is  so  alien  to  all  that  is  reasonable,  so  led 
astray  by  the  perversity  of  error,  as  not  to  perceive 
that  there  is  less  evil  on  these  festivals  of  the  saints 
in  ploughing,  herding  flocks,  sowing,  and  other  rustic 
occupations,  than  to, — not  celebrate, — but  profane 
them  by  such  horrid  and  heathen  rites  ?  And  yet  if 
any  one  pressed  by  extreme  poverty  should  have  been 
found  to  have  done  any  work  in  his  field  or  vineyard, 
he  is  at  once  summoned  to  answer  for  a  violation 
of  the  day,  and  is  harshly  dealt  with.  But  he  who 
shall  commit  these  grosser  transgressions  against  the 
law  and  commandments  of  God,  may  go  free  of 
punishment,  and  even  of  accusation." 

In  regard  to  the  vigils  with  which  Huss  finds  fault, 
the  language  of  Clemengis  is  no  less  severe.  He  de- 
clares the  observance  of  them  in  many  cases  to  be 
base  and  shameful.  Some,  in  the  very  churches,  spend 
the  night  in  dances,  and  singing  wanton  songs,  play- 
ing at  dice,  and  using  impious  and  profane  language ; 
and  in  these  things  the  priests  joined,  furnishing  their 
flocks  a  fitting  example. 

Clemengis  reprehends  the  rites  of  some  of  the  fes- 
tivals more  recently  introduced.     The  lessons  that 


Ch.  XL]  CONFIDENCE    OF   HUSS.  291 

were  read  were  almost  all  of  them  apocryphal ;  the 
formula  of  the  service  was  itself  deformed,  utterly 
unfitted  to  excite  devotional  feeling,  of  trivial  mean- 
ing, and  uncouth  expression ;  by  the  puerilities  of 
rhythm  ministering  to  a  vain  and  barren  curiosity. 
Such  is  the  testimony  of  a  man  whose  learning,  char- 
acter, and  standing  give  his  words  the  greatest 
weight.1  The  language  of  Huss  is  temperate  and 
calm  by  the  side  of  that  of  the  learned  Frenchman, 
and  his  opportunities  for  observation  in  Bohemia, 
great  as  they  were,  did  not  surpass  those  of  Clemen- 
gis  in  France.  Surely,  with  such  grievous  corrup- 
tions obtruding  themselves  everywhere  upon  the 
notice  of  Christendom,  it  was  time  that  the  voice  of 
remonstrance  was  loudly  and  effectually  raised. 

It  thus  appears  that  from  the  first  Huss  had 
adopted  the  principles  which  he  maintained  to  the 
end.  His  earliest  sermons  are  as  earnest  and  severe 
as  those  which  were  preached  at  a  later  period.  If 
he  was  a  heretic  in  1412,  when  the  bulls  of  the  pope 
were  published  in  Prague,  he  was  equally  so  when 
he  preached  his  first  sermon  in  Bethlehem  chapel. 
Uniformly  he  had  appealed  to  scripture  as  the  su- 
preme authority  for  Christian  doctrine. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  Huss  had  grounds  of  confidence 
in  the  consistency  of  his  course  and  the  justice  of  his 
cause.  He  felt  ready,  therefore,  to  submit  them  to 
the  judgment  of  a  body  answering  to  his  ideal  of  the 
convocated  wisdom  and  piety  of  the  church.  Im- 
perfectly did  he  comprehend  the  effectiveness  of 
those  powerful  influences  which  were  conspiring  to 

'Clemeng.  Op. 


292  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.  [Cii.  XI. 

crush  him.     So  clear  was  lie  in  his  own  conviction-. 


so  sanguine  in  the  belief  that  the  Bimple  statement 
of  tli*'  grounds  of  his  faith  would  vindicate  him  from 

any  charge  of  heresy,  that  he  only  asked  the  priv- 
ilege of  a  free  audience  before  the  general  council 
which  it  was  proposed  to  convoke.  Upon  this  he 
insisted  in  his  letter  to  Sigisniund,  asking  for  a  safe- 
condnct. 

Nor  was  he  without  encouragement  in  the  affection 
of  his  fellow-citizens.  From  the  time  when,  on  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Germans,  he  had  been  elevated  to 
the  rectorship  of  the  university,  the  sympathy  of  the 
nation  had  rallied  to  his  side.  A  large  number  of 
the  educated  men  of  the  country  had  been  brought 
under  his  influence,  as  exerted  both  in  the  lecture- 
room  and  in  the  pulpit,  while  the  patriotic  feeling, 
both  of  the  nobility  and  of  the  common  people,  was 
strongly  enlisted  in  his  support. 

Indeed,  for  the  four  years  from  1409  to  1413, 
there  was  not  another  man  in  the  kingdom  whose 
influence  was  equal  to  his  own.  His  character,  abil- 
ity, position,  and  doctrines,  and  even  the  persecution 
which  had  driven  him  into  temporary  exile,  had  con- 
spired to  elevate  him  in  popular  esteem,  and  to  give 
publicity  and  effect  to  his  uttered  sentiments. 

This  period,  moreover,  had  been  one  characterized 
on  his  part  by  unwearied  effort  and  incessant  indus- 
try. Most  of  his  writings,  now  preserved  in  his  "  Mon- 
iimcnta"  were  produced  during  these  four  years. 
Among  these,  the  first  in  importance,  and  among 
the  earliest  in  date,  is  his  work  on  the  church,  the 
substance  of  which  has  already  been  given.     This 


Ch.  XL]     CONTROVERSY  WITH  THE  DOCTORS.     293 

work — the  extraordinary  ability  of  which  is  conceded 
by  his  opponents1 — gave  occasion  for  repeated  and 
prolonged  controversy,  and  some  of  the  ablest  efforts 
of  Huss  were  produced  in  defence  of  its  positions. 
Stanislaus  and  Paletz  had  united  to  assail  it.  To 
them  he  replied  with  overwhelming  force.  Both  of 
them  had,  at  the  time  of  the  interdict,  been  excom- 
municated along  with  Huss.  Terrified  by  the  bull, 
they  had,  in  the  most  humiliating  manner,  abandoned 
their  former  ground.  When  Huss  was  informed  of 
Paletz's  desertion,  he  replied,  "  Paletz  is  my  friend, 
and  truth  is  my  friend ;  but  both  being  my  friends, 
the  truth  I  must  honor  in  preference."  Indeed,  to 
appreciate  the  relative  position  of  the  two  men,  and 
the  course  which  Paletz  afterwards  took  as  the  perse- 
cutor of  his  friend,  we  need  to  know  what  Huss  has 
stated  in  his  writings  as  to  the  origin  of  the  difficulty. 
He  says,  "  On  the  publication  of  the  bull  of  crusade 
and  indulgences,  he  presented  me  with  a  paper,  in 
his  own  hand-writing,  stating  the  palpable  errors  of 
the  bull.  I  keep  this  paper  still  in  my  hands,  as 
evidence  of  what  I  say.  It  was  on  his  consultation 
with  another  colleague,  that  he  changed  his  course 
and  went  back." 2  With  such  facts  in  hand,  it  was 
not  difficult  for  Huss  to  place  his  old  associate  in  a 
most  unenviable  light. 

Still  more  important  in  some  respects  was  the  con- 
troversy of  Huss,  already  mentioned,  with  "The 
Ei2;ht  Doctors."  From  his  treatise8  in  connection 
with  it,  it  appears  that  Paletz,  stung  by  the  cutting 
reply  and  scathing  exposure  administered  by  Huss, 

1  CocMscus.  2  Mon.  Hussi,  228,  265.  3  Ibid,  293. 


20-4  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHH    III—.  [Ck  XL 

Lad  urged  upon  a  clerical    a-seniblage   at  Zebrak,  a 
more  active  prosecution  of  the  process  against  the 
reputed  heretic.     Others  Bhared  his  zeal,  and  Huss, 
for  reasons  more  obvious  in  his  age  than  in  ours,  of- 
fered  to  submit  himself — as  Savanarola  afterwards 
did — to  the  ordeal  by  fire.     But  with  the  good  sense 
that  must  have  characterized  his  estimate  of  a  bar- 
barous and  absurd  custom,  he  insisted  that  to  make 
the  terms  equal  all  his  accusers  should  submit  to  the 
same  ordeal.     To  this,  however,  they  very  naturally 
objected.     They  had  not  sufficient  confidence,  either 
in  the  justice  of  their  cause,  or  the  harmlessness  of 
the  flames,  to  warrant  them  in  walking  one  after  an- 
other into  the  midst  of  the  blazing  fagots.     They 
proposed  that  one  of  the  accusers  should  be  selected, 
and  that  he  and  Huss  together  should  undergo  the 
ordeal.     Huss  insisted — we  can  scarcely  believe  with- 
out something  of  a  grave  waggery — on  his  own  prop- 
osition.    It  was  too  much  for  his  clerical  opponents. 
They  were  affrighted,  and  declined  the  terms.     But, 
not  altogether  to  be  defeated,  the  eight  doctors  as- 
sail Huss  with  the  pen. 

It  was  a  most  unfortunate  measure.  The  eight 
combined  are  no  match  for  Huss,  single-handed  and 
alone.  His  treatise  is  one  of  the  ablest  arguments 
in  controversial  divinity  that  was  ever  penned.  Huss 
and  the  doctors  remind  us  of  Milton  and  Salmasius. 
For  keenness  of  reply,  vigor  of  retort,  and  caustic 
iron}',  the  Bohemian  and  the  Englishman  might  be 
accounted  peers;  and  surely,  in  the  old  blind  poet  of 
Em-land  there  could  not  have  been  a  more  devoted 
love  of  truth,  a  more  ardent  and  tearless  chivalry  in 


Ch.  XL]  HUSS    ON   TKANSUBSTAXTIATION.  295 

its  defence,  or  a  greater  readiness  to  risk  all  in  a  holy 
cause,  than  were  to  be  found  in  Huss. 

Other  works  of  the  reformer,  worthy  of  more  ex- 
tended notice  than  can  now  be  given  them,  are  his 
treatises  on  "  The  Three  Doubts,"  on  "  The  Body  of 
Christ,11  etc.,  and  his  "  Commentaries "  on  different 
portions  of  scripture,  as  well  as  several  smaller  works, 
in  which  his  views  on  important  subjects  are  clearly 
defined. 

Throughout  these  writings  the  sentiments  and  doc- 
trines are  for  the  most  part  such  as  would  now  be 
termed  Evangelical.  Occasionally  he  gives  utterance 
to  views  which  betray  the  lingering  influence  of  tra- 
dition and.  authority.  Transubstantiation  he  main- 
tains,1 in  as  firm  a  tone  as  Luther  employed  when  he 
met  Zwingle  with  the  repeated  citation,  "  This  is  my 
body."  He  allows,  though  very  cautiously,  and  with 
qualification,  of  prayers  for  the  dead.  He  was  as  yet 
satisfied  with  the  old  observance  of  the  eucharist  in 
which  bread  only  was  administered.  He  allowed 
confession  to  a  priest,  and  a  qualified  absolution, 
although  he  contended  that  none  could  forgive  sins 
but  God  only. 

But  in  the  most  explicit  manner  he  maintains  that 
the  scriptures  are  the  only  supreme  authority  in 
matters  of  faith,  and  vindicates  "  The  sufficiency  of 
the  law  of  Christ  for  the  rule  of  the  church."  False 
decretals,  traditions,  and  priestly  sirperstitions  are 
thus  swept  away  at  a  single  stroke.  Christ  is  the 
sole  head  of  the  church,  and  no  bull  or  excommuni- 
cation is  to  be  regarded  which  conflicts  with  justice 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  164. 


20G  LIFE   AXB   TIMES   OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  XL 

or  with  the  cause  of  Christian  truth.  It  is  first  of  all 
to  be  tried  l>y  the  word  of  God.     In  his  reprobation 

of  the  sale  of  indulgences,  and  masses  for  the  dead, 
lie  was  most  severe.  While  not  as  distinct  as  later 
reformers  on  tlie  doctrine  of  justification  l>y  faith,  he 
holds  that  "  Christ  is  the  basis  of  all  merit  of  the 
members  of  the  church,"  and  that  works  without 
faith  are  of  no  avail. 

But  in  the  exposition  of  the  claims  of  the  law  of 
God  in  setting  forth  its  condemnation  of  all  sin  and 
wickedness, — the  venality,  avarice,  ambition,  extor- 
tion, sensuality,  and  vice  of  the  ecclesiastical  orders, 
and  indeed  of  all  classes, — he  expended  his  strength. 
His  own  life  was  above  reproach,  and  his  vehement 
rebukes  did  not  lose  their  force  by  being  made  to 
recoil  upon  himself. 

This  was  one  great  secret  of  his  strength.  In  a  cor- 
rupt and  venal  age  he  refused  the  bribes  of  ambi- 
tion, and  stood  unawed  by  the  terrors  of  power.  He 
was  known  as  one  set  for  the  defence  of  truth.  The 
strength  of  his  convictions  contributed  to  make  him 
strong. 

And  in  his  letters,  written  during  his  exile  from 
Prague,  we  gather  instructive  views  of  his  aims  and 
character,  as  well  as  of  the  earnestness  of  his  pur- 
pose. An  active  correspondence  was  kept  up  with  his 
friends  in  the  capital.  Throughout  this  correspond- 
ence there  breathes  the  spirit  of  a  most  ardent  and 
glowing  devotion,  while  the  deep  and  apostolic  anx- 
iety with  which  he  watched  over  the  spiritual  wel- 
fare and  progress  of  his  absent  flock,  is  betrayed  in 
almost  every  line.     The  reasons  of  his  withdrawal 


Ch.  XL]  LETTEES   DURING   HIS    EXILE.  297 

from  Prague  are  discussed.  "  '  The  hireling  neeth.* 
I  have  thought  of  that.  But  we  must  pray  for  guid- 
ance. We  can  do  nothing  better.  Tell  me  whether  my 
absence  gives  occasion  for  scandal.  Are  sacraments 
administered  ?     Pray  God  to  direct  me  what  to  do." 

Again,  he  writes  to  the  friend  who  had  succeeded 
to  his  place  as  rector :  "  Your  letter  consoles  me, 
where  you  say  that  the  righteous  will  not  be  over- 
whelmed with  sadness,  let  what  will  happen,  and  all 
that  will  live  godly  must  suffer  persecution.  What 
to  me  are  riches,  honors,  or  disgrace  ?  My  sins  alone 
grieve  me.  What  if  the  just  man  lose  his  life ;  it  is 
only  to  find  the  true  life.  God  will  yet  destroy  An- 
tichrist. Be  prepared  for  the  conflict.  Woe  is  me 
if  I  do  not  expose  the  abomination  of  desolation  by 
preaching,  teaching,  and  writing."  Again,  in  another 
letter,  he  says,  "  I  count  it  all  joy  that  I  am  called 
a  heretic,  and  so  am  excommunicated  as  disobedient. 
With  Peter  and  John,  it  is  better  to  obey  God  than 
man.  The  word  of  God  is  to  be  preached."  He 
cites  the  examples  of  ancient  saints  to  confirm  his 
own  faith  under  his  harsh  experience/250 

But  his  enforced  separation  from  his  beloved  flock 
bore  heavily  upon  his  spirits.  His  heart  was  still 
with  them.  He  did  not  forget  to  admonish  and  en- 
courage them  in  his  absence.  Personal  consequences 
to  himself  alone  would  not  have  kept  him  from  them. 
"  I  have  withdrawn  myself,"  he  says,  "  that  I  may  not 
prove  to  the  wicked  an  occasion  of  everlasting  dam- 
nation, and  to  the  good,  cause  of  oppression  and 
trouble." *     Again  he  writes :  "  I  say  to  you,  my  be- 

1  Epis.  xi. 


298  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Cn.  XI. 

loved,  though  I  am  not  in  prison,  yet  I  would  gladly, 
for  Christ's  sake,  die  and  be  with  him;  and  yet  I 
would  gladly,  too,  for  your  good,  preach  to  you  God's 
word;  but  I  am  in  a  strait  betwixt  two,  and  know 
not  which  to  choose.  For  I  await  God's  mercy,  and 
I  fear  again  lest  something  bad  be  done  among  you, 
so  as  to  expose  the  faithful  to  persecution,  and  the 
unbelieving  to  eternal  death." 

He  reminds  his  Bethlehem  congregation  of  his 
many  years  of  service  among  them,1  and  its  fruits,  and 
says,  "  For  this,  as  God  is  my  witness,  I  have  labored 
more  than  twelve  years  among  you  preaching  the 
divine  word ;  and  in  this,  my  greatest  consolation 
was  to  observe  your  earnest  diligence  in  hearing 
God's  word,  and  to  witness  the  true  and  sincere  re- 
pentance of  many."  He  bids  them  beware  of  fickle- 
ness, and  "  have  no  regard  for  those  persons  walking 
a  crooked  path,  wdio  have  turned  about,  and  are  now 
the  most  violent  enemies  of  God,  and  our  enemies." 
For  himself,  he  asks  their  prayers,  that  God  would 
give  him  good  success  in  preaching  his  word.  "  In 
all  the  places  where  a  need  exists — in  cities,  in  vil- 
lages, in  castles,  in  the  fields,  in  the  forests,  wherever 
I  can  be  of  any  use — pray  for  me  that  the  word  of 
God  may  not  be  kept  back  in  me." 

To  the  citizens  of  Prague  he  writes,  (Christmas  of 
1413,)  urging  them  to  be  constant  in  hearing  the 
word  of  God.  "With  scriptural  admonitions  he  ex- 
horts and  encourages  them,  reminding  them  how 
Christ  was  treated.  "  I  hear,"  he  says,  "  of  the 
plan  in  agitation  for  tearing  down  or  invading  the 

1  Epis.  xiii. 


Ch.  XL]  LETTERS    TO    HIS    EELENDS.  299 

churches  where  the  gospel  is  preached,  Bethlehem 
chapel  especially.  I  am  confident  that  God  will  not 
suffer  them  to  accomplish  anything.  They  tried  to 
catch  the  goose  (Huss)  in  the  net  of  citations  and 
anathemas,  and  now  they  are  having  designs  upon 
some  of  you.  But,  instead  of  a  single  swallow,  the 
truth  has  sent  forth  many  eagles,  that  fly  high  in  the 
strength  of  Christ.  Pray  for  me,  that  I  may  write 
and  preach  'more  abundantly  against  the  wicked- 
ness of  Antichrist. 1  .  .  .  If  I  came  to  Prague, 
my  enemies  would  lie  in  wait  for  me,  and  would 
persecute  you.  But  we  will  pray  for  them,  that  the 
elect  among  them  may  be  saved." 

In  another  letter,  he  says,  "  I  am  at  a  loss  what 
to  do ;  if  I  return  to  Prague,  my  presence  might 
bring  trouble.  .  .  .  Do  not  be  disturbed  for  my 
absence;  I  trust  in  God  that  all  will  yet  turn  out 
well.  Let  them  sing  their  ribaldry,  or  crucify  me 
with  their  blasphemies,  or  stone  the  church  doors,  if 
they  will."  2 

From  these  letters  it  is  evident  that  some,  during 
his  absence,  were  urgent  for  his  return  to  Prague. 
This,  however,  was  at  the  time  contrary  to  his  own 
judgment.  He  desired  to  return,  both  on  his  own 
account  and  for  the  sake  of  his  friends,  but  he  did 
not  deem  it  wise.  He  consoles  them  with  encourage- 
ments drawn  from  the  prophecies  of  Christ's  second 
coming.  "  I  fled,"  he  says,  "  because  Christ  bids  those 
that  are  persecuted  in  one  city  to  flee  into  another. 
He  did  so  himself.  Some  of  your  priests  would  be 
glad  to  have  me  back  at  Prague,  to  bring  the  inter- 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  98.  2  Epis.  vi. 


300  LIFE    AM)   TIMES   OF  JOHN"   HUBS.  [Cu.  XI. 

diet  in  force,  only  that  they  might  be  relieved  of 
Baying  masses  at  the  canonical  hours.  They  how- 
ever are  stung  by  the  gospel.  I  should  be  glad  in- 
deed to  come  back  and  see  you,  and  preach  the 
gospel." 

To  the  citizens  of  a  neighboring  town,1  to  which 
it  appears  the  reform  movement  had  extended,  Huss 
writes  an  encouraging  letter:  "I  have  never  seen 
you,  but  I  have  heard  of  your  faith.  I  am  unknown 
to  you  by  face,  but  in  Christ  I  would  be  faithful  for 
your  salvation." 

Of  the  letters  which  he  received  during  this 
period  of  his  exile,  but  one  has  been  preserved.  It 
came  from  England,  and  it  bore  to  Huss  the  expres- 
sion of  the  sympathy  and  consolations  of  a  Christian 
brother,  "  unknown  by  face,  but  not  by  faith  and 
love,  for  space  cannot  separate  those  whom  the  love 
of  Christ  unites."  How  precious  and  cheering  to 
him  such  sympathy  and  brotherhood  from  the  land 
of  "Wickliffe  !  Bohemia  had  caught  the  echo  of  re- 
form from  England,  and  now  Prague  was  prepared 
to  respond  in  the  person  of  one  not  unworthy  to  rank 
as  WicklifiVs  peer. 

Yet  the  period  from  the  first  publication  of  the 
interdict  until  final  return  of  Huss  to  Prague,  had 
been  one,  to  him,  of  severe  trial.  His  enemies  were 
not  disposed  to  leave  him  at  peace.  His  anxieties  in 
behalf  of  what  he  regarded  as  the  sacred  cause 
of  truth,  knew  no  intermission.  His  warfare  with 
error  and  with  abounding  iniquity  was  vigorous  and 
incessant.     Yet  if  he  had  been  willing  to  abandon 

1  Epis.  xiv. 


Ch.  XL]  INTEGRITY    OF   HUSS.  301 

his  ground  and  belie  his  own  convictions,  he  could 
almost  have  imposed  his  own  terms.  But  he  was 
not  a  man  to  be  bought  or  sold.  His  conscience  was 
made  of  sterner  stuff. 

From  his  own  declarations,  we  know  that  his  in- 
ward conflicts  were  severe.  Yet,  so  far  as  we  can 
judge  from  the  course  of  his  public  career,  he  never 
wavered.  Not  for  a  single  moment  did  he  so  far 
forget  his  position  or  duty,  as  to  yield  to  guilty  com- 
promise. Amid  the  surging  agitations  around  him 
he  stands  ever  firm,  like  the  rock  amid  the  billows. 
Power  has  no  terrors,  and  honor  has  no  bribes,  that 
can  sway  him  from  the  straightforward  path  of  duty. 

Such  is  the  man  who,  in  the  calm  confidence  of 
his  own  innocence  and  of  the  justice  of  his  cause, 
patiently  awaits  the  assembling  of  a  general  council, 
to  which  he  will  carry  his  appeal.1 

1  Some  of  Huss'  writings  during  ing  his  life,  Tabor  became  a  kind 

his  absence  from  Prague,  are  dated  of  center  of  reform,  as  it  was  after- 

from  Ausch.     (Austi.)      His  resi-  ward  the  head-quarters  of  the  Ta- 

dence  for  the  most  part  was  in  the  borites.   At  length,  to  be  nearer  his 

vicinity  of  Tabor,  and  contributed  friends,  he  accepted  the  invitation 

not  a  little  to  the  subsequent  rapid  of  a  nobleman,   Henry   of  Lazan 

spread  of  his  doctrines  in  that  lo-  (Lazembock),  to  reside  at  his  cas- 

cality,  as  will  be  noted  hereafter,  tie  Krakonek,  in  the  Rakonitz  circle. 

Palacky    states    that    the    people  From  this  place  he  went  abroad  to 

flocked  to  hear  him  from  all  the  neighboring  towns  and  villages, and 

surrounding  region,  heedless  of  ec-  preached  to  multitudes, 
clesiastical  prohibition.  Thus,  dur- 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE    COUNCIL. 

Assembling  of  tiie  Council  of  Constance.  —  Selection  of  the  Place.  —  Its 
Situation.  —  Its  Present  Condition.  —  Memorials  of  the  Council.  —  The 
Summons  of  the  Emperor  and  Pope  Calling  it. —  Death  of  Ladislaus. — 
Reluctance  of  the  Pope  to  go  to  Constance.  —  The  Emperor  Yields  to 
the  Demands  of  the  Pope.  —  The  Pope  on  his  Journey.  —  The  Princes. — 
Sigismcnd  and  his  Position  in  Regard  to  the  Council.  —  Huss  at  Prague. — 
Prepares  to  Leave. — Vindications  of  his  Innocence.  —  Challenges  Accu- 
sation.—  Parting  of  Huss  and  Jerome.  —  Emperor's  Letter. —  Huss'  Pro- 
tectors.—  Farewell  Letter.  —  Forebodings  of  Huss. —  His  Firmness.  — 
Letter  to  Martin. —  The  Martyr  Spirit.  —  The  Jocrnet.  —  Kindly  Recep- 
tions of  Huss. —  Letter  from  Ncremburg. —  Reaches  Constance. —  Scenes 
In  and  Without  the  City.  —  Their  Contrast  with  Christian  Simplicity. — 
Learning  Represented  at  the  Council.  —  Poggio. — Niem. — JLneas  Syl- 
vius. —  Zabarella.  —  Manuel  Chrysoloras.  —  Gerson. —  D'Ailly.  —  Thb 
Universities. — Humble  Position  of  Huss  amid  these  Scenes. 

Sept.,  1414-Nov.,  1414. 

The  time  had  at  length  arrived  for  the  assembling 
of  the  council  of  Constance.  Never  had  any  similar 
event  occurred  in  the  history  of  the  church  which  ex- 
cited a  deeper  or  more  general  interest  throughout 
the  Christian  world.  The  schism  which  had  rent 
the  church  in  pieces,  and  arrayed  one  portion  against 
the  other — the  profligacy  and  reckless  ambition  of 
the  rival  popes — the  wide  and  fearful  corruption 
which  had  spread  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest 
dignitaries  of  the  hierarchy — the  alleged  heresies  of 
Huss  and  Petit — and  the  almost  utter  neglect  into 
which   ecclesiastical  authority  had  fallen,  combined 


Ch.  XII.]  CITY   OF   COINTSTAXCE.  303 

to  render  the  assembling  of  the  council  an  event 
from  which  no  ordinary  results  were  anticipated. 
The  emperor  himself  postponed  regard  for  the  in- 
terests of  his  kingdom  to  promote  the  convocation 
and  the  success  of  the  council.  It  was  in  his  view  a 
greater  glory  to  restore  Christendom  to  the  unity  of 
a  common  head,  than  achieve  victory  or  conquest  on 
the  field  of  battle.  By  his  exertions  the  great  ob- 
stacles to  the  convoking  of  a  council  had  been  met 
and  removed,1  and  at  the  appointed  time  throngs 
from  every  portion  of  Christendom  began  to  pour 
into  the  ancient  city  of  Constance. 

This  city  had  been  chosen  by  the  emperor  as  the 
place  for  the  assembling  of  the  council.  Reluctantly 
had  the  pope  receded  from  his  resolution  not  to 
allow  its  convocation  where  his  power  and  authority 
would  not  be  paramount.2  The  position  of  Constance 
was  central,  and  comparatively  easy  of  access.  It  was 
within  the  circle  of  Swabia,  and  subject  to  the  im- 
perial authority.  Neither  of  the  popes  could  here 
hope  to  control,  or  restrain  the  freedom  of,  the  ad- 
herents of  the  other. 

The  city  of  Constance  is  situated  upon  the  borders 
of  the  lake  to  which  it  gives  it  name.  At  the  time 
of  the  council,  and  in  the  most  flourishing  period  of 
its  history,  it  contained  little  short  of  fifty  thousand 
inhabitants.  The  traveller  now  finds  scarcely  a  tithe 
of  its  former  population  within  its  walls.  Old  and 
curious  houses,  still  standing,  meet  his  eye  as  he 
walks  the  streets,  but  many  of  them  untenanted. 
On  the  shores  of  the  lake,  and  but  a  few  feet  from 

1  Fleury  xxv.  350,  351.  ■  lb.  349. 


304  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUS3.  [Cn.  XII. 

the  landing,  he  sees  the  Kaufhmi8^  or  market,  mem- 
orable still  as  the  place  where  the  sessions  of  the 
council  were  held.  It  was  built  A.  D.  1338,  and,  at 
the  time  of  the  assembling  of  the  council  three-quar- 
ters of  a  century  later,  offered  the  best  accommoda- 
tions for  a  large  audience-chamber  to  be  found  with- 
in the  city.  As  the  traveller  walks  up  the  solid  steps 
of  the  edifice,  once  so  thronged  but  now  comparative- 
ly deserted,  he  enters  the  second  story — a  wide,  low 
room,  supported  by  heavy  wooden  pillars,  and  with 
a  rough  plank  floor,  like  that  of  a  barn.  More  than 
four  hundred  years  ago  this  room  was  occupied  by 
an  assembly  such  as  Christendom  had  never  seen 
convoked  before.  The  chair  of  the  emperor,  and 
the  one  in  which  the  pope  for  a  short  time  presided 
over  the  sessions  of  the  council,  together  with  other 
relics,  form  a  museum  of  curiosities  which  are  care- 
fully preserved. 

The  summons  to  the  council  had  been  issued  by 
the  emperor,  with  the  constrained  assent1  of  John 
XXIII.,  in  October  1413.f29)  The  cardinals  more  read- 
ily united  in  the  summons,  at  least  a  portion  of  them. 
Full  assurances  of  security  for  person  and  property 
were  given  to  all  who  should  attend.  The  emperor 
pledged  himself  not  to  interfere  with  the  respect 
claimed  for  the  pope,  or  to  put  hindrances  in  the  way 
of  his  exercising  his  authority. 

In  December  the  pope  issued  his  proclamation 
also,  directing  all  prelates  to  be  present  in  person  at 
the  council,  and  all  princes  who  could  not  attend  to 
send2  deputies,  who  should  be  authorized  to  act  in 

1  Fleury,  xxv.  3-19,  gives  the  statements  of  Aretin.        ■  Fleury,  xxv.  357. 


Oh.  XII.]  THE   POPE'S    EELUCTAISTCE.  305 

their  name.  In  the  vast  crowd  that  obeyed  the 
summons,  we  find  nearly  all  the  men  of  the  age  who 
were  eminent  in  learning,  station,  and  authority.  In 
some  cases  they  were  freely  elected,  as  at  Paris,  by 
provincial  or  national  councils ;  and  a  fixed  rate  was 
allowed  for  their  expenses,  that  nothing  might  inter- 
fere with  their  presence  and  their  regular  attendance 
upon  the  sessions  of  the  council. 

The  only  one  of  the  rival  popes  who  personally  ap- 
peared at  Constance  was  John  XXIII.  The  hostility 
of  Ladislaus  in  Italy  had  contributed  greatly  to  in- 
duce him  to  consent  that  the  council  should  be  sum- 
moned to  meet  in  a  city  beyond  the  limits  of  his 
government ;  but  at  the  last  moment,  when  he  was 
about  to  set  out  for  Constance,  he  heard  the  welcome 
intelligence  of  Ladislaus'  death.  This  man,  his  bitter 
foe,  had  gathered  an  army  for  the  siege  of  Bologna, 
when  he  was  arrested  by  the  hand  of  disease,  and 
forced  to  withdraw,  first  to  Rome  and  then  to  Naples, 
where  he  breathed  his  last.1  The  pope's  former  re- 
luctance to  leave  Italy  returned.2  He  stood  no  longer 
in  pressing  need  of  Sigismund's  aid.  In  his  anxiety 
to  secure  Rome  again,  he  sent  his  general,  Isolani,  to 
seize  and  take  possession  of  it.  He  would  have  been 
glad  to  have  followed  himself.  It  is  amusing  to  see 
the  efforts  of  the  pope  and  emperor  to  elude  and 
deceive  one  another.  Sigismund  was  afraid  that 
now,  after  all,  the  pope  would  not  appear  at  Con- 
stance. Some  of  his  friends  warned  him  of  the 
danger  he  incurred  of  going  thither  as   pope  and 

1  Monstrelet,   i.,   316,  relates  the    other  authority  makes  John  XXIII:. 
horrid  manner  of  his  death,  poisoned     responsible  for  the  deed, 
by  the  daughter  of  his  physician.  An-        2  Fleury,  xxv.  388. 

vol.  i.  20 


306  LIFE   AND   TTMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.  lCh.  XH. 

coming  Lack  a  private  man.  But  the  counsel  of  the 
cardinals,  more  anxious  for  the  union  of  the  church, 
prevailed.1  John  determined,  before  he  set  out,  to 
secure  of  the  emperor  the  most  advantageous  terms 
possible.  Sigismund,  on  his  part,  dared  not  refuse 
the  pope's  demands,  lest  his  absence  should  defeat  the 
design  of  the  council.  The  emperor's  commissary  at 
Constance  was  to  accept,  in  the  emperor's  name,  the 
pope's  terms,  and  the  magistrates  and  burgesses  of 
Constance  were  exhorted  and  commanded  to  swear, 
on  their  part,  to  their  faithful  observance.  No  pre- 
text was  to  be  left  the  pope  for  non-appearance.  The 
emperor  knew  the  man  with  whom  he  had  to  deal, 
and,  with  a  policy  which  matched  the  pope's,  con- 
ceded everything.  John  XXIII.  was  to  be  received 
at  Constance  with  all  the  honors  due  to  the  papal 
dignity:  he  should  be  recognized  as  true  and  sole 
pontiff;  he  should  be  at  perfect  freedom  to  come  or 
go,  and  should  exercise  his  authority  over  his  de- 
pendents and  all  that  appertained  to  him,  without 
restriction.  The  city  was  bound  to  see  that  justice 
was  done  him,  and  his  safe-conducts  were  to  be  recog- 
nized and  respected.  Such  were  the  terms  sworn  to 
and  signed,  by  order  of  the  emperor,  before  the  pope 
would  set  out  for  the  council. 

At  length,  with  many  fears  and  forebodings,  he 
commenced  his  journey.2  On  the  first  of  October, 
1414,  he  left  Bologna.  His  equipage  and  attendance 
were  splendid  and  imposing.  Gold,  silver,  gems,  and 
costly  raiment  added  to  the  pomp  and  magnificence 
■of  a  princely  retinue  of  cardinals,  nobles,  and  their 

1  Fleury,  xrv.  389.  "  Godeau,  xxxvi.  408. 


Ch.  XII.]  THE   POPE    AT   CONSTANCE.  30  7 

attendants.  At  Merau  he  paused  in  his  journey  to 
confirm  his  alliance  with  Frederic,  Duke  of  Austria, 
"by  which  each  was  bound  to  support  the  other  in  his 
designs.  On  the  twent}T-eighth  of  October  the  pope 
reached  Constance.  Nine  cardinals  only,  of  the  thirty- 
three  who  should  have  been  present,  were  in  his 
train.  With  these,  however,  and  a  large  number  of 
bishops  and  archbishops,  and  with  the  servants  of 
his  court,  he  made  his  entrance  on  horseback  into 
the  city.  His  reception  was  all  that  he  could  have 
claimed  or  expected.  The  clergy  and  magistrates 
met  and  escorted  him  with  imposing  pomp  to  the 
episcopal  palace. 

Already  the  streets  were  thronged  with  strangers 
from  every  part  of  Christendom,  and  more  were  on 
their  way.  There  came  thither  to  this  celebrated  < 
council  thirty  cardinals,  twenty  archbishops,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  bishops,  as  many  prelates,  a  multi- 
tude of  abbots  and  doctors,  and  eighteen  hundred 
priests.  Among  the  sovereigns  who  attended  in 
person,  could  be  distinguished  the  Elector  Palatine, 
the  Electors  of  JV^ntz  and  of  Saxony,  and  the  Dukes 
of  Austria,  of  Bavaria,  and  of  Silesia.  There  were, 
besides,  a  vast  number  of  margraves,  counts,  and 
barons,  and  a  great  crowd  of  noblemen  and  knights. 
At  one  time  there  might  have  been  counted,  as  we 
are  told,1  thirty  thousand  horses  within  the  circuit  of 
the  city.  Each  prince,  nobleman,  and  knight  was 
attended  by  his  train,2  and  the  number  of  persons 
present  from  abroad  is  estimated  to  have  been  not 

1  Fleury,  xxv.  393.  men ;  that  of  the  Pope  600  ;  and  that 

2  Helfert  states  that  the  escort  of    of  the  Emperor  1000.     P.  167. 
the  Duke  of  Warwick  was  500  horse- 


(Ll 


"ns  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.  [Cn.  XII. 

Less  than  forty  or  fifty  thousand.  Among  these  were 
reckoned  almost  every  trade  and  profession,  and 
some  whose  profession  was  their  disgrace,  bnt  whose 

instincts  and  tastes  made  them  seek  the  welcome  they 
found  among  the  miscellaneous  crowd. 

The  pope  had  already  reached  Constance,  "  the  pit 
for  catching  foxes,"  as  lie  called  it,1  while  observing 
it  on  his  approach  from  a  neighboring  hill.  The 
emperor  was  more  tardily  to  make  his  appearance. 
Among  the  feeble  monarchs  of  that  day,  in  Europe, 
he  towered  conspicuous.  Active,  enterprising,  intrep- 
id, inexhaustible  in  resources,  he  owed  the  imperial 
sceptre  mainly  to  his  own  exertions.  Often  unsuc- 
cessful, his  reverses  were  never  suffered  to  repress  his 
spirit  or  damp  his  energies.  All  the  varieties  of  his 
experience  had  conspired  to  make  him  a  shrewd  and 
able  politician,  while  his  devotion  to  the  interests  of 
the  church  had  gained  him  an  influence  and  reputa- 
tion that  veiled  the  selfishness  of  his  aims. 

At  the  period  of  the  assembling  of  the  council, 
Sigismund  was  in  the  full  strength  and  vigor  of  a 
mature  manhood,  with  a  prestige  and  power  that  re- 
strained, if  they  could  not  suppress,  the  dissatisfac- 
tions of  enemies  and  rivals.  Tie  was  forty-seven 
years  of  age,  and  to  the  respect  which  he  claimed 
for  the  vigor  and  energy  of  his  measures,  must  be 
added  the  impression  of  his  personal  appearance. 
His  manners  were  noble  and  engaging:.  His  look 
and  walk  bespoke  the  emperor.  He  could  converse 
with  facility  in  several  languages,  nor  as  the  son  of 
Charles  IV.  was  he  wanting  in  that  regard  for  litera- 

1  L'Enfant,  i.  19.     Gockau,  xxxvi.  410. 


Ch.  XII.]  CHARACTER   OF   THE   EMPEROR.  309 

ture  whicli  honored  at  once  his  father's  memory  and 
his  own  tastes.  "  I  can  in  a  single  day  make  a  thou- 
sand noblemen,"  he  used  to  say,  "  but  in  a  thousand 
years  I  cannot  make  a  single  scholar." 1  The  fierce 
and  often  sanguinary  impulses  of  his  youth  had  been 
checked  by  his  own  discretion,  as  well  as  by  the  les- 
sons of  experience.  The  example  of  his  brother 
served  as  a  warning  against  the  indulgence  of  his 
lusts ;  and  though  his  impetuous  temper,  even  on  the 
throne,  sometimes  gained  the  mastery,  it  was  only  for 
the  moment  that  the  cooler  dictates  of  reason  and 
policy  were  forced  to  give  way.  His  brother's  ruling 
passion  was  for  wine  and  revelry,  and  it  made  him 
reckless  of  expenditure ;  but  Sigismund,  by  his  aspi- 
ration for  the  honor  of  restoring  peace  and  union  to 
the  church,  and  in  the  pursuance  of  this  design,  was 
also  liberal  even  to  a  degree  of  prodigality.  With 
much  that  was  grand  and  chivalrous  in  his  nature, 
his  life  shows  that  he  could,  when  necessary,  adopt 
the  arts  of  fraud  and  dissimulation  to  promote  his 
purpose,  and  his  memory  will  never  lose  the  stain 
which  his  shameful  breach  of  trust  toward  the  Bohe- 
mian reformer  has  made  indelible.  With  such  sta- 
tion, talents,  and  reputation,  the  influence  of  Sigis- 
mund in  the  council  was  more  controlling  and  deci- 
sive than  that  of  any  other  member. 

On  the  eleventh  of  October,  while  the  pope  was 
yet  midway  on  his  journey,  John  Huss  left  Prague 
for  Constance.  Before  quitting  the  Bohemian  cap- 
ital, he  took  occasion  to  make  a  full  declaration  of 
his  doctrinal  views.     Although  his  mind  must  at 

1  ^Eneas  Sylvius,  45.     Quoted  by  L'Enfant,  i.  48. 


810  T.I  I  I :    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUB  [Cu.  XII. 

times  have  been  filled  by  melancholy  presentiments, 
his  heart  did  not  quail,  nor  did  he  neglect  any  legit- 
imate means  of  vindicating  his  innocence.    He  openly 

declared  his  purpose  to  render  at  Constance,  before 
the  assembled  representatives  of  the  Christian  world, 
a  testimony  of  his  faith.  A  few  days  before  his  de- 
parture,1 in  a  paper  affixed  to  the  gates  of  the  palace, 
he  announced  that  he  was  about  to  depart  in  order 
to  justify  himself  before  the  council;  "so  that,"  said 
he,  "if  any  one  suspects  me  of  heresy,  let  him  pro- 
ceed thither  and  prove,  in  presence  of  the  pope  and 
the  doctors,  if  I  ever  entertained  or  taught  any  false 
or  mistaken  doctrine.  If  any  man  can  convict  me 
of  having  inculcated  any  doctrine  contrary  to  the 
Christian  faith,  I  will  consent  to  undergo  all  the  pen- 
alty to  which  heretics  are  liable.  But  I  trust  that 
God  will  not  grant  the  victory  to  unbelievers — to 
men  who  outrage  the  truth." 

IIuss  next  announced  his  readiness  to  render  an 
account  of  his  faith  in  presence  of  the  archbishop  of 
Prague  and  his  clergy.2  He  then  boldly  applied  for 
a  certificate  of  his  orthodoxy  from  the  very  person 
who,  in  virtue  of  his  office,  should  have  been  most 
anxious  to  condemn  him  if  he  had  believed  him 
guilty, — the  bishop  of  Nazareth,  grand  inquisitor  of 
the  diocese  of  Prague.  The  certificate  was  granted,8 
though  we  can  only  surmise  the  influences  which 
must  have  virtually  extorted  it.  It  seems  most  prob- 
able that  the  popular  feeling  enlisted  on  the  side  of 
the  reformer  constrained  the  inquisitor  to  sign  a  doc- 

1  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  2.   Qodean,  xxxvi.        '2  Mod.  llussi,  i.  2. 
413.  s  lb.  i.  3.     Godeau,  xxxvl  414. 


Ch.  XII.]  CEETIFICATE   OF   THE   INQUISITOK.  311 

uinent  which  he  would  willingly  have  withheld.  An 
authentic  copy  of  it,  as  drawn  up  before  a  notary, 
was  in  substance  as  follows : — "  By  these  presents,  we 
make  known  to  all  men  that  we  have  often  held  con- 
verse with  the  honorable  Master  John  Huss,  bachelor 
in  theology  of  the  celebrated  university  of  Prague ; 
that  we  have  had  several  serious  conferences  with 
him  relative  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  other  mat- 
ters ;  and  that  we  have  always  considered  him  to  be 
a  faithful  and  good  Catholic,  not  finding  in  him  up 
to  this  day  any  evil  or  error.  We  certify  besides, 
that  the  said  John  Huss  has  declared  that  he  was 
ready  to  render  reason  for  his  faith  in  presence  of 
the  archbishop  and  his  clergy  against  any  one  that 
might  come  forward  to  accuse  him  of  error  or  heresy ; 
but  that  no  one  presented  himself  to  support  the 
charge.  In  faith  of  which  we  have  delivered  to  him 
this  letter,  sealed  with  our  great  seal,  this  30th  Au- 
gust, 1414." 

Armed  with  this  paper,  Huss  proceeded  to  the 
abbey  of  St.  James,  where  the  barons  and  the  arch- 
bishop of  Prague  were  assembled  for  public  business.1 
There  he  besought  •  the  prelate  to  declare  openly,  if 
he  either  accused  or  suspected  him  of  heresy ;  and  in 
case  he  did  not,  he  conjured  him  to  give  a  public 
testimony  of  the  fact,  which  he  might  find  of  service 
in  his  journey  to  Constance.  By  another  account, 
contained  in  a  document  subsequently  drawn  up  by 
the  nobles  of  Bohemia,  it  would  appear  that  the 
question  of  the  orthodoxy  of  Huss  was  put  to  the 
archbishop  by  the  nobles  themselves,  and  that  his 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  4. 


312  I.I PB    AM)   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.         [Ch.  XII- 

reply  was,  that  he  had  never  "known  of  any  errone- 
ous word  on  the  part  of  Hues;"  and  thai  this  answer 
was  given  of  his  own  free-will,  and  under  no  con- 
straint; though  it  was  added  by  the  archbishop,  that 
he  thought  "that  IIuss  should  purge  himself  from 
the  excommunication  which  he  had  incurred."  It  is 
undoubtedly  true  that  Buch  was  the  reply  of  the 
archbishop.  Seven  years  after  this  he  openly  favored 
the  Hussites. 

A  few  days  later,  IIuss  asked  permission  to  ap- 
pear before  a  general  assembly  of  the  clergy  of 
Prague,  presided  over  by  the  archbishop.  lie  offered 
to  establish  his  innocence  by  scripture,  by  the  holy 
canons  of  the  church,  and  by  the  fathers  ;  but  his 
application  was  refused.1 

The  motives  which  must  have  influenced  the  clergy 
in  this  matter  are  obvious.  Undoubtedly  they  pre- 
ferred to  have  IIuss  leave  the  city  without  such  testi- 
mony as  they  would  be  constrained  to  give,  and  they 
hoped  by  means  of  the  council  to  be  permanently 
relieved  of  his  presence.  Some  of  them  doubtless 
imagined  that  it  would  be  much  easier  to  deal  with 
him  in  the  distant  city  of  Constance,  where  they 
could  secretly  magnify  his  errors,  than  in  Prague, 
where  his  friends  were  at  once  so  numerous  and  so 
powerful.2 

In  the  month  of  October,  1414,  Iln<s  bade  adieu 
to  his   chapel   at   Bethlehem,  where  his  voice   was 

•Fleury,  xxv.  403. 
3  Paletz  says  "  X"  "in'  ventured  to  danger  was  leaa  when  the  Inquisitor 
cull  the  followers  of  Buss  by  their  was  forced  to  give  hie  certificate,  and 
proper  names,  for  fear  <>f  danger  to  the  most  politic  course  for  the  clergy 
property  or  person, — M"».  ffusai,  i.  was  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
255.     It    is    not    probable    that    the     matter. 


CH.XIL]  HUSS    LEAVES    PRAGUE.  313 

never  more  to  be  heard,  and  to  his  faithful  friends 
and  disciples,  some  of  whom  were  to  follow  him  in 
his  path  of  self-denial,  suffering,  and  martyrdom. 
He  left  behind  him  his  faithful  companion  and  bosom 
friend,  Jerome,  and  the  scene  of  parting  was  one  of 
deep  emotion  on  the  part  of  each.  "  Dear  Master," 
said  Jerome,  "  be  firm ;  maintain  intrepidly  what 
thou  hast  written  and  preached  against  the  pride, 
avarice,  and  other  vices  of  the  churchmen,  with 
arguments  drawn  from  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Should 
this  task  become  too  severe  for  thee, — should  I  learn 
that  thou  hast  Mien  into  any  peril, — I  shall  fly  at  once 
to  thy  assistance." 1(30) 

The  diet  had  demanded  of  the  emperor  a  safe- 
conduct  for  Huss.(31)  This  was  readily  granted  him  by 
Sigismund,  in  the  usual  form ;  and  the  document, 
dated  "Spires,  October  18,"  was  forwarded  to  him, 
so  as  to  meet  him  on  the  road, — not,  however,  till  he 
had  passed  the  borders  of  Bohemia,  where  the  safe- 
conduct  of  Wenzel  which  he  had  received  would 
cease  to  have  validity.  By  the  king,  two  staunch 
and  faithful  knights,  the  Lords  of  Chlum  and  Duba, 
were  appointed  as  companions  and  protectors  of 
Huss.2  Several  other  noble  barons  joined  the  escort. 
John  de  Chlum  was  one  of  the  most  devoted  adher- 
ents of  the  reformer,  and  his  life  offers  a  pure  model 
of  the  most  touching  and  devoted  friendship.  His 
name  in  the  eyes  of  posterity  is  inseparably  associ- 
ated with  that  of  Huss. 

Previously  to  his  departure  the  master  would  have 
addressed  a  farewell  sermon  to  his  beloved  folio w- 

1  L'Enfant,  xiii.  a  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  4. 


314  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Ck  XIL 

ere,  but  time,  or  probably  his  own  tender  and  sym- 
pathetic spirit,  would  not  allow  of  it.  IIi>  written 
valediction  shows  that  he  was  not  onmindfol  of  the 
danger  which  he  incurred.  "  My  bivthivn."1  said  he, 
"do  not  suppose  that  I  am  provoking  for  myself 
unworthy  treatment  for  any  false  doctrine.  .  .  . 
I  am  departing  with  a  safe-conduct  from  the  king 
to  meet  my  many  and  mortal  enemies.  ...  I 
confide  altogether  in  the  all-powerful  God,  in  my 
Saviour.  I  trust  that  he  will  listen  to  your  ardent 
]  >rayers  that  he  will  put  his  wisdom  and  prudence 
into  my  mouth,  in  order  that  I  may  resist  them  ;  and 
that  he  will  accord  me  his  Holy  Spirit,  to  fortify  me 
in  his  truth,  so  that  I  may  face  with  courage,  tempta- 
tions, prison,  and  if  necessary,  a  cruel  death.  Jesus 
Christ  suffered  for  his  well-beloved ;  and  ought  we 
then  to  be  astonished  that  he  has  left  us  his  example, 
in  order  that  we  may  ourselves  endure  with  patience 
all  things  for  our  own  salvation  ?  He  is  God,  and 
we  are  his  creatures  ;  lie  is  the  Lord,  and  we  are 
his  servants ;  he  is  Master  of  the  world,  and  we  are 
contemptible  mortals  ;  yet  he  suffered !  Why  then 
should  we  not  suffer  also,  particularly  when  suffering 
is  for  us  a  purification  ?  Therefore,  beloved,  if  my 
death  ought  to  contribute  to  his  glory,  pray  that  it 
may  come  quickly,  and  that  he  may  enable  me  to 
support  all  my  calamities  with  constancy.  But  if  it 
be  better  that  I  return  among  you,  let  us  pray  to 
God  that  I  may  return  without  stain, — that  i<,  that 
I  may  not  suppress  one  tittle  of  the  truth  of  the 
gospel,  in  order  to  leave  my  brethren  an  excellent 

1  lb.  57.    Ep.  ii. 


Ch.  XII.]  GLOOMY    PRESENTIMENTS.  315 

example  to  follow.  Probably,  therefore,  yon  will 
never  more  behold  my  face  at  Prague ;  but  should 
the  will  of  the  all-powerful  God  deign  to  restore 
me  to  you,  let  us  then  advance  with  a  firmer  heart 
in  the  knowledge  and  the  love  of  his  law." 

It  is  not  strange  that  Huss  should  have  felt  op- 
pressed by  the  presentiment  that  he  would  never 
return  to  the  scene  of  his  past  labors.  While 
thoroughly  conscious  of  his  own  integrity  and  hon- 
esty of  purpose — an  integrity  and  honesty  which 
his  enemies  could  not  deny — he  was  to  some  ex- 
tent aware  of  the  unscrupulous  means  which  a  big- 
oted malice  stood  ready  to  employ.  He  deemed 
his  return  to  Prague,  at  the  best,  doubtful.1  He 
knew  that  some  of  his  most  bitter  foes  would  be 
present  at  the  council,  and  that  their  whole  influence 
would  be  exerted  to  secure  his  condemnation.  He 
knew  that  his  former  friend  and  associate,  who  had 
once  been  almost  a  brother,  with  whom  he  had 
studied,  ate,  and  slept,  but  now  his  most  violent  per- 
secutor,— Stephen  Paletz, — and  a  former  cure  of  a 
church  in  Old  Prague,  Michael  De  Causis,  along 
with  several  others,  his  bitter  antagonists,  had  pre- 
ceded him  to  Constance,  and  were  determined  on  his 
ruin.  He  knew  that  the  German  nation,  as  repre- 
sented in  the  council,  would  not  forget  their  old 


1  In  the  midst  of  Ins  trials  at  Con-  of  heaven  reward  thee  with  all  good, 

stance,  the  parting  words  of  one  of  for  the  good  and  true  instruction  that 

his  congregation,  a  Polish  tailor,  came  I  have  received  from  thee." — Ep.  33. 

to  his  mind,  "  God  he  with  thee,  for  Others  told    him  to  beware   of  the 

hardly  do  I  think  you  will  get  back  emperor's   treachery,  and    evidently 

again  unharmed,  dearest  Master  John,  apprehended  that  he  would  never  re- 

and  most  steadfast  in  the  truth.     Not  turn. — Ep.  34,  p.  59. 
the  king  of  Hungary,  but  the  King 


31G  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Ch.  XIL 

grudge  of  virtual  expulsion,  as  they  considered  it, 
from  the  university.     And  when  we  add  to  this  his 

knowledge  of  the  general  corruption  of  the  clergy, 
whom  he  had  offended  by  his  rebukes,  and  their 
readiness  to  become  instruments  in  a  transaction 
which  could  be  covered  with  the  veil  of  pious  and 
devout  zeal,  we  see  that  Huss  may  have  well  com- 
menced his  journey  with  the  presentiment  of  impris- 
onment, if  not  of  martyrdom. 

But  his  spirit  did  not  quail  before  the  danger.  He 
met  it  with  no  presumptuous  rashness,  but  with  the 
calm  constancy  and  courage  of  a  Christian  hero. 
There  was,  indeed,  one  hope  that  contributed  much 
to  cheer  and  sustain  him,  and  that  was,  that  he 
would,  be  privileged  freely  and  fully  to  state  and  ex- 
plain his  views  before  the  council,  and  show  their 
accordance  with  what  he  still  deemed  the  standards 
of  the  church, — the  scriptures  and  the  fathers.  In 
this  hope  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment :  yet  his 
faith  in  God  humbled  him  to  such  a  degree  in  his 
own  esteem,  wdiile  it  forbade  all  fear  of  man,  that 
the  thought  of  turning  aside  or  shunning  the  ordeal 
to  which  he  was  summoned  seems  never  to  have 
entered  his  mind. 

In  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  one  of  his  disciples, 
Priest  Martin,1  at  his  setting  out  for  the  council,  he 
speaks  of  himself  with  the  greatest  humility,  and  we 
seem  to  read  the  reformer's  heart  while  he  unbosoms 
himself  to  his  friend.  He  accuses  himself,  as  if  they 
were  grave  offences,  of  faults  which  most  would 
have  deemed  too  trifling  to  be  noticed,2 — of  having 

^lon.  Hussi,  i.    Epis.  ii.  p.  57.  '  Playing  chess. 


Ch.  XII.]  FAKEWELL    COUNSEL.  31 7 

felt  pleasure  in  wearing  rich  apparel,  and  of  having 
wasted  hours  in  frivolous  occupations.  His  own 
severe  and  enlightened  conscience  made  him  his  own 
accuser  where  others  could  not  bring  the  first  charge 
of  guilt.     He  adds  these  affecting  instructions : 

"  May  the  glory  of  God  and  the  salvation  of  souls 
occupy  thy  mind,  and  not  the  possession  of  benefices 
and  estates.  Beware  of  adorning  thy  house  more 
than  thy  soul ;  and  above  all,  give  thy  care  to  the 
spiritual  edifice.  Be  pious  and  humble  with  the 
poor;  and  consume  not  thy  substance  in  feasting. 
Shouldest  thou  not  amend  thy  life,  and  refrain  from 
superfluities,  I  fear  thou  wilt  be  severely  chastised, 
as  I  am  myself — I,  who  also  made  use  of  such  things, 
led  away  by  custom,  and  troubled  by  a  spirit  of  pride. 
Thou  knowest  my  doctrine,  for-  thou  hast  received 
my  instructions  from  thy  childhood;  it  is  useless 
therefore  for  me  to  write  to  thee  any  further.  But 
I  conjure  thee  by  the  mercy  of  our  Lord,  not  to  imi- 
tate me  in  any  of  the  vanities  into  which  thou  hast 
seen  me  fall."  He  concludes  by  making  some  be- 
quests, and  disposing,  as  if  by  will,  of  several  articles 
which  belonged  to  him ;  and  then,  on  the  cover  of 
the  letter,  he  adds  this  prophetic  phrase,  "  I  conjure 
thee,  my  friend,  not  to  break  this  seal  until  thou  art 
fully  certified  of  my  death." 

The  spirit  of  the  martyr  glows  brighter  and  more 
brightly  in  the  farewell  letters  of  Huss.  We  see 
him  rising  .above  all  the  influences  of  the  fear  or  of 
the  applause  of  men.  His  soul,  always  pure  and  up- 
right, soars  to  a  heavenly  atmosphere  of  holy,  ele- 
vated purpose.     There  is  less  of  the  impetuosity  and 


318  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF    JOHN    IIFSS.  [Cn.  XIL 

the  passion  of  former  days,  yet  the  torrent  of  zeal 
flow-  in  a  deeper,  a  calmer,  but  stronger  current.  "We 
discern,  if  possible,  less  than  ever  of  the  partisan,  or 
of  the  popular  orator  fed  on  the  public  acclamations. 
He  shuns  the  parting  scene  of  a  public  leave-taking, 
where  he  knew  that  the  strong  affection  which  was  felt 
for  him  would  burst  forth  in  turbulent  grief.  lie 
needed  no  assurance  of  the  attachment  of  the  people 
or  of  the  nobility  to  sustain  him.  A  firmer  support  he 
found  in  the  promises  of  the  divine  "Word,  and  in  sol- 
itary communings  with  his  own  heart  and  with  God. 
Henceforward  he  is  to  be  thrown  almost  alone  anions: 
bitter  and  implacable  enemies.  Strange  faces  will 
meet  his,  and  prejudice  will  misrepresent  the  man 
and  pervert  his  words.  He  stands  already  in  pres- 
ence of  a  cruel  fate.  But  his  soul  is  unmoved,  un- 
shaken by  human  terrors.  Conscious  of  his  own  in- 
tegrity, he  plants  his  feet  on  the  Rock  of  Ages.  Be- 
reft in  great  measure  of  human  resource,  he  looks 
up  to  heaven  for  aid.  Grace  confers  upon  the  re- 
former now  a  calm  majesty  of  soul,  such  as  we  failed 
to  discern  while  we  saw  him  controlling  others  by  his 
eloquence,  or  imbuing  their  minds  with  the  deep  sin- 
cerity and  earnestness  of  his  own  convictions.  With 
no  attendant  pomp — without  bravado — with  no  dis- 
gusting exhibition  of  self-confidence — but  with  the 
lowliness,  meekness,  patience,  and  courage  of  a  mar- 
tyr, Huss  sets  out  for  the  city  where  few  will  be 
found  of  spirit  kindred  to  his  own. 

The  reformer's  journey  to  Constance  was  quiet, 
orderly,  and  uninterrupted.1    His  fame  had  preceded 

1  The  kind  reception  of  Huss  on  his     journey  is  the  more  surprising  from 


Ch.  XII.]  JOURNEY   OF   HUSS.  319 

him,  and  all  malice  seemed  lost  in  curiosity  to  see  or 
hear  the  man  of  whom  such  stories  had  been  told.1 
The  simple  earnestness  of  his  speech,  and  the  reason- 
ableness of  his  views  as  he  presented  them,  bespoke 
the  favor  of  his  auditors.  The  common  people,  and 
the  humbler  priests  and  curates,  who  had  themselves 
suffered  in  some  cases  bitterly  from  the  despotism  and 
avarice  of  the  higher  ecclesiastics,  would  scarce  find 
fault  with  a  man  who  had  really  been  fighting  their 
battles,  and  was  now  suffering  in  their  cause.  There 
was,  in  fact,  throughout  the  whole  Christian  world,  a 
conviction  of  the  need  of  reformation,  but  a  convic- 
tion most  deeply  rooted  in  the  minds  of  those  whose 
sympathies  would  lead  them  to  adopt  for  their  leader 
some  Piers  Ploughman — some  one  of  themselves, 
whose  honest  and  straightforward  speech  spared 
neither  princely  arrogance  nor  prelatical  corruption. 
In  Huss  they  saw  one  whom  the  persecuting  rage  of 
the  priests  had  forced  into  notoriety,  but  who,  in 
stigmatizing  their  hypocrisy,  arrogance,  and  avarice, 
had  really  shown  himself  the  friend  of  the  poor, 
humble,  and  oppressed.  Throughout  his  journey 
he  experienced  only  respect  and  kindness.  Even 
when  he  had  crossed  the  Bohemian  frontier,  and 
entered  the  German  territory  where  he  expected  to 
meet  the  malice  instigated  by  the  expelled  students, 
he  was  happily  disappointed.  He  was  greeted  with 
favor  instead  of  scorn. 

the  fact  that  he  was  preceded  by  the  nos   semper  precessit,  et  divulgayit 

Bishop  of  Lubeck,  who  attempted  to  quod  me  ducerent  catenatum  in  curru. 

poison  the  minds  of  the  common  peo-  et  quod  caverent  me,  quia  ego  cognos- 

ple   against  him.     Huss   says,  Epis.  cerem  mentem  hominum." 

vi.,  "  Habui  unum  precursorum,  Epis-  J  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  58.    Ep.  iii. 
copum  Lubicensem,  qui  uno  nocturno, 


320  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUBS.  \Cu.  XII. 

From  Nuremberg,  which  he  had  reached  on  the 
twentieth  day  of  October,  he  writes  back  to  his 
friends,  giving  an  account  of  his  journey  up  to  that 
time.  In  his  owd  characteristic  language  the  re- 
former says,1  "  Be  it  known  to  you,  beloved  brethren, 
that  I  have  not  found  it  necessary  to  travel  once  in 
incognito,  since  the  day  of  my  departure,  but  have 
ridden  freely,  and  without  disguise.  I  have  travelled 
on  horseback,  and  with  my  features  exposed  to  public 
view.  On  my  drawing  near  Bernau,  I  found  the 
cur6  and  his  vicars  waiting  for  me ;  when  I  came  up 
to  them,  he  drank  to  my  health  in  a  cup  of  wine, 
and  also,  when  we  reached  the  inn,  presented  me 
with  a  large  flagon  of  wine.  He  and  his  people 
gladly  expressed  their  satisfaction  with  my  opinions, 
and  the  good  man  called  himself  my  old  but  un- 
known friend.  I  was  afterwards  joyfully  received  by 
all  the  Germans  in  Neustadt.  As  we  travelled  through 
Weiden,  a  very  considerable  crowd  eyed  us  with  the 
astonishment  of  admiration,  and  when  we  arrived  at 
Sultzbach,  we  stopped  at  the  house  where  the  district 
session  was  that  day  held.  The  assembly  being  not 
yet  dispersed,  I  thus  addressed  the  consuls  and  nota- 
bles of  the  town:  'Behold,  I  am  that  John  Huss 
of  whom  you  have  doubtless  heard  much  evil.  Here 
I  am :  ascertain  the  real  state  of  the  case  by  inter- 
rogating me  yourselves.'  We  conversed  together 
for  some  time,  and  they  approved  of  all  I  said.  We 
next  passed  through  Hersbruck,  and  spent  the  night 
in  the  town  of  Lauf,  where  the  cure,  a  great  jurist, 
and  his  vicars  had  come  to  see  me,  with  whom  I  con- 

1  Epi3.  iii. 


Ch.  XII.]  HUSS    AT    NUEEMBFEG.  321 

versed,  much  to  their  satisfaction."  Huss  next  pro- 
ceeded to  Nuremburg,  the  chief  city  of  Franconia, 
where  the  independent  spirit  of  the  citizens,  which 
has  since  been  subdued  in  the  lapse  of  centuries,  then 
boldly  defied  the  imperial  fortress,  and  claimed  the 
free  exercise  of  municipal  rights.  Some  merchants 
having  ridden  forward,  and  given  notice  that  Huss 
was  approaching  the  city,  the  people  came  thronging 
to  the  streets  and  public  places  looking  eagerly  for 
his  coming.  They  gazed  on  the  Bohemian  escort  as 
it  passed  by,  anxiously  inquiring  which  was  John 
Huss.  As  soon  as  they  discovered  him,  they  sur- 
rounded and  accompanied  him  to  the  inn,  with  many 
encouraging  assurances  that  the  council  would  not 
dare  to  injure  him.  During  his  repast,  some  priests- 
were  announced.  He  rose  from  the  table  to  meet 
them,  but  finding  that  they  wished  for  private  con- 
versation with  him,  Huss  replied,  "  that  he  was  un- 
willing to  whisper  his  doctrines  in  the  ears  of  only  a> 
few  individuals,  but  would  rather  proclaim  them  on 
the  housetop."  "I  speak  only  in  public,  and  they 
who  wish  to  hear  me  have  only  to  listen."  By  means 
of  placards  on  the  doors  of  the  churches,  these  men,, 
and  all  who  felt  disposed  to  come,  were  invited  to  a 
religious  conference,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  follow- 
ing day.  A  large  number  assembled.  Besides  the 
townspeople,  the  magistrates  of  the  city  were  present. 
The  discussion  continued  till  evening.  Among  oth- 
ers, a  Carthusian  doctor  presented  himself,  and  dis- 
played much  subtlety  in  argument.  But  the  popular 
voice  was  on  the  side  of  the  reformer.  When  in  the 
evening  Huss  concluded  the  defence  of  his  opinions, 
VOL.  i.  21 


322  LIFE    AND    TIM  IS    OF    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cn.  XII 

the  mayor,  councillors,  magistrates,  and  people  over- 
whelmed him  with  clamors  of  applause.  "At  last 
they  said  to  me,"  writes  IIuss,  "  Master,  all  that  we 
have  just  heard  is  Catholic;  we  have  taught  those 
tilings  for  many,  many  years,  looking  on  them  as 
true ;  and  such  we  consider  them  still.  Undoubt- 
edly you  will  return  from  this  council  with  honor." 
"  Learn,"  says  IIuss,  "  that  I  have  not  hitherto  met 
with  a  single  enemy,  but  that  in  every  place  where 
I  have  stopped  I  have  been  excellently  received.  In 
fact,  the  bitterest  enemies  I  have  are  certain  obscure 
persons  from  Bohemia.  What  more  shall  I  say  to 
you  ?  The  Lords  Wenceslaus  Duba  and  John  Chlum 
act  piously  and  nobly  toward  me.  They  are  the 
heralds  and  advocates  of  the  truth,  and  with  them, 
God  giving  his  aid,  all  passes  most  suitably." 

From  hospitable  Nuremberg  Huss  travelled  to 
Swabia,  on  the  extreme  border  of  which  Constance 
was  situated.  Here,  too,  the  courteous  kindness  and 
respect  with  which  he  was  welcomed  far  surpassed 
his  expectations.  At  Biberach,  some  fifty  miles  from 
Constance,  he  disputed  with  several  priests,  and  other 
learned  men,  on  the  subject  of  obedience  to  the  pope. 
The  popular  satisfaction  with  the  result  was  such, 
that  he  was  borne  in  triumph  through  the  streets. 
Such  a  reception,  by  those  who  were  personally 
strangers  to  Huss,  shows  how  ready  was  the  soil  of 
the  popular  mind  for  the  seeds  of  reforming  truth. 

On  the  third  of  November  the  Bohemians  arrived 
at  Constance. 

From  every  direction  crowds  were  thronging  to 
the  famous  council.    Multitudes  had  already  arrived, 


Ch.  XII.]  THE    SCENE    AT   CONSTANCE.  323 

and  more  were  on  their  way.  The  buildings  of  the 
city  were  insufficient  to  accommodate  the  immense 
concourse.1  Booths  and  wooden  buildings  were 
erected  outside  the  walls,  and  thousands  of  pilgrims 
were  encamped  in  the  adjoining  country.  The  whole 
neighborhood  presented  a  curious  and  novel  scene. 
All  classes  of  society,  laity  as  well  as  clergy — repre- 
sentatives of  every  nation,  with  their  peculiarities  of 
costume  and  manner — the  soldier  in  his  armor,  the 
prince  followed  by  his  escort,  the  prelate  in  his  robes, 
the  magistrate  with  his  symbols  of  authority,  servants 
hastening  on  errands,  thousands  providing  for  the 
food  and  entertainment  of  those  who  had  gathered 
to  the  council, — all  contributed  to  make  the  city  of 
Constance  a  miniature  Christendom.  To  consult  the 
various  tastes  of  the  immense  crowd  of  strangers, 
there  were  shows  and  amusements  of  all  kinds, 
dramatic  entertainments  and  representations  of  every 
description,  varied  with  the  solemn  or  gaudy  pomp 
of  religious  proceedings.  Von  der  Hardt  has  pre- 
served, on  the  large  folio  pages  of  his  "  History  of 
the  Council,"  the  pictured  insignia  of  those  who  were 
in  person,  or  by  deputy,  present  during  its  sessions. 
Amid  the  infinite  multiplicity  and  diversity  of  these 
coats  of  arms  the  mind  is  confused,  and  constrained 
to  wonder  at  the  scene  within  the  walls  of  the  Kauf- 
liaus,  where  so  many  of  them  were  blazoned  or  sus- 
pended about  the  walls.  We  have  kings,  popes, 
patriarchs,  archbishops,  bishops,  princes,  dukes,  mar- 
quises, counts,  barons,  nobles,  knights,  ambassadors, 
cardinals,  abbots,  masters,  each  with  original  or  an- 

1  Godeau,  xxxvi.  420. 


324  i. hi:   a.\i»  timi:s  OF  .mux  HUSS.        [Ch.  xm. 

cestra]  contributions  to  the  heraldry  of  Europe,  with 
devices  that  seem  to  have  exhausted  the  symbolisms 
of  nature  and  of  art.  What  then  must  have  been 
the  spectacle  which  the  city  of  Constance  presented, 
when  all  these  dignitaries  were  gathered  within  its 
walls,  and  each  vied  with  the  other  in  the  pomp  and 
magnificence  of  his  attendance  and  display  !  Who 
that  walked  these  crowded  streets,  or  gazed  upon 
the  princely  robes,  the  rich  and  costly  attire  spark- 
ling with  jewels  and  shining  with  gold,  the  waving 
plumes,  the  burnished  armor,  the  embroidered  stand- 
ards, the  splendid  equipage,  the  lengthened  caval- 
cade, which,  as  they  swept  by,  seemed  to  realize  some 
vision  of  oriental  fancy, — who  would  have  imagined 
that  amid  such  scenes  of  worldly  pomp  and  pa- 
geantry were  to  be  sought  decisions  and  counsels,  in- 
spired by  the  Holy  Ghost — sentiments  accordant  with 
the  doctrines  of  the  Galilean  fishermen,  or  sympathy 
for  the  evangelical  simplicity  of  the  Bohemian  re- 
former ! 

But  let  us  not  forget  that,  beneath  all  this  gaudy 
ostentation  of  "wealth  and  power,  there  was  present 
another  element,  not  worldly  perhaps,  though  uncon- 
sciously controlled  by  worldly  influences,  which  de- 
serves a  momentary  notice.  Among  those  who  could 
claim  membership  in  this  most  oecumenical  of  all  the 
councils,  were  men  whom  we  would  have  been  glad 
to  have  found  in  better  company,  and  whose  ability, 
taste,  learning,  or  devotion,  however  mistaken,  suf- 
fices, and  more  than  suffices,  for  their  lack  of  coronets 
or  herald ric  device. 

Literature  and  science  were  not  unworthily  repre- 


Ch.  XII.]  DISTINGUISHED    MEMBERS.  325 

sented.  By  the  side  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  church 
and  empire  stood  several  of  those  whom  the  after- 
world  honors  as  the  living  lights  of  their  age.  There 
in  service,  but  not  in  serfdom,  to  the  pope,  might 
he  seen  Poggio  Bracciolini  of  Florence,  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  scholars  of  his  day,  his  sentiments 
liberal  and  manly,  and  himself  possessed  with  a  zeal 
for  literature  which  was  rewarded  by  the  discovery, 
in  the  old  monasteries,  of  lost  manuscripts  of  the 
ancient  classics,  the  writings  of  Quintilian,  Lucretius, 
Cicero,  and  others.  There,  too,  was  Thierry  de  Niem, 
secretary  to  several  popes,  and  whom  Providence 
seems  to  have  placed  near  the  source  of  so  many 
iniquities  that  by  his  pen  they  might  be  consecrated 
to  historic  infamy.  With  these  must  be  recorded 
also  JEneas  Sylvius  Piccolomini,  afterward  Pope  Pius 
II.,  whose  fame,  as  the  wearer  of  the  triple-crown, 
has  been  long  since  lost  in  the  greater  merit  of  his 
pen.  There  was  also,  eminent  among  the  members 
of  the  council,  Francis  Zabarella,  Cardinal  of  Florence, 
a  man  whose  learning,  virtues,  and  moderation  se- 
cured the  respect  of  all  the  members  of  the  council, 
and  whose  funeral,  not  long  after  this,  was  attended 
in  a  most  imposing  manner  by  the  emperor  himself, 
as  well  as  the  highest  dignitaries  of  church  and  state. 
The  feebleness  of  the  Eastern  empire  had  no  need  to 
blush  for  its  representative,  when  it  sent  in  its  be- 
half to  Constance  the  learned  Manuel  Chrysoloras, 
a  man  whose  worth  was  testified  by  the  gratitude  of 
his  scholar  Poggio,  who  erected  a  handsome  monu- 
ment to  his  memory.  By  the  side  of  the  epitaph 
that  declares  his  virtues,  were  verses  composed  in  his 


326  LIJ-i:   AM)   TIMES    <>I     JOHN   HU88.         [Cn.  XII. 

honor  by  ./Eneas  Sylvius,  and  inscribed  in  letters  of 
gold. 

But  among  all  who  were  members  of  the  council  of 
Constance,  none  occupied  a  more  important  position, 
or  exerted  greater  influence  upon  the  decisions  of  the 
body,  than  John  Charlier  Gerson,  and  Peter  ITAillv, 
Cardinal  of  Cambray,  honored  with  the  appellation 
of  "The  Eagle  of  France."  Gerson,  for  a  long  time, 
might  be  regarded  as  the  master-spirit  of  the  council. 
As  ambassador  of  Charles  VI.,  king  of  France,  and 
chancellor  of  the  church  and  university  of  Paris,  his 
position  was  one  to  give  force  and  effect  to  his  words, 
and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  he  was  fully  equal 
to  his  station.  To  a  character  above  reproach,  and  a 
zeal  which  rose  superior  to  every  obstacle  and  re- 
jected every  seducing  influence,  he  joined  a  degree 
of  ability  for  thought,  speech,  and  action  which  made 
him  facile  princcps,  the  foremost  man  among  the 
foremost  men  of  the  council.  More  than  perhaps  any 
other  member,  he  had  a  well  and  clearly-devised 
scheme  of  his  own,  a  philosophy  of  eCclesiasticism, 
which  was  the  product  of  years  of  careful  and  observ- 
ing thought.  Better,  perhaps,  than  any  other  mem- 
ber, he  understood  the  attitude  and  relations  of  the 
figures  on  the  chessboard  of  Christendom,  and  knew 
the  moves  to  be  made  to  win  the  game  for  the 
church. 

For  the  most  part,  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray,  al- 
though raised  by  John  XXIII.  to  the  honors  of  the 
purple,  occupied  an  independent  position,  and  was 
found  generally  by  the  side  of  Gerson.  Revered  by 
the  latter  as  his  former  master,  teacher  and  pupil 


Ch.  XII.]  UNIVERSITIES    REPRESENTED.  327 

were  now  united  in  common  views  and  common  ef- 
forts. Both  had  learned  in  the  university  of  Paris 
some  lessons  in  regard  to  the  circumstances  and  cor- 
ruption of  the  church  which  were  not  yet  lost  upon 
them,  and  both  were  men  whose  fearless  integrity 
rose  above  the  allurements  of  greatness  or  the  frowns 
of  power. 

The  universities  of  Paris,  Cologne,  Vienna,  Heidel- 
berg, Prague,  Orleans,  Erfurt,  Avignon,  Bologna,  Cra- 
cow, and  Oxford,  were  represented  at  the  council. 
Several  independent  states  and  cities  sent  deputies 
or  ambassadors. 

Thus  were  assembled  at  Constance,  in  obedience  to 
the  summons  of  pope  and  emperor,  the  component 
parts  of  a  so-called  Christian  council,  into  whose  hands 
were  given  in  trust  the  suffering  interests  of  Christen- 
dom. In  the  sequel  we  shall  see  the  results  accom- 
plished, such  as  might  be  expected  of  a  body  of  men 
drawn  together  by  the  most  diverse  and  discordant 
motives,  each  of  them  for  the  most  part  impelled  by 
an  ambition  of  his  own.  The  thoughtful  observer 
turns  his  eye  away  from  all  the  pageantry  and  pomp 
that  allure  the  senses,  to  the  humble  dwelling  of  a 
poor  widow,  whom  Huss  compares  to  her  of  Sarepta, 
who  received  Elijah.  In  her  house  the  Bohemian 
reformer  found  a  welcome  refuge,  if  not  a  secure 
asylum. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

ARREST    AND    IMPRISONMENT    OF    HUSS. 

Jonx  XXIII.  Informed  op  the  Arrival  of  Huss. —  Sentence  of  Excommunica- 
tion Suspended.  —  Hiss  Prepares  two  Discourses.  —  The  Substance  of 
them. —  Ih:  is  not  Allowed  to  Preach.  —  Proceedings  of  his  Enemies. — 
Michael  de  Cacsis. — The  Other  Conspirators.  —  Their  Influence  with 
the  Cardinals.  —  Arts  Employed  to  Keep  the  People  Away  from  Hi 
John  XXIII.  Favored  by  the  Absence  of  the  Emperor.  —  Announcement. 
Made  Nov.  1,  1414.  —  Arrangements.  — Nov.  3,  1414.  —  Thanksgiving  for  the 
Recovery  of  Rome. — Intrigues. — Doings  of  the  Congregation  oi  Nov. 
12,  1414.  —  Session  of  Nov.  16.  —  The  Pope's  Sermon.  —  Bill  Read  by  Car- 
dinal Zabarella. —  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Toledo.  —  Officers  Ap- 
pointed.—  Opportune  Use  op  the  Heresy  of  Huss.  —  Insignia  of  Benedict 
and  Gregory  Torn  Down.  —  IIuss  Cited  to  Appear  before  the  Cardinals. — 
Reply  of  Huss.  —  His  Compliance.  —  Cardinal  D'Ailly. —  The  Conference. — 
Incident  of  the  Minorite  Friar,  Didacus. — Afternoon  Conference.  —  Ar- 
tcles  of  Accusation.  —  Other  Charges  of  Causis.  —  llrss  Kept  Dndbb  Ar- 
rest.—  Indignation  op  Chlum.  —  Complains  to  the  Pope.  —  The  Latter 
Appoints  a  Judicial  Commission.  —  Hiss  Imprisoned.  —  His  Sickness. — 
Chlum  Visits  the  Cardinals.  —  Their  Indifference.  —  Vain  Appeal  to  the 
People.  —  Determination  to  Apply  to  the  Emperor. — Arrival  of  Latzem- 
bock. —  Despatch  to  Bohemia. — TnE  Safe-Conduct. — Chlum  Exhibits  it. — 
Placards  Posted.  —  Correspondence  of  the  Emperor  and  Pope.  —  The 
Mask  Torn  Off. — Mandate  of  Sigismund.  —  Huss  Denied  an  Advocate. — 
His  other  Grievances.  —  The  Commission  to  Examine  his  Writings. — The 
Imperial  Mandate  Disobeyed.  —  Motives  of  the  Pope. 

Nov.  3,  1414-Deo.   6,   1414. 

The  next  morning  after  the  arrival  of  IIuss  at 
Constance,  the  two  noblemen  who  had  accompanied 
him,  John  of  Chlum  and  Wenzel  of  Duba,  visited  the 
pope  to  notify  him  of  the  fact.  The)-  informed  him 
that  Huss  had  come,  provided  witli  a  safe-conduct 
from  the  emperor,  and  begged  to  know,  without  re- 


Ch.  XIII.]  HUSS   AT   HIS    L0DGIXGS.  329 

serve,  whether  he  might  remain  in  Constance  free 
from  the  risk  of  violence.  The  pope's  answer  seemed 
frank  and  cordial.  "  Had  he  killed  my  own  brother," 
said  John  XXIII.,  thanking  the  knights  for  this 
mark  of  deference,  "  not  a  hair  of  his  head  should  be 
touched  while  he  remained  in  the  city." * 

No  doubt  the  pope  was  sincere  in  his  declaration. 
He  did  not  wish  to  offend  the  Bohemian  knights.  It 
was  his  interest  rather  to  secure  their  favor.  It  is 
impossible,  from  his  known  character,  to  suppose 
that  he  felt  in  the  least  concerned  for  the  fate  of 
Huss,  so  long  as  he  could  be  left  unmolested  himself. 
The  time  had  not  yet  come  when  it  was  his  policy, 
by  an  affected  zeal  for  orthodoxy,  to  avert  from  his 
own  head  the  indignation  his  crimes  merited,  and 
concentrate  it  upon  Huss. 

During  the  first  few  weeks  of  his  residence  in  Con- 
stance, Huss  enjoyed  a  tolerable  share  of  liberty. 
His  sentence  of  excommunication  was  suspended, 
not  from  any  regard  for  himself  personally,  but  that 
the  city  might  not  be  subject  to  interdict  on  his  ac- 
count.2 He  was  enjoined,  however,  not  to  be  pres- 
ent at  public  mass,  and  to  avoid  giving  any  occasion 
for  scandal.  At  his  own  lodgings  he  was  left  unmo- 
lested. Here  he  conversed  with  large  numbers  of 
persons  who  came  to  visit  him,  vindicating  his  inno- 
nence,  and  defending  his  doctrines  by  word  and  pen. 
Each  day  he  celebrated  mass  in  his  chamber,  in  the 
presence  of  many  who  assembled  from  the  neighbor- 

1  Godeau,  xxxvi.  44.     L'Enfant,  36.  2  Helfert,  179.    Godeau,  xxxvi.  420 

(The  references  to  L'Enfant  are,  after  Huss,  however,  wrote,  soon  after  his 

this   date,   to   his   "  History   of   the  arrival  at  Constance,  (Epis.  vi.) "  Papa 

Council  of  Constance.")  non  vult  tollere  processus." 


330  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF  JOHN    HUBS.         [<n.  XIIL 

hood.  The,  bishop  of  Constance  is  said  to  have  scut 
his  vicar  to  prohibit  the  continuance  of  the  practice, 

and  to  represent  to  him  that,  as  excommunicate,  it 
was  not  permissible  for  him  to  discharge  the  sacred 
offices  of  priest.  To  this  we  are  told  that  Hnss  re- 
plied in  a  somewhat  defiant  tone,  declaring  that  he 
paid  no  heed  to  the  excommunication.  But  the 
story  pests  on  doubtful  authority,  and  does  not  accord 
with  the  prudent  and  conciliatory  tone  which  IIuss 
assumed  from  his  first  arrival  in  the  city. 

His  attention  was  especially  directed  towards  mak- 
ing preparation  for  the  public  audience  before  the 
council,  in  the  confidence  of  which  he  had  set  out  for 
Constance.  With  this  object  in  view  he  prepared 
two  discourses,  which  he  wished  to  deliver,  and  which 
have  been  preserved  to  us  in  his  works.1  The  first 
of  these  is  substantially  a  confession  of  his  faith.  He 
declares  his  assent  to  the  Apostolic  creed,  protesting 
that  he  has  never  intentionally  advanced  or  defended 
anything  opposed  to  any  article  of  faith.  The  Holy 
Scriptures  are,  in  his  judgment,  the  true  rule  of  doc- 
trinal belief,  and  sufficient  for  salvation.  He  would 
not  exclude  recognition  of  the  sentences  of  the  doc- 
tors who  have  faithfully  expounded  scripture,  and  he 
professes  his  veneration  for  general  and  provincial 
councils,  decretals,  laws,  canons,  and  constitutions,  so 
far  as  they  are  conformed  to  the  word  of  God.  Faith 
is  the  foundation  of  all  the  virtues  which  are  essen- 
tial to  the  service  of  God.  It  must  precede  the  con- 
fession of  the  lips  and  active  obedience.  Every  man 
is  of  necessity  a  disciple  of  God  or  of  the  devil.   The 

1  Mod.  Hussi,  i.  45,  56. 


Ch.  XIII.]  TWO    SERMONS.  331 

rudiments,  the  alphabet,  of  either  school  is  faith  or 
infidelity.  He  holds,  moreover,  as  he  had  taught  in 
Bethlehem  chapel,  that  we  are  not  to  put  faith  in 
the  virgin,  the  saints,  the  church,  or  the  pope,  but  in 
God  alone.  The  highest  form  of  faith  is  that  which 
is  due  to  Holy  Scripture  as  the  primitive  standard 
of  truth.  A  Christian  faith  necessitates  a  life  of  obe- 
dience, and  hence  a  person  in  mortal  sin  is  only  a 
Christian  in  name,  and  cannot  recite  the  creed  with- 
out lying. 

On  the  subject  of  the  church,  he  presents  the  same 
views  which  he  had  put  forth  in  his  treatise  two 
years  previous,  but  dwells  more  particularly  on 
the  doctrine  of  the  "sleeping  church."  He  admits 
that  souls  in  purgatory  may  be  benefited  by  the  in- 
tercession of  the  living,  and  prays  Christ  to  forgive 
those  who  had  said  or  insinuated  that  he  denied  the 
intercession  of  saints.  He  takes  pains  to  express  his 
regard  for  the  Virgin  Mary  as  our  advocate,  medi- 
atress,  and  in  some  sort  the  cause  of  the  incarnation, 
passion,  and  resurrection  of  Christ,  and  consequently 
of  our  salvation. 

The  second  sermon  of  Huss  is  on  the  subject  of 
the  peace  and  union  of  the  church.  Here  he  often 
employs  language  taken  from  the  writings  of  Jerome, 
Bernard,  Gregory,  and  others.  The  tone  of  the  dis- 
course is  less  pungent  and  severe  than  that  of  many 
which  were  subsequently  delivered  in  the  presence 
of  the  council.  But  Huss  was  not  to  be  allowed  to 
preach.  His  Bohemian  enemies  had  followed  him  to 
Constance,  resolved  upon  his  ruin.  The  principal 
ones  among  them  were,  of  course,  Stephen   Paletz, 


332  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.         [Cn.  XIII. 

Michael  de  Causis,  and  Andrew  Broda;  but  bc- 
sides,  there  were  also  Nason,  Benesch,  Nicholas  of 
Podwein,  Nicholas,  priest  of  the  Vissehrad,  John 
Stokes  the  Englishman,  and  some  twelve  others.1 
Stanislaus  was  on  his  way  to  join  them,  when  he 
was  struck  down  by  the  pestilence  and  died  at  Neu- 
haus.9 

His  enemies  had  no  sooner  reached  the  city,  than 
they  nailed  placards  in  all  public  places,  denouncing 
Hnss  as  a  heretic  and  as  excommunicate.  Spies 
were  set  upon  his  track,  to  note  his  conduct  and  re- 
port his  words.  His  enemies  had  the  largest  liberty 
to  vaunt  their  malignant  calumnies,  while  he  was 
confined  almost  entirely  to  his  lodgings.  They  ap- 
proached the  pope  and  cardinals,  and  employed  all 
their  arts  to  increase  the  prejudice  against  Hnss. 
They  bore  it  ill  that  the  limited  measure  of  freedom 
which  he  enjoyed  should  be  extended  to  him,  and 
they  felt  that  the  first  step  necessary  to  the  success 
of  their  designs  was  to  secure  his  arrest.  His  course 
in  conversing  with  those  who  came  to  visit  him  gave 
them  occasion  for  representing  to  the  cardinals  the 
danger  of  leaving  him  any  longer  at  liberty. 

The  spirit  of  his  persecutors  was  bitter  and  unre- 
lenting, as  well  as  unscrupulous.  Paletz  and  Michael 
de  Causis  were  the  most  active.  As  to  the  latter,  he 
was  a  fit  tool  for  a  conspiracy  designed  to  injure  and 


1  Grodeau,  xxxvi.  427.  The  deputation  consisted  of  Bishop 

•Helfert,   p.  173,  says,  "The  con-  John  the  Iron,  of  Leitomischel,  save- 

ecrvntive  clergy  throughout  Bohemia  ral  Bohemian  lords,  and  four  doctors 

and    Moravia    imposed    upon     them-  of  theology."    The  ohjeet  of  the  el 

selves  a  tax  to  meet  the  expense  of  was  to   secure  the  condemnation  of 

Bending  a  deputation  to  Constance.  Huss. 


Ch.  XIII.]  ENEMIES    OF   HUSS.  333 

betray  the  innocent.1  He  had  formerly  been  curate 
of  the  parish  church  of  St.  Adelbert,  in  Prague.  He 
had  acquired,  moreover,  an  unenviable  character  for 
unscrupulous  and  greedy  avarice.  Abandoning  his 
clerical  duties,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  pursuits  of 
a  fraudful  speculation.  It  was  not  long  before  he 
found  his  way  to  court,  and  became  a  boon  compan- 
ion of  the  reckless  and  drunken  king.  Abetting, 
like  a  true  parasite,  the  schemes  of  Wenzel,  he 
waited  only  the  fitting  moment  to  abuse  and  betray 
the  confidence  he  had  gained.  Under  pretence  of 
advancing  a  certain  royal  project  for  mining,  which 
promised  to  replenish  the  coffers  of  the  king,  he  re- 
ceived for  the  purpose  a  large  sum  of  money  in 
advance,  with  which  he  absconded  in  the  night.  But 
with  money  at  command,  he  knew  where  his  crimes 
would  be  found  venial.  He  offered  his  services  to 
the  papal  court,  and  John  XXIII.  could  scarcely 
boast  of  a  more  subtle  knave  or  a  more  serviceable 
tool.  His  special  business  now  was  one  in  which  his 
heart,  so  far  as  he  had  any,  was  enlisted :  it  was  to  se- 
cure the  condemnation  of  Huss.  As  a  select  mem- 
ber of  the  papal  suite,  he  had  the  task  assigned  him 
of  endeavoring  to  crush  a  man  who  had  been  once 
his  neighbor,  and  toward  whom,  beyond  question, 
while  at  the  court  of  Wenzel,  he  had  professed  a 
warm  friendship  and  respect. 

Paletz,  Brocla,  and  Stokes,  if  not  more  respecta- 
ble, were  at  least  less  infamous.  But  all  of  them 
had  been  engaged  in  controversy  with  Huss,  and  the1 
bitterness  of  their  zeal  was  aggravated  by  unpleasant 

1  I/Enfant,  i.  56. 


334  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.        [Cn.  XIII. 

memories.  They  Bad  felt  the  blows  of  the  reformer's 
logic,  and  had  not  escaped  from  the  conflict  with  the 
prestige  of  success.  Paletz  no  doubt  charged  his 
banishment  from  Prague  to  the  account  of  Huss. 

Of  the  other  conspirator^  we  have  less  knowledge. 
But  it  throws  some  light  upon  their  character  that 
they  could  affiliate  with  such  a  villain  as  Michael  de 
Causis.  All,  or  nearly  all  of  them,  had  their  griev- 
ances to  avenge.  They  had  pursued  Huss  at  Prague 
with  such  means  as  they  could  command,  and  now 
they  had  followed  him  to  Constance  resolved  that 
he  should  not  escape.1 

The  measures  which  they  adopted  proved  success- 
ful. The  cardinals  were  persuaded  to  summon  IIup3 
before  them.2  Indeed,  in  the  circumstances,  it  would 
have  been  difficult  for  them  to  refuse.  They  were 
pressed  with  complaints  against  Huss,  and  their  at- 
tention was  drawn  to  his  writings  by  the  studious 
efforts  of  his  enemies.  By  the  latter  they  were  fol- 
lowed from  place  to  place,  visited  in  their  dwellings, 
and  besought  to  consent  to  active  measures  of  pros- 
ecution. The  articles  of  accusation  against  him — 
some  of  them  utterly  false — were  drawn  up  with  a 
malicious  diligence,  and  the  substance  of  them  re- 
peated wherever  it  was  possible  to  excite  prejudice. 

Nor  was  this  all.  It  was  a  sore  grievance  to  the 
enemies  of  Huss  that  he  should  be  allowed  inter- 
course with  those  who  thronged  to  visit  him  at  his 
lodgings.8  Attempts  were  made  to  induce  him  to 
desist  from  the  observance  of  religious  services  to 

1  Iluss  speaks  of  the  violence  with     ealcof  indulgences  at  Prague. — Bait, 
which  lie  was  assaulted  by  the  Dean     vi. 
of  Poaeau,  the  pope's  agent  for  the        a  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  v.    '  L'Enfant,  i.  36. 


Ch.  XIII.]  ARTS    OF   HIS    ENEMIES.  335 

which  citizens  were  admitted.  The  limited  privilege 
of  access  to  the  minds  of  others,  which  he  had  at  first 
enjoyed,  was  to  be  denied  him.  He  had  already,  at  the 
instance  of  the  bishop  of  Constance,  consented  to  re 
main  as  private  as  possible,  so  as  not  to  afford  occa- 
sion of  scandal.1  But,  for  still  greater  security,  it  was 
necessary  to  operate  on  the  minds  of  the  people  and 
induce  them  to  refrain  from  visiting  him.  This  pro- 
ject the  bishop  of  Lubeck  undertook  to  execute, 
partly  in  person  and  partly  by  emissaries.  The  re- 
port was  studiously  disseminated  that  Huss,  as  an 
extraordinary  magician,  could  read  the  thoughts  of 
all  who  approached  him  within  a  certain  distance, 
and  that  he  was,  in  particular,  an  adept  in  discerning 
all  that  might  pass  in  the  minds  of  those  who  should 
attend  his  sermons,  not  infrequently  making  his  dis- 
coveries publicly  known.2  To  such  arts  did  his  ene- 
mies resort  to  prevent  his  access  to  the  minds  of 
others.  Even  this  was  only  preparatory  to  the  more 
decisive  measure  of  his  arrest,  upon  which  his  ene- 
mies were  resolved. 

Meanwhile  some  progress  had  been  made  in  the 
affairs  of  the  council.  It  was  doubtless  far  from  dis- 
agreeable to  the  pope  to  find  himself  at  Constance  so 
much  more  promptly  than  the  emperor.    It  afforded 

'The  circumstances  of  Huss  were  lacky  (m.  i.  313)  writes  it,  one  of 

such  as  to  force  him  to  accept  a  the  titles  of  John  de  Chlum.     In 

very  humble  style  of  living.     He  another  letter  Huss  speaks  of  the 

had  been  but  a  short  time  in  Con-  necessitous   circumstances   of    his 

stance  when  his  pecuniary  means  Bohemian  friends  in  Constance,- and 

were  nearly  exhausted.   In  his  fifth  the   inadequacy  of    the   provision 

letter,  Mon.  i.  58,  he  says,   "  cito  made  for  them, 

deficiam  in  necessariis."    His  only  2  This  report,  according  to  Huss, 

companion   at  this    time  was  the  was  originated  by  the  bishop  of  Lu- 

knight  Lepka,  or  Kepka,  as  Pa-  beck. 


33G  LIFE   AXD   TIMES   OF   J01IX    HUBS.         [Cn.  XIII. 

him  a  favorable  opportunity  to  shape  the  opening 
sessions  of  the  council  in  his  own  favor.  lie  wished 
to  have  it  regarded  as  the  continuation,  or  at  least 
the  authorized  successor  of  that  of  Pisa,  to  the  legiti- 
macy and  validity  of  which  he  appealed  to  sustain 
his  own  claims  as  the  rightful  and  sole  pontiff.  The 
prolonged  absence  of  the  emperor  relieved  him  of 
one  obstacle  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  designs. 

The  first  day  of  November,  1414,  had  been  fixed 
for  the  opening  of  the  council,  by  the  appointment 
of  the  emperor  and  the  bull  of  convocation.  By 
the  advice  of  the  cardinals,  the  pope  contented  him- 
self with  celebrating  mass,  and  adjourning  the  open- 
ing of  the  council  to  the  third  of  the  month.  The 
announcement  made  by  Zabarella  in  the  pope's  name 
was  skilfully  worded.  "  Pope  John  XXIII.  resolved 
at  Lodi  to  celebrate  at  Constance  a  general  council  in 
continuation  of  that  of  Pisa,  and  the  opening  session 
will  take  place  on  the  third  of  November."  The 
inference  was  plain.  The  legitimate  tenure  of  his 
office  by  John  XXIIL,  to  the  exclusion  of  his  rivals, 
was  thus  coolly  assumed.1 

On  the  next  day  six  additional  cardinals  arrived, 
and  were  received  with  great  show  and  pomp. 
Twelve  Auditores  Rotce,  or  judges  of  the  papal  court, 
were  appointed,  and  were  conducted  by  escort  to  St. 
Stephen's  church,  which  had  been  fitted  up  for  the 
purpose.  Monday,  Wednesday,  and  Friday  of  each 
week  were  set  apart  by  them  to  hear  ecclesiastical 
causes.2 

The  third  cf  November  arrived,  but  the  opening 

1  Von  dcr  Hardt.  a  L'Eufant,  18. 


Ch.  XIII.]  FIRST   SESSION    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  337 

session  was  deferred  to  the  fifth.  The  pope  was  now 
ready  to  proceed.  Fifteen  cardinals,  two  patriarchs, 
twenty-three  archbishops,  and  a  large  number  of 
prelates  were  present.  At  the  early  hour  of  seven 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  congregation  was  held,  to 
complete  all  the  necessary  arrangements.  When  this 
was  done,  all  the  bells  of  the  city  were  rung  to  an- 
nounce the  fact.  The  procession,  swelled  by  all  the 
clergy  in  the  city,  and  accompanied  by  an  immense 
crowd  that  pressed  upon  it,  moved  to  the  cathedral 
church.  The  religious  rites  usual  at  the  opening  of 
a  council  were  observed,  and  a  sermon  was  preached 
by  a  Benedictine  doctor.  The  next  session  was  ap- 
pointed for  the  sixteenth  of  the  month.1 

Before  it  arrived,  the  numbers  of  the  council  were 
largely  increased.  On  the  ninth,  five  cardinals  and 
a  large  number  of  bishops  and  of  the  nobility  arrived, 
and  the  pope  received  the  welcome  intelligence  that 
his  forces  had  recovered  full  possession  of  Home. 
The  following  day  was  consequently  appointed  and 
observed  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  the  favorable 
event.  In  the  midst  of  its  solemnities,  the  patriarch 
of  Constantinople  and  the  grand  master  of  Rhodes 
entered  the  city.2 

Already  busy  hands  were  working  the  wires  of 
ecclesiastical  intrigue.  Behind  the  scenes  there  were 
plotting  and  counter-plotting,  bargain  and  sale,  log- 
rolling and  bribery,  the  details  of  which  no  history 
could  record.  But  amid  a  crowd  of  competitors,  the 
pontifical  schemer  was  facile  prmceps.  If  we  may 
believe  Thierry  de  Niem,8 — and  no  man  had  better 

1  L'Enfant,  30.        a  lb.  31.       3  Von  der  Hardt  gives  his  testimony  in  full.. 

vol.  i.  22 


338  LIFE   AND   TIMES    <>F    JOHN    EUB8.         [Ch.  XITI. 

opportunities  than  himself  for  observation — the  pope 
wove  the  net  of  hi-;  intrigue  around  the  council,  and, 
in  his  palace,  the  centre  of  it,  watched  every  thread, 
and  eyed,  by  means  of  his  partisans  every  victim. 
He  surrounded  himself  with  the  old  associates  and 
"hucksters11  of  his  simony.  His  court  was  crowded 
with  them.  By  their  instrumentality,  and  that  of 
1  iish<  >ps  and  prominent  members  of  the  council  bought 
over  to  his  interest  by  promised  favors,  or  secured 
1  > v  those  arts  of  which  he  was  a  consummate  master, 
he  acquired  early  intelligence  of  every  project,  and  the 
means  of  thwarting  it  or  converting  it  to  his  own 
interest.  Every  party  had  its  traitors  on  whom  he 
could  rely,  and  no  measure  was  discussed  or  agitated 
so  secretly  that  he  did  not  hear  of  it  before  he  closed 
his  eyes  to  slumber.  The  great  majority  of  the 
Italians  stood  blindly  committed  in  his  favor. 

From  day  to  day  congregations  were  held,  at  which 
the  policy  of  the  council,  and  the  measures  to  be 
taken,  were  earnestly  and  sometimes  angrily  dis- 
cussed. The  great  problem  of  the  schism  was  the 
one  upon  the  solution  of  which  all  minds  were  intent. 
At  the  congregation  held  November  12th,  the  pope 
chanced  to  be  absent.  In  the  exercise  of  the  freedom 
which  his  absence  permitted,  an  important  paper  was 
read,  which,  after  detailing  the  steps  to  be  taken  for 
the  more  full  organization  of  the  oouncil,  and  the 
proper  officers  to  be  appointed,  closed  with  declar- 
ing that  the  union  of  the  church  must  precede 
measures  for  its  reformation  ;  that  no  effort  should  be 
spared  to  unite  the  church  under  John  XXIII.;  that 
the  voluntary  cession  of  the  contestants  was  desira- 


Cn.  XIII.  1  THE   POPE7S    SERMON".  66)) 

ble — but  in  case  of  their  refusal,  they  were  to  be 
constrained,  and  treated  as  enemies  and  destroyers 
of  the  church,  in  spite  of  the  language  of  their  flat- 
terers, who  claimed  that  a  pope  was  under  no  obligation 
to  obey  the  decrees  of  a  general  council} 

The  first  part  of  this  document  contained  a  recog- 
nition of  the  authority  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  and 
was  doubtless  agreeable  to  John  XXIII. ;  but  the 
latter  part  was  less  to  his  taste,  and  none  ventured 
to  present  it  to  him.  In  the  following  congregation, 
Nov.  15,  it  was  not  even  noticed.  But  the  pope  must 
soon  have  had  full  information  in  regard  to  it,  and, 
dissembling  his  dissatisfaction,  must  have  found  it 
necessary  to  parry  a  blow  which,  aimed  ostensibly  at 
others,  might  yet  fall  with  crushing  weight  on  his 
own  head.  He  did  attempt  to  parry  it,  and,  as  we 
shall  see,  the  foil  he  used  was  the  heresy  of  Huss. 

Due  provision  having  been  made,  the  session  of  the 
sixteenth  of  the  month  was  held.  John  XXIII.  pre- 
sided. The  cardinal  Jordan  de  Ursinis  celebrated 
massa  and  the  pontiff  delivered  a  discourse  from  Zech. 
viii  .16 — "  Speak  ye  every  man  the  truth  to  his  neigh- 
bor; execute  the  judgment  of  truth  and  peace  in 
your  gates." 2  It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  describe 
the  feelings  with  which  men  like  Xiem  must  have  lis- 
tened to  words  in  which  the  pope  uttered  his  own 
sentence,  and  heightened,  by  the  contrast  of  his  eulogy 
on  justice,  the  hue  of  his  own  crimes.  He  exhorted 
all  to  carefully  consider  and  heartily  communicate 
whatever  could  tend  to  the  peace  and  purity  of  the 
church.     There  were  some  in  the  council  who  were 

1  L'Enfant,  i.  32.  2  lb.  34. 


340  LIFE    AXD   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.         [Ch.  HU 

prepared   most   ungraciously  to   accept   his   invita- 
tion. 
The  pope  closed  his  discourse,  and  Zabarella,  taking 

his  stand  near  the  pontiff,  read  in  a  loud  voice  the 
preamble  of  the  bull  of  convocation,  in  which  the 
favorite  idea  of  the  pope,  claiming  the  council  of  Oon- 
Btance  as  successor  to  that  of  Pisa,  was  again  pre- 
sented. The  reading  of  the  bull  itself  was  c<  unpleted 
by  an  apostolic  secretary,  when  the  cardinal  resumed, 
addressing  the  council  in  behalf  of  the  pope,  sitting 
forth,  in  substance,  that  having  issued  his  summons 
for  the  council,  the  pope  had  now,  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed, come  with  his  cardinals  to  Constance,  fully 
resolved  to  employ  all  his  means  and  influence  to 
promote  the  peace  and  reformation  of  the  church ; 
and,  in  order  to  the  prosecution  of  so  holy  a  work, 
in  which  none  should  presume  on  his  own  wisdom, 
he  ordains  that,  during  the  continuance  of  the  conn- 
cil,  solemn  mass  should  be  celebrated  every  Thursday 
in  all  the  churches,  cathedral  and  collegiate,  secular 
and  regular,  of  the  city;  and,  to  engage  all  devoutly 
to  assist,  he  grants  forty  days1  indulgence  to  all  who 
shall  be  present — and  to  priests,  with,  whom  he  in- 
cludes all  the  higher  clergy,  who  are  exhorted  to 
celebrate  mass,  a  year's  indulgence.  All  Christians 
are  exhorted  to  obtain  from  heaven,  by  prayer,  fast- 
ing, alms,  and  other  good  works,  a  happy  issue  for 
the  council.  It  was  added,  that  as  the  principal 
object  in  view  is  the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic 
faith,  according  to  the  ancient  councils,  all  who  are 
versed  in  the  writings  that  concern  them,  are  bound, 
individually  and   collectively,  to  consider  well  what 


Ch.  XIII.]  RULES    AND    OFFICERS.  341 

may  contribute  to  this  end,  while  attention  is  espe- 
cially to  be  directed  to  errors  that  for  some  time  past 
have  been  reported  to  have  widely  spread  in  certain 
portions  of  the  world,  and  preeminently  to  those  which 
were  originated  by  Wickliffe. 

To  all,  the  pope  assured  the  largest  liberty  in  set- 
ting forth  their  views.  For  preserving  the  order  of 
the  council,  he  cited  and  commended  the  canon  of 
the  council  of  Toledo,1  which  enjoined  the  duty  of 
speaking  discreetly  and  to  the  point ;  to  abstain  from 
noise  or  tumult ;  not  to  laugh  or  jeer ;  not  to  contend, 
or  conduct  with  passion  or  obstinacy,  under  pain  of 
expulsion  and  excommunication  for  the  space  of  three 
days.  This  canon,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see 
hereafter,  would  not  have  been  a  bad  one  to  have 
observed.  The  reputation  of  the  council  would  have 
been  better  for  it. 

The  names  of  those  nominated  as  officers  of  the 
council  were  also  submitted  and  approved.  Ber- 
thold  de  Ursinis  was  designated  palatine  and  guard 
of  the  council,  and  to  him  the  protection  and  security 
of  the  body  were  committed.  Notaries,  secretaries, 
and  auditors  were  appointed,  and  the  nominations 
were  unanimously  confirmed.  The  session  closed 
with  the  announcement  that  the  council  would  aeain 
meet  on  the  seventeenth  of  the  following  month. 

Up  to  this  time  John  XXIII.  had  met  with  few 
obstacles  in  the  prosecution  of  his  plans.  His  time 
had  been  carefully  improved  in  strengthening  his 
party,  and  increasing  the  number  of  his  adherents. 
Upon  the  Italians  he  could  count  almost  to  a  man, 


1  L'Enfant,  35. 


342  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.        [Ca  XIII. 

and  the  large  number  of  them  who  were  present 
assured  him  a  powerful  minority,  if  not  even  a  major- 
ity in  point  of  numbers.  To  the  Bohemians  he  had 
shown  himself  friendly  up  to  the  last  moment;  but 
the  announcement  made  in  the  last  session,  of  the 
duty  of  the  council  to  pay  special  heed  to  the  her- 
esies that  had  sprung  from  WickKffe,  foreshadowed 
the  policy  which  the  pope  was  forced  to  adopt  by 
the  circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed. 

For  him,  indeed,  no  subject  could  have  been  more 
welcome  than  the  heresy  charged  on  Huss.  In  the 
earnest  prosecution  of  this,  he  might  depend  on  the 
support  of  the  large  number  who  identified  the  views 
of  the  Bohemian  reformer  with  those  of  Wickliffe. 
So  secure  did  he  feel  in  his  own  position,  that  he  ven- 
tured, on  the  third  day  after  the  session,  (Nov.  19th,) 
to  have  the  insignia  of  his  rivals,  Benedict  and  Greg- 
ory, which  their  ambassadors  who  had  just  arrived 
had  set  up,  torn  down  from  over  the  doors  of  their 
lodgings.1  The  act  of  violence  was  perpetrated  in 
the  darkness  of  night, — no  one  could  doubt  by  whose 
instigation;  but  when  complained  of  to  the  council, 
the  opinions  of  members  were  so  diverse  that  no  ac- 
tion could  be  taken.  It  was  for  John  XXIII.  a  very 
opportune  measure  to  divert  attention  from  himself 
to  the  heresy  of  Huss.  It  gratified  the  enemies  of  the 
latter,  and  secured  for  the  former  that  reputation  of 
zeal  for  the  purity  of  faith  which  was  so  necessary  as 
a  cloak  to  his  enormities.  His  recommendations  bore 
speedy  fruit.  The  prosecutors  of  Huss  were  encour- 
aged fco  a  more  bold  and  open  assault  upon  him. 

1  Fleury,  xxv.  402.     Also  Von  der  Hardt  at  this  date. 


Ch.  XIII.]  HUSS    BEFORE   THE    CARDINALS.  343 

On  the  28th  of  November  a  meeting  of  cardinals 
was  held  in  the  episcopal  palace,  to  take  the  case  of 
Huss  into  consideration.  He  was  cited  to  present 
himself  before  them.  Two  bishops,  accompanied  by 
the  mayor  of  the  city,  and  a  knight,  bore  the  cita- 
tion. They  found  Huss  at  his  lodgings,  where  he  was 
quietly  dividing  his  time  between  study  and  familiar 
conversation  with  his  friends.1  They  informed  him 
of  their  errand,  stating  that  they  had  been  sent  by 
the  pope  and  cardinals  to  request  him,  in  accordance 
with  his  expressed  desire  to  give  account  of  his  doc- 
trines, to  appear  before  them.2(S2) 

"  I  did  not  come  here,"  calmly  replied  Huss,  "  with 
the  intention  of  pleading  my  cause  before  the  pope 
and  the  cardinals,  and  I  never  desired  any  such 
thing;  but  I  wished  to  appear  before  the  general 
council,  in  the  presence  of  all,  and  there,  openly  and 
plainly,  reply,  on  every  point  proposed  to  me,  accord- 
ing as  God  shall  inspire  me  for  my  defence.  Yet  I 
do  not  refuse  to  appear  previously  before  the  cardi- 
nals ;  and,  if  they  act  unfairly  toward  me,  I  shall  put 
my  trust  in  the  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  and  shall  be 
more  happy  to  die  for  his  glory  than  live  to  deny 
the  truth  as  taught  in  the  Holy  Scriptures." 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  5.  during  his  stay  in  Constance  up  to 

a  Most  absurd  stories  are  related  by  the  time  of  his  arrest,  he  had  not  set 

some   of  the   historians   opposed  to  foot  outside  of  his  lodgings,  covers  the 

Huss.     One  gives  the  circumstances  entire  period  during  which  he  was  in 

of  his  attempt  to  escape  from  Con-  circumstances  to  attempt  to  escape, 

stance.     But  the  basis  of  such  a  re-  Another  story  equally  baseless  is, 

port  could  have  been  nothing  more  that  he  promised  a  ducat  for  every 

than  mere  rumor.     The  story,  as  re-  hearer  that  would  come  to  listen  to 

lated,  is  quite  impossible,  nor  is  there  him.     A  Bohemian  nai-rates  the  fact, 

any  trace  in  the  letters  of  Huss,  or  but  with  the  evident  suspicion  that 

the  statement  of  his  friends,  that  hints  the  report  of  the  promised  ducat  was 

at  any  such  thing ;  while  the  state-  originated  by  the  enemies  of  Huss. 
ment  made  by  the  Bohemians,  that, 


344  LIFE    AND    TIMES    <»!•'   JOttN    BD8S.        [Cii.  XIII. 

The  bearers  of  the  citation  conducted  themselves 
toward  IIuss  with  gentleness  and  respect.  They 
had,  however,  taken  the  precaution  to  station  bands 

of  soldiers  in  the  neighborhood  before  presenting  the 
citation,  so  that  resistance,  had  it  been  offered,  would 
have  been  vain.  IIuss,  unsuspicious  of  the  fact,  com- 
plied readily  with  the  summons.  On  the  lower  floor 
he  was  met  by  the  mistress  of  the  house,  Fida  by 
name,  who  took  leave  of  him  with  tears.  Struck  with 
a  presentiment  of  death,  and  deeply  moved,  he  be- 
stowed on  her  his  blessing.1  He  theu  mounted  his 
horse,  and,  attended  by  his  noble  friend  John  de 
Chlum,  followed  the  bishops  to  the  episcopal  palace.9 

The  cardinals  were  already  assembled,  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  John  XXIII.  was  present.  It  was 
but  little  more  than  a  week  since  Cardinal  D'Ailly 
had  arrived,  and  he  now,  for  the  first  time,  met  the 
much  defamed  Bohemian  reformer.  So  far  as  sever- 
ity of  language  in  reprobation  of  ecclesiastical  abuses 
was  concerned,  both  were  equally  implicated.  The 
former  Bishop  of  Cambray,  now  a  cardinal,  had  ex- 
hibited as  little  reverence  for  papal  authority  as  IIuss 
himself.  The  two  men  now  stood  face  to  face,  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  first  impression 
made  upon  the  cardinal  by  the  bearing  and  language 
of  IIuss  was  far  from  unfavorable. 

IIuss  saluted  the  cardinals,  and  by  them  was  ad- 
dressed as  follows:8  " Master  John  Huss,  we  have 
heard  many  things  of  you,  which,  if  true,  cannot  be 
tolerated.  Public  fame  accuses  you  of  having  dis- 
seminated in  Bohemia  errors  of  the  gravest  kind, 

1  Neaiuler,  v.  327.  3  Man.  Bussi,  i.  5.  '  lb. 


Ch.  XIII.]  THE   MONK'S    QUESTIONS.  345 

and  such  as  are  manifestly  opposed  to  the  Catholic 
church.  We  have  summoned  you  here  before  us,  to 
learn  the  truth  of  the  case."  "Be  assured,  I  beg  of 
you,  reverend  fathers,"  replied  Huss,  "  that  I  would 
much  rather  die  than  be  convicted  of  any  heresy, 
much  more  of  many,  and  those  of  the  gravest  kind, 
as  you  express  it.  And  to  this  end  have  I  cheerfully 
come  to  this  council,  giving  my  word  that  if  any  one 
can  convince  me  of  any  error,  I  will  unhesitatingly 
abjure  it." 

"It  is  well  spoken,"  said  the  cardinals,  as  they 
closed  their  morning  session,  and  withdrew,  leaving 
Huss,  with  his  friend  Chlum,  in  custody .(33)  But  they 
had  given  to  his  words  a  meaning  which  they  were 
never  intended  to  convey.  Huss  wished  to  be  con- 
vinced by  reason  and  scripture.  He  would  not 
blindly  bow  to  the  authority  of  the  pope,  cardinals, 
or  council. 

Durino;  the  interval  between  the  morning  and 
afternoon  sessions,  a  monk  of  the  order  of  Minorite 
friars  approached  to  converse  with  Huss.1  His  ob- 
ject was  not  at  first  suspected,  but  when  his  charac- 
ter and  standiug  were  afterwards  known,  it  was  sus- 
pected that  he  was  a  tool  of  the  cardinals,  and  had 
been  sent  by  them  to  entrap  Huss  while  off  his 
guard.  In  a  friendly  tone,  and  with  an  appearance 
of  ingenuous  inquiry,  he  accosted  the  prisoner ;  with 
insinuating  art  he  assumed  the  appearance  of  a  sim- 
ple-minded and  ignorant  man,  anxious  to  gain  in- 
struction. "  I  have  heard,"  said  he,  "  that  many 
opinions   have  been  attributed  to   you   which   are 

1  L'Enfant,  i.  57.     Mon.  Hussi,  i.  p.  6. 


340  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUBS.        [Ch.  XIIL 

opposed  to  the  Catholic  faith,  and  these  things  have 
excited  Bcrnplea  in  my  mind.  In  the  first  place, 
they  accuse  yon  of  believing  that  only  bread  re- 
mains in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  after  consecration 
and  the  pronnnciation  of  the  Bacramenta]  words." 
3 Ins-  replied,  promptly  and  directly,  that  the  charge 
was  false.  "What!"  said  the  monk,  "is  not  that 
your  belief?"  "By  no  means,"  replied  Huss.  The 
monk  was  disposed  to  insist  ye1  further,  when  Chlum, 
suspecting  his  purpose,  interrupted  him,  and  rebuked 
him  for  his  impertinence.  Excusing  himself  on  the 
ground  of  his  ignorance  and  his  desire  for  informa- 
tion, the  monk  changed  the  subject.  "  "What  do  you 
think,"  said  he,  "of  the  union  of  the  human  and 
divine  nature  in  the  person  of  Jesus  Christ?"  On 
this,  Huss  turned  himself  to  Chlum,  and  said,  in  Bo- 
hemian, "  This  fellow,  be  sure,  is  not  so  ignorant  as 
he  pretends,  for  he  has  proposed  to  me  a  most  diffi- 
cult question."  Then  addressing  the  monk,  he  re- 
plied, "  My  brother,  you  say  that  you  are  simple-mind- 
ed, but  b}7  your  subtle  question  I  perceive  that  you  are 
double-minded,  and  that,  under  a  plain  appearance, 
you  conceal  a  most  shrewd  and  penetrating  mind. 
But  whatever  you  may  be,  know  that  this  union  is 
personal,  inseparable,  and  entirely  supernatural." 
On  this  the  monk  withdrew,  thanking  Huss  tor  his 
good  instructions.  Huss  afterward  learned  from  one 
of  the  soldiers  that  this  pretended  monk  was  Dida- 
cus,  one  of  the  most  able  theologians  of  Lombardy. 
He  expressed  his  regret  that  he  had  not  known  it  at 
the  time,1  that  lie  might  have  improved  the  oppor- 

1  Man.  BuBsi,  i.  6. 


Ch.  XIII.]  ARTICLES    OF    ACCUSATION.  347 

tunity  for  a  more  full  and  extended  conversation. 
"Would  to  God,"  said  he,  "that  all  my  adversaries 
resembled  him ;  and  fortified  by  the  succor  of  the 
scriptures,  I  should  not  fear  one  of  them." 

Huss  and  Chlum  remained  in  custody  until  the  re- 
assembling of  the  cardinals  at  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.1  They  met  as  before  in  the  pope's  cham- 
ber. The  question  now  before  them  was,  what 
should  be  done  with  Huss.  His  enemies,  Paletz  and 
Causis,  were  present,  employing  all  their  influence  to 
secure  his  imprisonment.  They  urged  and  insisted 
that  he  should  not  be  set  at  liberty.  It  is  altogether 
probable  that  the  eight  articles  of  accusation  which 
they  had  elaborately  drawn  up,  were  presented  on 
this  occasion.  These  were  to  the  effect  that  Huss 
rejected  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation ;  that  a 
priest  in  mortal  sin  cannot  administer  the  sacraments ; 
that  by  the  church  is  not  to  be  understood  the  pope, 
clergy,  or  members  of  the  hierarchy,  and  that  its 
endowment  by  secular  princes  is  unwise ;  that  all 
priests  are  equal,  and  it  is  false  that  bishops  alone 
have  the  right  to  consecrate  and  ordain ;  that  the 
entire  church  has  no  power  of  the  keys,  when  the 
whole  clergy  is  in  gross  sin ;  and  that  Huss  had  con- 
temned his  excommunication,  having  read  mass  every 
day  on  his  journey  to  Constance.2 

This  document  had  been  penned  by  Causis,  and  he 
did  not  fail,  after  presenting  it,  to  add  other  aggra- 
vations of  the  guilt  of  Huss.  He  accused  him  of 
having  been  the  author  of  the  troubles  in  the  uni- 
versity;8  of  having  been  the  only  one  there  who  held 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  6.        a  Godeau,  xxxyi.  435.     L'Enfant,  i.  40.        3  lb. 


348  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   J0IIX    HUBS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

the  errors  of  Wickliffe  ;  of  having  inflamed  the  laity 

against  the  clergy ;  and  of  having  gathered  to  himself 
a  body  of  adherents  who  were  heretical,  and  enemies 
of  the  Roman  church.  Hence  he  inferred  that  if 
Hnsa  should  escape  the  severity  of  the  council,  he 
would  do  more  harm  than  any  heretic  had  done 
since  the  days  of  Constantine ;  and  he  therefore 
supplicated  the  pope  to  appoint  without  delay  a 
commission  to  examine  him,  and  doctors  who  should 
make  a  careful  review  of  his  writings. 

It  is  uncertain  whether  these  accusations  and  the 
petition  were  presented  on  this  occasion,  or  within  a 
day  or  two  subsequent.  However  this  may  be,  the 
cardinals  decided  that  Huss  should  be  kept  under 
arrest.  As  night  approached,  the  provost  of  the 
pontifical  palace  informed  John  de  Chlurn  that  he 
was  at  liberty,  but  that  Huss  must  remain  in  cus- 
tody.1 The  noble  knight  felt  his  sense  of  justice 
outraged  by  the  announcement  of  a  measure  in  his 
view  so  base  and  perfidious.  Fired  to  indignation, 
he  complained  most  bitterly  that  a  worthy  and  up- 
right man  had  been  lured  by  false  representations 
into  an  infamous  snare.  It  was  only  adding  outrage 
to  injustice,  when  his  persecutors,  as  they  passed  and 
repassed  Huss,  insultingly  cried  out,  "  Behold,  we 
have  possession  of  thee ;  and  thou  shalt  not  escape 
till  thou  hast  paid  the  uttermost  farthing."  2 

Chlum  hastened  to  the  pope  to  inform  him  of 
what  had  taken' place,  and  to  remonstrate  with  him 
on  the  violation  of  his  promise.     He  exhorted  him 

1  lion.  Ilussi,  i.  6.  words  were  uttered  as  Huss  was  on 

a  According  to  some  accounts,  these      his  way  to  prison. 


Ch.  XIII.]  COMMISSION   APPOINTED.  349 

not  so  unworthily  to  disregard  his  plighted  faith. 
John  XXIII.  declared  that  he  had  done  nothing 
against  Huss,  and,  pointing  to  the  cardinals  and 
bishops,  exclaimed,  "  Why  do  you  impute  anything 
to  me,  when  you  well  know  that  I  am  myself  here 
in  their  power  ? " 1 

There  might  have  been  some  weight  in  this  excul- 
pation, if  the  pope  had  shown  any  disposition,  then 
or  subsequently,  to  befriend  Huss.  But  it  was  too 
obvious  that  he  was  merely  the  creature  of  circum- 
stance, and  the  slave  of  his  own  interest.  Huss  was 
personally  to  him  an  object  of  supreme  indifference, 
but  if  he  could  divert  the  attention  of  the  council 
from  himself  to  the  business  of  investigating  heresy, 
he  would  gain  an  important  object.  So  far,  he  saw 
no  reason  to  interfere  with  the  measures  of  the  car- 
dinals. He  in  fact  acceded  to  the  petition  of  the 
prosecutors,  and  appointed  a -commission  of  three, — 
the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  the  Bishop  of  Lu- 
beck,  and  the  Bishop  of  Tiefern,2 — who  were  to  hear 
the  witnesses  against  Huss  as  well  as  in  his  defence, 
and  report  to  the  council. 

Huss  was  given  over  to  the  charge  of  the  Bishop 
of  Constance,  and  remained  eight  days  with  the 
Canon   of   the   cathedral.      He   was   taken   thence 


1  L'Enfant,  38.  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  6.  Bishops  of  Castile  and  Libus.  In  the 
L'Eufant,  36,  says,  that  on  being  re-  text,  I  have  followed  Godeau,  xxxvi. 
monstrated  with  by  the  Bohemians,  436.  To  the  commission  as  thus  con- 
his  reply — probably  on  the  first  ap-  stituted,  another  was  added,  probably 
plication  made  —  was,  "What  can  to  examine  the  writings  of  Huss.  It 
I  do  ?  your  own  countrymen  have  consisted  of  four  cardinals,  Cambray, 
brought  it  about."  St.  Mark,  Brancas,  and  Florence,  with 

2  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  7.  The  names  as  two  generals  of  orders  and  six  doctors, 
here  given  of  the  commission  are  the  — L'Enfant,  41. 

Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  the 


350  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOIIN    IIUSS.         [I  'u.  XIII. 

(December  6,  1414)  to  the  prison  of  the  Dominican 
monastery  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  His  enemies 
could  scarcely  have  selected  a  place  of  confinement 
more  nauseous  or  unhealthy.1  The  monastery  was 
situated  near  the  spot  where  the  Rhine  issues  from 
the  lake  of  Constance.  Here  he  was  thrown  into  an 
underground  apartment,  through  which  every  sort 
of  impurity  was  discharged  into  the  lake.  This 
place  at  least — more  removed  from  the  noise  and 
excitement  of  the  city — might  be  regarded  as  suffi- 
ciently secure.  Huss  was  left  in  the  custody  of  the 
Mars. 

The  noxious  stench  and  effluvia  of  the  place  were 
not  long  in  producing  their  effect  upon  the  health  of 
the  prisoner.  In  a  few  hours  Huss  was  thrown  into 
a  violent  fever,  which  threatened  his  life.  The  ag- 
gravated injustice  of  his  arrest  and  imprisonment 
undoubtedly  contributed  to  that  mental  excitement 
which  would  exasperate  the  disease.  What  must 
Huss,  conscious  of  his  innocence,  have  thought,  in 
the  solitude  and  suffering  of  his  prison,  of  the  Chris- 
tianity, the  justice,  or  humanity  of  men,  who  illus- 
trated their  orthodoxy  by  such  harsh  treatment  and 
barbarous  treachery  as  that  to  which  he  was  now 
made  a  victim  ? 

Meanwhile  John  de  Chlum  had  not  relaxed  his  ef- 
forts in  the  prisoner's  behalf.  The  pope  had  referred 
him  to  the  cardinals  as  the  authors  of  the  arrest.  He 
proceeded,  therefore,  successively  to  visit  the  four 
cardinals  who  represented  respectively  the  German, 
English,  French,  and  Italian  nations.     But  they  re- 

•  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  6. 


Ch.  XIII.]  INDIGNATION    OF    CHLUM.  3^1 

ceived  his  application  witli  cold  indifference.  He 
urged  in  behalf  of  Huss  the  imperial  safe-conduct; 
but  the  first  told  him  that  the  safe-conduct  derived 
its  authority,  in  the  first  instance,  from  the  council  it- 
self, who  could  accept  or  reject  secular  documents  of 
a  similar  nature  at  their  option.  The  second  declared 
that  no  faith  need  be  kept  with  heretics.  Shame  on 
the  Englishman,  whose  native  good  sense  told  him, 
even  in  his  bigotry,  that  he  had  hit  upon  the  only 
principle  that  could  afford  even  a  specious  justifica- 
tion of  the  treatment  of  Huss.  The  French  and 
Italian  cardinals,  informed  of  Chlum's  visit,  and  aware 
of  his  errand,  closed  their  doors  upon  him,  and  paid 
him  no  attention.1 

Stung  to  deeper  indignation  by  such  unmanly  and 
ungenerous  treatment,  Chlum  rushed  out  among  the 
people  who  were  gathered  about  the  papal  palace, 
out  of  sympathy,  as  he  supposed,  for  the  prisoner. 
How  great  was  his  disappointment !  The  enemies 
of  Huss  had  subsidized  the  dregs  of  the  mob  in  their 
cause.  The  priests  had  dispersed  their  creatures  in 
all  directions  to  spread  the  report  that  Huss  had  no 
safe-conduct,  but  was,  in  fact,  an  outlaw.  The  ru- 
mors thus  artfully  spread,  took  effect.  The  rude 
populace  were  swayed  by  the  influence,  and  proba- 
bly by  the  gold,  of  their  superiors.  With  less  re- 
serve than  they,  and  with  a  kindred  taste,  they  took 
deliglit  in  insulting  defenceless  misery.  From  one  to 
another  the  disgraceful  falsehoods  about  Huss  were 
circulated.  In  vain  did  Chlum  appeal  to  them  for 
sympathy.     Where  he  was  not  met  by  a  cold  indif- 

1  Von  der  Hardt  relates  in  full  this  application  to  the  cardinals. 


352  I.I  11".    AM)   TIMES   ok  JOHN   TII'SS.        [Ob.  Xffl, 

ference,  he  was  forced  t<»  Bubmit  to  the  taunts  and 
threats  of  the  hostile  multitude.  "A  madman  and 
coward,  like  Huss,"  they  said,  "  was  quite  unworthy 
of  such  warm  sympathy  and  friendship."1 

Already  it  was  growing  late.  The  streets  were 
deserted,  and  the  lights  extinguished.  The  faithful 
and  noble  knight,  overpowered  with  grief  and  fatigue, 
retired  to  rest.  If  his  eyes  closed  that  night  to  slum- 
ber,  it  must  have  been  to  a  slumber  disturbed  by  sad 
and  troubled  dreams.  But,  whatever  the  medita- 
tions of  his  restless  hours,  we  may  at  least  be  sure 
that  they  were  worthy  of  an  heroic  friendship. 

Undismayed  even  by  the  cold  repulses  and  the 
abuse  to  which  he  had  been  subjected,  Chlum  was 
still  resolved  to  procure  the  release  of  Huss.  He 
bethought  himself  now,  as  a  last  resort,  to  appeal  to 
the  emperor  himself,  whose  authority  had  been 
trampled  on  by  the  violation  of  his  safe-conduct. 

In  this  purpose  he  may  have  been  encouraged  by 
the  timely  arrival  in  Constance  of  his  countryman, 
Henry  de  Latzembock,  who,  with  himself  and  Duba, 
had  been  appointed  by  Wenzel  to  look  after  the 
safety  of  Huss.  Latzembock  had  been  for  some  time 
in  the  suite  of  the  emperor,  had  accompanied  him  to 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  had  been  present  at  his  corona- 
tion at  that  place  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month. 
After  procuring  the  safe-conduct  of  ITu-s  at  Spires, 
and  forwarding  it  to  Nuremburg,2  he  continued  near 
the  emperor,  by  whom  he  was  treated  with  high  con- 

1  Some  of  the  facts  stated  in  the  been  able  to  verify  them  by  other 

paragraph    are    given    by     Becker,  authorities. 

and  others  are  contained  in  a  small         -  Von  der  Ilardt  states  that  it  was 

German  Life   of  Huss.     I   have  not  here  that  Iluss  received  it 


Ca.  XIII.]  HUSS7    SAFE-CONDUCT.  353 

sideration.  After  the  ceremony  of  coronation  had 
taken  place,  he  was  dispatched  with  letters  to  the 
pope  at  Constance  announcing  the  fact.  With  these 
in  hand,  he  arrived  in  the  city  on  the  very  day  of 
the  arrest  of  Huss.  "  With  what  emotions,"  exclaims 
a  Roman  Catholic  historian,  "  must  he  have  seen,  if 
not  the  chains,  at  least  the  imprisonment  of  Huss ! " 
Undoubtedly  he  would,  in  his  surprise,  share  the  in- 
dignation of  his  compatriot  Chlum ;  and  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  the  purpose  of  the  latter  to  apply  to 
the  emperor  was  taken  by  the  advice  of  Latzembock, 
or  in  conference  with  him. 

The  very  next  morning  Chlum  wrote  to  the  em- 
peror, asking  for  redress.  He  detailed  the  circum- 
stances of  the  arrest  and  imprisonment,  and  entreated 
him  to  interfere  that  justice  might  be  done.  To* 
leave  no  means  untried  which  might  contribute  to 
his  success,  he  wrote  also  a  similar  dispatch  to  Bohe- 
mia. From  day  to  day,  as  he  traversed  the  streets 
of  the  city,  he  did  not  fail  to  exhibit,  as  opportunity 
offered,  the  large  sealed  parchment  which  contained 
the  imperial  safe-conduct. 

This  document  read  as  follows : *  "  Sigismund,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  King  of  the  Romans,  etc. :—  To  all 
princes,  ecclesiastical  and  lay,  and  all  our  other  sub- 
jects, greeting.  Of  our  full  affection,  we  recommend 
to  all  in  general,  and  to  each  individually,  the  hon- 
orable man,  Master  John  Huss,  bachelor  in  theology 
and  master  of  arts,  the  bearer  of  these  presents,  going- 
from  Bohemia  to  the  council  of  Cbnstance,  whom  we 
have  taken  under  our  protection  and  safeguard,  andi 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  12. 
VOL.  I.  23 


354  I. hi:    and   TIMES   OF  JOHN    BUSS.        [Ca  XIH 

ander  that  of  the  empire,  requesting,  when  he  arrives 
among  yon,  that  yon  will  receive  him  kindly  and 
treat  him  favorably,  furnishing  him  whatever  shall 
be  necessary  to  promote  and  secure  his  journey, 
whether  by  water  or  by  land,  without  taking  any- 
thing from  him  or  his,  at  his  entrance  or  his  depar- 
ture, on  any  claim  whatever;  but  let  him  freely  and 
securely  pas*,  sojourn,  stop,  and  return;  providing 
him,  if  necessary,  with  good  passports,  to  the  honor 
and  respect  of  the  imperial  majesty.  Given  at  Spires, 
Oct.  18,  1414." 

We  can  imagine  something  of  the  patriotic  indig- 
nation with  which  Chlum  must  have  exhibited  the 
imperial  seal  attached  to  this  important  document. 
To  blazon  abroad  more  widely  the  injustice  done  to 
Hnss,  he  affixed  to  the  doors  of  the  cathedral  and 
council-house  a  placard,  signed  with  his  own  name,  in 
which  he  stated  that  an  act  of  unheard-of  tyranny 
had  been  committed  against  Professor  Hnss,  that  the 
imperial  safe-conduct  had  been  contemned,  and  that 
the  emperor  and  the  empire  would  never  submit  to 
the  insult  that  had  thus  been  offered  to  their  au- 
thority. 

The  letter  of  Chlum  to  the  emperor  was  doubtless 
-despatched  by  him  on  the  first  or  second  day  after 
the  arrest  of  Huss.  Latzembock  was  the  bearer  of 
;it,  doubtless,  and  with  it  he  also  bore  another  from 
the  pope  to  the  emperor,  scarcely  less  significant. 
This  last  was  in  reply  to  one  from  the  emperor  to 
John  XXIIL,  which  bore  date  Nov.  9th,  the  day  after 
the  coronation,  and  which  was  fall  of  expressions  of 
affection  and  filial  submission.     The  pope,  in  his  re- 


Ch.  XIII.]  curious  coeeespondence.  355 

sponse,  did  not  fail  to  reciprocate  all  these  terms  of 
endearment.  He  congratulated  the  emperor  on  his 
coronation,  and  besought  him  to  make  all  diligence 
to  be  present  at  the  council,  inasmuch  as  nothing  im- 
portant could  be  done  in  his  absence. 

Such  was  the  character  of  this  curious  imperio- 
pontifical  correspondence,1  which  was  but  the  prelude 
to  a  conflict  of  intrigue  as  embittered  as  if  it  had 
been  waged  in  mortal  strife.  But  the  two  men  knew 
each  other.  John  XXIII.  saw  at  a  glance  the  re- 
sjjectful  and  deferential  hypocrisy  of  the  emperor, 
and  was  not  to  be  outdone  in  an  art  in  which  he  was 
himself  an  adept.  He  declared  that  the  emperor's 
sincere  affection  for  himself  and  for  the  holy  church 
afforded  him  great  pleasure,  so  much  so  that  he  thanks 
the  Almighty  for  it,  and  receives  the  glad  intelli- 
gence of  the  fortunate  commencement  of  his  reign, 
as  an  omen  of  that  future  success  which  he  will  im- 
plore of  the  Lord,  to  the  praise  of  the  divine  name, 
the  peace  of  the  church,  the  strengthening  of  the 
Roman  empire,  and  the  immortal  glory  of  his  im- 
perial majesty.  He  expresses  his  zeal  to  patronize 
the  emperor,  "  exalting  and  cherishing  so  worthy  a 
son,  and  such  an  invincible  athlete  of  the  Christian 
faith." 

Such  was  the  pope's  letter  of  Dec.  1st,  1414.  It 
was  written  two  days  after  the  arrest  of  Huss,  yet 
never  refers  to  it  in  a  single  line.  Who  would  im- 
agine, from  such  a  correspondence,  the  clashing  and 
conflicting  interests  of  the  two  men  ?  Who  would 
imagine  that  every  line  was  dictated  by  hypocrisy, 

1  I/Enfant,  i.  39. 


356  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.        [Cii.  XIII. 

and  that  the  two  correspondents  were  full  of  mutual 
distrust  and  hatred  I 

But  the  mask,  so  well  worn  at  first,  was  now  to  he 
rudely  torn  off.  The  letters  of  the  pope  and  of  John 
de  Chlum,  borne  probably  by  the  same  messenger, 
Latzemboek,  reached  the  emperor  at  the  same  mo- 
ment. He  was  not  slow  to  comment  on  the  signifi- 
cance of  each.  If  Latzemboek  was  the  bearer  of 
both  epistles,  as  he  doubtless  was,  he  would  not  fail 
to  express  his  own  sense  of  the  outrage  offered  to 
the  imperial  authority  by  the  arrest  of  Huss.  Under 
the  impulse  of  the  moment,  and  moved  at  least  by 
his  own  self-respect,  if  not  his  own  unextinguished 
sense  of  justice  or  the  generosity  of  his  nature,  Sigis- 
mund  determined  to  rebuke  the  insult  offered  to  his 
authority.  The  result,  at  least,  was  another  letter 
in  this  singular  correspondence,  in  a  tone  altogether 
different  from  that  which  had  been  hitherto  em- 
ployed. The  pontiff  and  his  court  had  presumed  to 
contemn  the  imperial  authority,  and  Sigismund  was 
not  as  yet  versed  in  that  peculiar  casuistry  by  which 
the  doctors  of  the  council  afterward  succeeded  in 
reconciling  him  to  the  violation  of  his  plighted  faith.1 
In  very  plain  and  unequivocal  language  he  now  gave 
vent  to  his  indignation.  He'  sent  his  ambassadors 
forward  without  delay  to  Constance,  sharply  insisting 
on  the  immediate  release  of  Huss  from  his  unjust 
imprisonment.  Prompt  measures  were  to  be  taken, 
and  violence  employed  if  necessary,  to  secure  obe- 
dience to  the  imperial  mandate.2 

Meanwhile  Iluss  had  been  removed  from  his  foul 

1  Helfert,  186,  187.  3  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  26. 


Ch.  XIII.]  HUSS   DENIED    AN   ADVOCATE.  357 

cell  in  the  Dominican  monastery  to  cleaner  and 
more  healthy  apartments  above-ground.  Upon  this 
removal  the  physicians,  with  at  least  professional 
humanity,  had  boldly  insisted.  It  is  said  that  the 
pope,  fearful  lest  Huss  should  die  in  prison  and  the 
cause  of  orthodoxy  lose  the  incense  of  a  burning 
heretic,  had  directed  his  own  physician  to  attend  the 
prisoner.  However  this  may  be,  the  health  of  Huss 
began  immediately  to  improve.1 

The  commission  who  had  been  appointed  to  hear 
his  accusers  and  his  own  defence,  did  not  delay  their 
proceedings  on  account  of  the  sickness  of  Huss. 
They  visited  him  in  prison,  while  yet  enfeebled  by 
disease,  and  presented  him  with  the  list  of  the  charges 
that  had  been  drawn  up  against  him.  Huss  asked 
that  an  advocate  might  be  appointed  him  to  defend 
his  cause,  inasmuch  as  by  sickness  and  imprisonment 
he  was  not  able  to  do  it  himself.  The  request  was 
denied.  He  was  told  that,  according  to  canon  law, 
no  one  could  be  allowed  to  take  the  part  or  plead 
the  cause  of  a  man  suspected  of  heresy.  One  of  the 
later  Roman  Catholic  historians2  of  these  events, 
undertakes  to  vindicate  the  justice  of  this  canon. 

But  this  was  not  the  only  hardship  of  which  Huss 
had  to  complain.  The  same  authority  which  denied 
him  an  advocate,  admitted  all  kinds  of  evidence 
against  him  as  a  heretic.  His  enemies — and  there 
were  not  a  few  who  were  glad  of  such  an  opportunity 
to  offer  their  volunteer  testimony — were  thus  invited 
to  become  his  accusers.8     In  his  letters  Huss  com- 

1  The  sickness  of  Huss  must  have    gerous.     See  Epis.  li.,  Mon.  Hussi,  i 
been  severely  painful,  as  well  as  dan-     74.        2  Godeau.        3  L'Enfant,  i.  41 


358  LIFE   AM)   TIMES   OF  JOHN   Ill's-.        [On.  XIII. 

plains  that  every  day  some  new  accusation  against 
him  was  devised,  composed  of  items  false  and  cap- 
tious, bo  that  he  conld  scarcely  find  time  to  answer 
them.1  The  vexations  to  which  lie  was  subjected  by 
the  members  of  the  commission,  the  insults  offered 
by  Paletz  and  Causis  ;i-  wel]  as  otle-r  ecclesiastics, 
and  the  artifices  and  intrigues  that  were  employed 
to  prevent  his  having  a  hearing  before  the  council, 
were  enough  to  drive  him  to  despondency.  But  in 
spite  of  all,  his  trust  in  God  and  the  justice  of  his 
cause  remained  unshaken  ;  and  the  writings  which 
issued  from  his  prison  cell  attest  his  incessant  activ- 

ity.2 

Another  commission. was  appointed  by  the  pope, 
probably  in  accordance  with  the  request  of  his  pros- 
ecutors, to  examine  his  writings.  It  consisted  of  the 
Cardinals  D'Ailly,  St.  Mark,  Brancas,  and  Florence, 
two  generals  of  orders,  and  six  doctors  of  theology. 
These  were  busy  at  their  task,  while  the  other  com- 
mission was  gathering  up  testimony  from  witnesses 
whom  Huss  had  no  opportunity  to  confront,  and 
whose  names  even  were  studiously  concealed. 

It  was  after  the  commissioners  had  begun  their 
work,  that  the  mandate  of  the  emperor  requiring  the 
immediate  release  of  IIuss  reached  Constance.  The 
instructions  of  the  ambassadors  were  sufficiently  ex- 
plicit. John  XXIIL,  after  his  flight  from  Constance, 
urges,  among  other  reasons  in  justification  of  his  coins-', 
the  peremptory  command  of  the  emperor  for  the 
release  of  IIuss,  directing  that   in   case  of  resistance 

1  Epis.  x.,  Mon.  i.  60.  5  See,  besides  Ins  Letters,  several  Treatises. 

Mon.  i.  :;'.t-48. 


CH.XIIL]         IMPERIAL    MANDATE    CONTEMNED.  359 

his  prison  doors  should  be  broken  down  and  he  set 
at  liberty.  This  the  pope  resented  as  an  interference 
with  his  prerogative  and  the  duty  of  the  council. 
He  maintains  that  Huss  had  been  arrested  by  his 
authority,  and  that  the  emperor  had  interfered  with 
the  due  course  of  justice  in  ordering  the  enlargement 
of  the  prisoner. 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  imperial  mandate 
was  received,  and  that  its  import  was  understood. 
But  it  was  not  an  easy  thing  to  carry  it  into  execu- 
tion in  the  absence  of  the  emperor.  On  this  ques- 
tion— however  they  might  differ  on  other  points — 
the  pope  and  the  cardinals,  as  well  as  the  leading 
members  of  the  council,  were  fully  agreed.  Against 
their  united  opposition  nothing  could  be  done.  Nor 
does  it  appear  that  the  imperial  ambassadors  knew 
where  Huss  was  confined.  This  at  least  is  certain, 
that  the  command  of  the  emperor  was  not  obeyed. 
Instead  of  being  released,  Huss  was  more  closely  con- 
fined. His  removal  to  the  Dominican  monastery 
preceded  but  by  a  few  days  the  arrival  of  the  am- 
bassadors, and  may  have  been  effected  in  anticipation 
of  it.  But  he  was  now  beyond  the  reach  of  the  im- 
perial officers,  and  they  were  forced  to  await  the 
coming  of  the  emperor  before  any  decisive  steps 
could  be  taken. 

There  were,  indeed,  some  powerful  motives  which 
forbade  the  obedience  of  the  pontiff  to  the  emperor's 
command.  It  was  his  interest  to  have  questions  of 
heresy  precede  any  investigation  of  the  question  of 
the  schism.  It  was  something  gained,  meanwhile,  to 
accustom  men  to  witness  the  exercise  of  his  own  au- 


3 GO  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIIL 

thority,  and  the  bold  assumption  of  his  prerogative. 
In  this  matter,  moreover,  he  was  confident  of  pow- 
erful support.  The  cardinals  and  all  the  enemies 
of  Huss  were  ranged  upon  his  side. 

In  such  circumstances  John  XXIII.  seemed  not 
unwilling  that  the  papal  and  imperial  authority  should 
come  into  open  conflict.  He  felt  sure  of  a  triumph. 
It  was  not  a  little  gained,  if,  while  the  sceptre  trem- 
bled in  his  hand,  and  Christendom  owned  a  divided 
allegiance,  he  might  openly  and  with  impunity  ven- 
ture to  trample  on  the  imperial  mandate. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

ANXIETIES    OF    THE    POPE.     THE    ENGLISH    AND    FRENCH 
DEPUTATIONS. 

Troublesome  Questions. —  Membership  of  the  Council. —  Voting  by  Nations.— 
Plan  op  Union.  —  The  French  Deputation.  —  Views  of  Gerson. — Views 
of  D'Aillt. — Views  of  Cardinal  St.  Mark.  —  They  Prevail. — The  Eng- 
lish Deputation.  —  Persecution  of  the  Lollards. — Richard  of  London. — 
Thomas  Netter.  —  Spirit  of  the  English  Nation.  —  Robert  Hallam.  —  Ul- 
lerston.  — His  Writings.  —  Doctor  Paul.  —  John  Dorre. — Walter  Dysse.— 
His  Poem.  —  The  Deputation  Anti-Wickliffe. 

Dec.  7,  1414-Dec.  18,  1414. 

There  were  several  important  questions  which  at 
this  juncture  claimed  the  attention  of  the  council, 
and,  divided  with  the  subject  of  heresy,  the  anxiety 
and  attention  of  the  pope.  One  of  these  concerned 
the  membership  of  the  council ;  another  was  the 
manner  in  which  the  votes  should  be  taken ;  and  still 
another  was  the  plan  to  be  adopted  to  promote  the 
union  of  the  church. 

Upon  the  decision  of  either  of  these  the  fate  of 
John  XXIIL,  as  pontiff,  might  depend.  As  to  the 
first,  he  had  reason  for  anxiety  lest,  by  the  admission 
of  the  lower  clergy,  a  majority  should  be  secured  ad- 
verse to  his  interests.  By  means  of  the  large  num- 
ber of  obscure  Italian  bishops  who  had  followed  him 
to  Constance,  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  carry  his  meas- 
ures.    Distrustful  of  the  other  nations,  he  could  rely 


3G2  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOIIX    HUBS.         [Cb.  XIV. 

upon  his  faithful  Italians,  and  he  did  not  wish  to  have 
their  votes  Lost  in  those  of  the  multitude  of  inferior 
clergy,  and  of  the  more  secular  element  furnished 
from  Germany,  France,  and  England.1 

As  to  the  second  question — the  manner  in  which 
the  votes  should  he  taken  2 — the  jealousy  of  the  three 
other  nations  was  excited  by  the  numerical  majority 
of  the  Italians.  If  the  latter,  however,  as  well  as 
each  of  the  others,  was  entitled  to  but  a  single  vote, 
and  the  decisions  of  the  council  were  to  be  based 
upon  a  majority  of  the  votes  by  nations,  each  nation 
being  entitled  by  a  majority  to  determine  how  its 
vote  should  be  cast,  the  Italians,  who  represented 
the  strength  of  the  papal  party,  would  be  able  to 
command  in  the  council  but  one  vote  out  of  four. 
To  prevent  such  a  consummation,  urged  by  the 
French  and  Germans,  was  a  favorite  project  on  the 
pai't  of  the  pope. 

These  two  questions  had  been  discussed  as  early  as 
the  twelfth  of  November,  and  early  in  December  the 
other  was  taken  up.  It  was  strenuously  urged  that 
the  wisest  course  would  be  to  induce  the  two  anti- 
popes,  Benedict  and  Gregory,  by  gentle  means,  if 
possible,  to  cede  their  claims.  It  was  hoped  that  by 
the  lenity  of  the  council,  which  was  ready  to  lighten 
their  fall,  and  secure  for  them  in  case  of  their  abdi- 
cation a  favorable  reversion,  they  might  be  persuad- 
ed to  adopt  this  course.  Such  lenity,  it  was  argued, 
with  a  gross  inconsistency  when  the  treatment  of 
Huss  is  considered,  was  more  accordant  with  the 
genius  of  the  church,  which  was  bound  as  a  kind 

1  L'Enfant,  70.  Q  lb.  71. 


Ch.  XIV.]         ENGLISH   AND   FRENCH   MEMBERS.  363 

mother  to  reclaim  her  erring  children  by  mild  and 
gentle  means. 

Nothing  had  been  publicly  said  as  yet,  in  this  con- 
nection, which  bore  directly  against  John  XXIII. 
This  was  the  subject  which  Niem  calls  the  "noli  me 
tangere."  *  But  appended  to  the  schedule  for  the 
direction  of  the  council,  which  had  been  drawn  up 
in  the  congregation  of  November  12th,  were  certain 
articles  which  contemplated  the  possible  necessity 
of  extending  the  plan  so  as  to  include  the  abdication 
of  John  XXIII.  But  as  yet,  in  the  absence  of.  the 
English  and  French  deputations,  the  advocates  of  the 
measure  did  not  feel  themselves  strong  enough  to 
urge  it  publicly.  Although  studiously  concealed 
from  the  pope,  he  must  soon  have  learned  of  it 
through,  his  spies  and  the  tools  of  his  intrigue,  at 
least  if  they  possessed  the  skill  for  which  Niem  gives 
them  credit ;  and  the  apprehension  thus  excited  in 
the  pontiff  may  be  readily  conceived. 

The  arrival  of  the  English  and  Scotch  deputations 
on  the  seventh  of  December,  and  of  the  French  dep- 
utation on  the  eighteenth  of  the  same  month,  gave 
a  new  face  to  these  important  questions,  and  unques- 
tionably exercised  a  very  considerable  influence  upon 
the  policy  of  the  council  and  the  measures  of  the 
pope.  Both  these  deputations  were  strongly  preju- 
diced against  Huss,  and  both  of  them  were  equally 
adverse  to  the  favorite  projects  of  the  pope.  It  was 
not  therefore  an  unwise  move  on  the  part  of  John 
XXIII.  to  take  the  lead  in  ur^in^  on  the  trial  of 
Huss.     He  might  thus  hope  to  secure  the  support  of 

1  Touch  me  not.     L'Enfant,  31. 


3G4  LIFE   AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  XIV. 

the  English  and  French  deputations,  or  at  least  di- 
vert the  attention  of  the  council  from  other  matters 
more  threatening  to  himself. 

The  views  of  the  French  delegation  found  in  John 
Gerson  their  ablest  representative.  Previous  to  the 
council  of  Pisa,  he  had,  on  mature  investigation,  adopt- 
ed the  position  which  he  still  maintained.  Political- 
ly a  strenuous  upholder  of  monarchical  institutions, 
he  was,  strangely  enough,  an  ecclesiastical  democrat. 
In  his  celebrated  treatise  uDe  Auferibilitate  PopcB? 
the  very  title  of  which  was  startling,  he  argues  in 
defence  of  a  republican  church  polity,  and  maintains 
that  the  church  is  independent  of  the  pope,  and  for 
just  reasons  may  depose  him.  The  membership  of 
a  general  council  should,  moreover,  represent  the 
church  universal.  It  should  embrace  not  only  the 
higher  prelates,  but  the  lower  clergy,  and  even  the 
laity  should  be  admitted,  if,  as  in  case  of  kings, 
princes,  and  rulers,  they  are  disposed  and  able  to 
contribute  to  the  defence  and  welfare  of  the  church. 
None,  in  fact,  should  be  excluded,  whose  position,  ad- 
vantages, or  influence  could  be  of  service  to  the  gen- 
eral cause.  All  such  were  entitled  to  be  heard,  and 
should  be  admitted  to  membership. 

Gerson  may  have  been  led  in  part  to  the  adoption 
of  these  views  by  the  circumstances  of  the  times. 
He  had  no  faith  in  the  sincerity  of  either  of  the 
popes,  or  their  respective  conclaves.  He  knew  that 
no  reformation  of  the  church  was  to  be  hoped  for, 
if  left  to  them  and  the  higher  prelates  alone.  A 
more  popular  voice  must  be  heard,  and  a  more 
popular  feeling  enlisted,  to  secure  the  result. 


Ch.  XIV.]  VIEWS  of  d'ailly.  365 

With  these  views,  in  the  main,  D'Ailly,  the  Cardi- 
nal of  Cambray,  fully  concurred.  His  treatises  that 
remain  show  that  they  were  his,  and  deliberately 
adopted,  long  before  the  assembling  of  the  council  of 
Constance.  In  some  respects,  indeed,  they  nearly 
approached  the  positions  taken  on  the  subject  by  the 
reformers  of  the  succeeding  century.  Gerson  and 
D'Ailly  both  held  opinions,  which  they  strenuously 
and  openly  maintained,  which  were  charged  upon 
Huss  as  heresy.1  The  latter  was  far  more  despond- 
ing than  his  friend  in  regard  to  the  expected  reforma- 
tion. "  If  a  new  pope  was  to  be  elected," — such  was 
his  language  five  years  previously  to  the  assembling 
of  the  council, — "  whence  would  he  come  ?  The  car- 
dinals would  claim  the  right  of  election,  and  would 
elevate  one  of  their  own  number  to  the  purple." 
What  might  be  expected  of  such  an  election  he  gives 
us  to  understand,  in  comparing  the  conclave  to  the 
priests  of  Baal,  who  were  all  to  be  thrown  to  the 
lions ;  or  to  the  family  of  Eli,  who  were  all  to  be  ex- 
tirpated. "Even  if  a  good  pope  was  elected,  the 
cardinals  would  not  obey  him."  But  at  that  time  he 
was  not  a  cardinal  himself. 

In  regard  to  the  inherent  sanctity  or  infallibility 
of  the  pontiff,  the  views  of  D'Ailly  were  equally  bold 
and  original.  'Promotion  to  the  papacy  did  not 
make  a  man  holy.  Peter  was  not  impeccable.'  He 
charges  the  alienation  of  England  and  Hungary  from 
the  Romish  church  to  the  avarice  of  Pope  Boniface, 
so  that  these  kingdoms  were  still  virtually  (acephali) 
without  a  head.     He  does  not  spare  the  simony  of 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  i.,  part  iv.     See  passbn. 


366  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Cu.  XIV. 

the  Roman  court.  He  declares  against  the  multitude, 
who,  by  trading  in  sacred  tilings,  had  forced  their 
way  into  the  sheepfold.  They  had  not  entered  in  by 
the  door,  hut  by  another  way,  and  were  truly  rob- 
bers. He  declares,  'that  as  there  is  joy  in  heaven 
when  a  sinner  repents,  so  then  there  is  joy  in  Rome 
when  a  prelate  dies.  His  benefices  are  the  carcass 
around  which  the  eagles  exult  to  gather.  An  angel 
from  heaven  would  vainly  present  his  claim  to  be  set 
over  a  vacant  monastery,  unless  he  paid  for  it  the 
specified  sum ;  otherwise  his  petition  would  not  even 
be  listened  to.'  The  question,  in  regard  to  one  who 
seeks  promotion,  is  not, '  Are  you  a  fit  man,  but  have 
you  got  money  ? '  He  then  traces  the  origin  of  the 
system  of  the  reservation  of  benefices  to  the  avarice 
of  the  popes,  and  claims  that  measures  should  be 
taken  to  restrain  this  unwarranted  usurpation  of 
power. 

It  seems  strange  that  one  holding  such  views,  and 
openly  maintaining  and  defending  them,  should  have 
been  elevated  to  the  cardinalate  by  a  man  against 
whom  they  bore  so  directly  as  they  did  against  John 
XXIII.  And  yet  D'Ailly  was  raised  by  him  to  a 
seat  in  the  conclave  (1411).  This  promotion  was, 
beyond  doubt,  intended  as  a  bribe  to  buy  him  over 
to  the  pope's  interest.  But  if  such  was  its  intent,  it 
signally  failed.  The  course  of  the  Cardinal  of  Cam- 
bray  was  independent  of  papal  influence.  He  carried 
with  him  to  the  council  the  same  opinions  which  he 
had  previously  held.  That  he  knew  the  pope's  char- 
acter from  the  first,  and  that  he  despaired  of  any 
good  from  that  source,  is  evident. 


Ch.  xiv.]  gerson's  views.  367 

In  the  treatise  already  referred  to,  he  declares 
'that  the  sects  which  had  sprung  up  in  Bohemia  and 
Moravia  were  directly  chargeable  to  the  simoniacal 
heresy  and  reprobate  acts  of  the  court  of  Rome.  The 
scandals  committed  at  Prague,  and  which  had  spread 
over  the  whole  kingdom,  had  been  committed  out 
of  contempt  for  John  XXIII.1  He  mentions  one  of 
the  books  of  Huss  which  impugns  the  papal  authority 
and  its  plenitude  of  power,  as  written  on  this  very 
account. 

In  Gerson's  works  we  find  at  least  equal  plainness 
of  speech.  The  university  of  Paris  was  an  indepen- 
dent republic  in  the  bosom  of  the  church,  and  though 
torn  by  many  internal  divisions,  possessed  still  a  na- 
tional character,  and  uttered  its  decree  with  magis- 
terial authority.  At  that  period  of  the  papal  schism  it 
seemed  to  have  stepped  into  the  vacant  chair  of  papal 
authority,  and  to  have  disputed  like  a  hard  master 
with  the  popes  themselves.  Its  views  in  regard  to 
the  council  were  represented  by  Gerson.  On  the 
point  now  under  discussion,  as  to  who  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  a  voice  in  the  action  of  the  council,  Gerson 
had  said,  "  let  no  believer  who  wished  to  be  heard 
be  denied  the  privilege,  so  far  at  least  as  he  is  fitted 
to  teach,  or  wishes  to  be  taught.'1  This  was  the 
position  taken  by  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray  before 
Gerson's  arrival  at  the  council.  In  a  paper  carefully 
drawn  up,  he  maintained  that  no  uniform  rule  had 
prevailed  in  regard  to  the  membership  of  general 
councils.  This  had  been  dependent  in  great  measure 
on  the  object  for  which  they  were  convoked.     In  the 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  vi.,  part  Hi.  124. 


368  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN   HUBS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

councils  of  Pisa  and  of  Rome,  not  only  had  doctors 
been  allowed  to  vote,  but  even  secular  priests,  their 
ambassadors  and  proxies.  He  argued  that,  if  it  was 
intended  really  to  reform  the  clergy,  it  would  be  ab- 
surd to  exclude  the  men  most  interested  to  secure 
such  a  result. 

These  views  of  D'Ailly  were  ably  seconded  by  the 
Cardinal  St.  Mark.  He  demanded  where  the  author- 
ity was  to  be  found  for  excluding  the  inferior  clergy 
from  a  voice  in  the  council.  He  appealed  to  St. 
Paul,  Jerome,  and  the  Canonists,  to  substantiate  his 
position  that  all  orders  should  be  equally  admitted 
to  co-membership.  "According  to  St.  Paul,"  said  he, 
"  the  bishop  and  the  priest  have  the  same  character, 
the  same  dignity,  and  the  pope  himself  is  ouly  the 
first  among  priests."  The  proxies  of  such  as  could 
not  themselves  be  present,  as  well  as  royal  ambassa- 
dors, should  be  admitted  also. 

These  were  the  views  which  finally  prevailed, — 
ecclesiastical  republicanism  against  papal  monarchism 
and  infallibility.  The  success  of  the  opponents  of 
the  pope  was  due,  undoubtedly,  in  great  measure,  to 
the  fact  that  in  maintaining  their  position  they  seemed 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  Pisan  council,  and 
thus,  by  implication,  the  legitimacy  of  the  pope's  elec- 
tion. 

In  substantial  agreement  with  the  views  of  the 
French  were  those  of  the  English  deputation.  If 
the  university  of  Paris  had  condemned  the  articles 
of  IIuss,  and  had  become  embittered  against  the  pope 
and  papal  iniquity,  Oxford  was  not  less  outspoken 
in  condemnation  alike  of  whatever  savored  of  Wick- 


Ch.  XIV.l  ENGLISH   DEPUTATION.  369 

]iffe,  or  sanctioned  the  extravagant  corruption  of  the 
Roman  court.  It  is  not  a  little  instructive  to  trace 
the  causes  which  forced  the  anti-Wickliffe  party  in 
England  into  an  attitude  of  indignant  protest  against 
pontifical  corruption.  Embittered  against  heresy, 
they  had  yet  imbibed  largely  on  some  points  the 
very  spirit  of  those  whom  they  excommunicated  and 
burned. 

It  was  on  the  seventh  day  of  December,  1414, 
that  the  English  deputation  reached  the  city  of  Con- 
stance. Among  its  members  were  the  Bishops  of 
Salisbury,  Bath  and  Hereford,  the  Abbot  of  West- 
minster, the  Prior  of  Worcester,  and  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  the  last  attended  by  a  retinue  of  600 
mounted  soldiers. 

Cooped  up  in  her  island  home,  England  had  scarce 
any  European  reputation  until  the  fierce  forays  of 
her  monarchs  had  established  the  fame  of  her  prow- 
ess on  the  battle-fields  of  France.  The  names  of 
Cressy  and  Poictiers,  for  little  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury, had,  through  Europe,  become  synonymous  with 
English  valor.  The  land  of  Thomas  a  Becket  was 
the  land  of  the  Edwards  also,  and  in  less  than  twelve 
months  from  the  opening  of  the  council,  the  famous- 
battle  of  Agincourt  would  give  new  weight  to  the 
vote  of  the  English  nation.  Henry  V.,  who  had  just 
put  the  crown  upon  his  head,  threw  aside  with  his 
private  estate  the  vices  and  follies  of  his  youth,  and 
evinced  an  unwonted  regard  for  the  orthodoxy  and 
welfare  of  the  church.  There  had  been  in  fact  a 
strong  reaction  going  on  since  the  death  of  Wickliffe,, 
against   the   measures   he  had  sought  to  promote. 

VOL.  I.  24 


370  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  XIV. 

The  ecclesiastical  authorities  had  become  alarmed 
at  the  progress  of  reform.  The  Lollards,  as  the  fol- 
lowers of  WicHiffe  were  called,  could  no  longer  be 
despised.     The  usurping  claims  of  the  papacy  to  the 

homage  and  tribute  of  the  kingdom,  the  intrusion 
and  impudent  assumptions  of  the  mendicant  orders, 
and  the  general  corruption  which  prevailed  in  the 
church,  had  united  the  mass  of  the  English  laity  on 
the  side  of  reform.  The  high,  proud  spirit  of  the 
English  barons  would  not  brook  the  arrogance  of  a 
foreign  priest.  Little  skilled  in  the  orthodoxy  of 
doctrines,  their  patriotism  recognized  only  in  Wick- 
liffe  the  champion  of  the  nation's  rights.  On  every 
side  his  doctrines  spread.  The  minority  of  Richard 
II.  left  the  power  and  authority  of  the  government 
in  the  hands  of  his  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  a 
close  friend  of  the  reformer.  The  arm  of  persecution 
was  not  yet  strong  enough  to  put  any  effectual  check 
to  the  course  of  the  arch-heretic.  Arraigned  before 
the  ecclesiastical  court,  a  message  came  from  the 
royal  presence  commanding  them  to  let  Wickliffe 
alone.  Meanwhile  throughout  many  of  the  counties 
of  England  the  disciples  of  Wickliffe  were  scattered, 
and  they  were  far  from  idle.  With  a  primitive  zeal 
they  proclaimed  everywhere  the  doctrines  of  the 
reformer.  The  minds  of  men  were  not  altogether 
unprepared  for  their  m'essage.  "The  Complaint  of 
Piers  Ploughman,"  a  most  severe  and  scorching  ex- 
posure of  the  vices  of  the  clergy  and  the  evils  of  the 
times,  had  been  already  extensively  circulated.  No 
one  can  peruse  it  and  fail  to  discover,  in  almost  every 
line,  the  plain  and  sturdy  common-sense  characteris- 


Ch.  XIV.]     SPREAD    OF   WICKLIFFe's    DOCTRINES.  37 1 

tic  of  the  English  people.  It  is  a  bold  and  manly 
protest  against  the  falsehoods  and  usurpations  that 
were  masked  under  a  sacred  name.  The  English 
nation  also,  with  singular  unanimity,  were  united  in 
an  indignant  resistance  to  the  papal  claims.  In  one 
form  or  another  these  came  repeatedly  before  par- 
liament. Even  the  clergy  shrank  from  a  public 
maintenance  of  what  all  were  constrained  to  regard 
as  an  insult  to  the  free  spirit  of  the  nation.  Thus 
the  papal  authority  was  at  the  lowest  ebb.  Men 
spoke  freely  of  the  abuses,  the  impieties,  the  sensual- 
ity, the  simony  of  the  papal  court.  It  is  true  that, 
from  time  to  time,  the  Lollards  were  harassed  and 
imprisoned.  But  persecution  had  not  yet  assumed 
an  organized  form,  and  the  active  energy  of  the  re- 
formers was  busy  scattering  on  every  side  the  seed 
of  evangelical  truth.  So  far  had  the  anti-papal  feel- 
ing spread,  even  at  Oxford,  that  it  was  seriously 
debated  whether  the  papal  bull  should  even  be  re- 
ceived. An  old  historian,  Knighton,  assures  us  that 
two  men  could  not  be  found  together  and  one  not  a 
Lollard.  The  bishops  could  not  remain  a  long  time 
blind  to  the  spread  of  Wickliffe's  doctrines.  Those 
who  favored  the  new  opinions  were  cited  to  appear 
before  the  episcopal  courts.  Some  indeed  recanted, 
but  others  bravely  stood  the  shock,  and  none  were 
delivered  over  to  the  secular  arm.  Oppression  for 
conscience'  sake  could  not  as  yet  call  to  its  aid  the 
resource  of  persecuting  statutes. 

But  with  the  accession  of  Henry  IV.  to  the  throne 
(1401)  a  new  policy  was  adopted,  less  favorable  to 
the  spread  of  the  opinions  of  Wickliffe.     Henry  IV. 


372  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.         [Ch.  XrV 

was  .ni  usurper,  yet  the  motto  of  his  policy  was  op- 
position to  tyranny,  by  which  many  had  Buffered. 
Banished  from  the  realm  by  Richard  II.,  he  had 

taken  refuge  in  France,  and  there,  with  Thomas 
Arundel,  the  exiled  archbishop  who  had  opposed  the 
arbitrary  measures  of  the  court,  had  laid  his  plans 
not  only  for  the  recovery  of  his  paternal  estates,  but 
for  the  deposition  of  King  Richard  and  his  own  as- 
sumption of  the  crown.  In  the  archbishop  he  found 
a  useful  and  efficient  ally.  Through  him  he  secured 
the  favor  of  the  English  clergy  and  their  powerful 
aid.  It  has  been  computed  that  at  this  time  more 
than  half  the  landed  property  of  the  kingdom  was 
in  their  hands.  Such  an  alliance  as  theirs  was  not, 
therefore,  to  be  despised.  They  had  need  of  Henry 
IV.,  and  he  had  need  of  them.  The  fruits  of  this 
alliance  were  soon  seen.  Scarcely  had  the  new  king 
mounted  the  throne,  when  the  writ  de  lieretico  com- 
hiirendo  made  its  appearance.  Nor  was  it  suffered 
long  to  remain  a  dead  letter.  The  ecclesiastical 
power  could  now  fall  back  on  the  aid  of  the  secular 
arm.  William  Sawtre"  was  the  first  victim  of  this 
unhallowed  compact.  He  was  a  parish  priest  of  St. 
Omer's,  London,  and  bore  the  reputation  of  a  good 
man  and  a  faithful  preacher.  On  the  assembling  of 
the  first  parliament  of  Henry  IV.,  he  demanded  to 
be  heard  "for  the  commodity  of  the  whole  realm." 
The  sagacity  of  the  bishops  quickly  detected  the 
danger  that  might  lnrk  under  his  free  speech.  He 
was  arraigned  before  the  episcopal  court,  tried,  con- 
victed, condemned,  degraded,  and  given  over  to  the 
secular  arm.     Other   victims  of  priestly  hate  were 


Ch.  XIV.]  ENGLISH   DEPUTATION.  3*73 

not  wanting.  The  fires  of  martyrdom  were  repeat- 
edly kindled  for  those  who  refused  to  abjure  or  re- 
cant their  imputed  errors.  The  zealous  orthodoxy 
of  the  English  prelates  was  more  and  more  inflamed 
against  the  opinions  and  the  followers  of  Wickliffe. 
Commissioners  were  appointed  to  examine,  and  syn- 
ods held  to  condemn,  his  doctrines.  The  circum- 
stances and  policy  of  the  monarch  were  such  that  the 
ecclesiastics  could  force  him  to  become  their  tool. 
They  had  raised  him  to  the  throne,  and  if  he  refused 
to  serve  their  interests  they  might  depose  him. 

Henry  V.  pursued  the  policy  of  his  father,  Henry 
IV.,  and  extended  his  approval  to  the  measures  of 
the  persecuting  clergy.  Even  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  a 
powerful  knight,  and  a  favorite  of  the  young  monarch, 
was  given  up  to  their  greedy  malice,  and  cast  into 
prison. 

It  was  in  such  circumstances  as  these  that  the  Eng- 
lish deputation  to  the  council  of  Constance  was  se- 
lected. It  was  sure  to  reflect  the  persecuting  spirit 
of  the  church.  The  name  of  Wickliffe  was  odious 
to  the  English  clergy,  and  whatever  was  associated 
with  him  or  his  opinions  was  already  condemned  by 
a  partisan  prejudice. 

No  one  therefore  could  be  deputed  to  the  council 
who  did  not  hold  every  thing  connected  with  Wickliffe 
in  utter  abomination.  Of  the  deputation,  Richard, 
Bishop  of  London,1  was  a  conspicuous  member.  He 
was  one  of  the  council  before  whom  Sir  John  Old 
castle,  Lord  Cobham,  was  summoned,  and  had  taken 

1  I  do  not  find  his  name  on  the  list  of  those  who  first  appeared  at  the 
council. 


874  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OP    JOHN    BUSS.         [Ch.  XIV 

an  active  part  upon  his  trial.  Thomas  Netter,  of 
Walden  in  Essex,  a  Carmelite,  and  afterward  prior 
of  his  order,  was  another  member  of  the  deputation. 
He  had  been  present,  and  had  participated  in  the 
sessions  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  and  on  his  return  to 
England  had  engaged  with  such  zeal  in  the  contro- 
versy  against  the  opinions  of  Wickliffe,  as  to  be 
designated  the  fittest  representative  of  the  clergy  at 
the  council  of  Constance.  By  some  he  was  looked 
upon  as  the  most  eminent,  and  almost  the  only  chain 
pion  of  the  faith.  Carried  away  with  his  partisan 
fervor,  he  had  not  spared  the  reputation  of  the  king 
himself,  but  charged  him,  not  altogether  probably 
without  reason,  as  lukewarm  in  his  purpose  to  pun- 
ish heretics.  The  charge  was  publicly  made,  and 
Henry  V.  dared  not  resent  it.  The  author  of  it  was 
deservedly  selected  as  one  who  would  not  be  moved 
by  the  extreme  of  compassion  towards  his  victims 
charged  with  heresy.  The  simple  fact  of  his  selec- 
tion for  the  express  purpose  of  inveighing  against 
the  followers  of  Huss,1  shows  plainly  enough  the 
spirit  in  which  the  deputation  was  chosen.  The  ene- 
mies of  Wickliffe,  and  consequently  of  Huss,  were 
triumphantly  in  the  ascendant.  Like  a  wild  beast 
that  has  once  tasted  blood,  they  were  ravenous  for 
new  victims.  Madly  bent  on  the  extermination  of 
whatever  bore  the  taint  of  heresy,  their  presence  in 
the  council  could  only  give  a  new  impulse  to  the 
persecuting  spirit  to  which  Huss  was  already  so 
sorely  exposed. 

And    yet    the    spirit   of  the    English   nation    was 

1  Carimir  Oadio,  iii.  2'225. 


Caxrv.]  ullerston's  "petition."  375 

strongly  roused  against  papal  usurpation.  To  a 
great  extent  the  deputation  to  the  council  sympa- 
thized with  this  spirit.  Robert  Hallarn,  Bishop  of 
Sarum,  who  died  at  Constance,  and  whose  monument 
of  English  brass,  sent  over  by  his  executors,  is  still 
to  be  seen  in  the  minster  of  that  city,  was  president 
of  the  deputation.  Richard  Ullerston  was  his  bosom 
friend,  and  doubtless  reflected  his  sentiments  in  a  re- 
markable work  published  some  few  years  previous  to 
the  assembling  of  the  council.  Ullerston  was  a  native 
of  Lancashire,  and  afterward  theological  professor  at 
Oxford.  He  pursued  his  studies  under  Richard  Court- 
nay, — chaplain  as  well  as  blood  relative  of  the  Prince 
of  Wales, — a  man  who  boldly  dared  to  vindicate  the 
rights  of  the  university  against  episcopal  usurpation. 
Such  was  the  general  respect  for  Ullerston's  char- 
acter and  ability,  that  his  friend  Hallam  urgently 
pressed  him  to  draw  up  a  plan  of  reform  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  council.  Ullerston  acceded  to  the 
request.  The  work,  entitled  "Ullerston's  Petition 
for  Church  Reform,"  is  dedicated  to  Hallam,  and 
was  so  highly  prized  by  him  that  "  it  was  scarcely 
out  of  his  hands  during  the  sessions  of  the  council." 
The  work  is  divided  into  several  chapters,  embracing 
the  various  subjects  of  reform.  The  first  of  these  is 
"The  Papal  Court;"  and  in  describing  what  a  pope 
should  be,  every  line  seems  a  satire  upon  the  vices  of 
John  XXIII.  In  condemning  the  simony  that  pre- 
vailed in  the  church,  he  does  not  hesitate  to  refer  to 
the  mystic  Babylon  of  the  Apocalypse,  "the  great 
mother  of  fornication  and  abomination,"  attributing 
this  title  on  scriptural  grounds  to  her  wealth  and 


376  LIFE    AND   TIMES   OF   JOIIX    IK'S*.         [Cn.  XIV. 

pride.  In  endeavoring  to  establish  the  authority  of 
the  evangelical  standard,  he  maintains  "that  Christ 
did  not  set  Peter  over  the  church  to  the  intent  that 
his  gospel  should  lose  its  authority,  or  that  Peter 
should  enact  laws  of  greater  authority,  or  that  the 
gospel  should  be  less  honored  through  any  act  of  his 
successors."  Yet  so  far  from  this  being  the  case,  he 
declares  that  "  if  laws  are  now  spoken  of,  they  are 
understood  to  refer  to  human  enactments  rather  than 
the  gospel.  The  last  is  reputed  now  in  the  church 
as  of  no  more  binding  force  than  a  verse  of  Cato  or 
a  maxim  of  Seneca."  He  condemns  the  practice  of 
elevating  unfit  men  to  sacerdotal  or  prelatical  office, 
arraigns  the  vices  and  especially  the  libertinism  of 
the  clergy,  while,  '  by  the  abuse  of  dispensations, 
wickedness  of  all  kinds  is  encouraged,  and  dares  to 
show  itself  with  shameless  and  unblushing  face.' 
The  system  of  appeals  to  the  court  of  Rome,  so 
grateful  to  the  papal  avarice,  but  so  odious  to  the 
English  nation,  is  arraigned  and  exposed.  The  ava- 
rice of  the  clergy,  their  extravagance  in  dress,  their 
luxury,  their  mixing  themselves  up  with  secular 
affairs,  are  indignantly  rebuked. 

This  little  treatise  of  Ullerston,1  if  it  had  been 
anonymous,  might  almost  have  been  mistaken  for  a 
sermon  of  Hubs.  It  is  written  in  the  very  spirit  of 
Clemengis' famous  pamphlet  "On  the  Corrupt  State 
of  the  Church,"  every  line  of  which  is  like  a  scorpion 
lash  against  the  iniquities  of  the  times. 

Contemporary  with  Ullerston  was  another  English- 
man of  kindred  spirit,  scarcely  less  bold  or  able  in 

1  Von  tier  Hartlt,  torn,  i.,  part  xxvii. 


Cn.  XIV.]      DOCTOE   PAUL'S    "  GOLDEN   MIKKOK."  377 

his  exposure  of  papal  usurpation  and  corruption. 
Doctor  Paul,  a  priest  highly  distinguished  for  his 
knowledge  of  the  canon  law,  published,  about  ten 
years  previous  to  the  council  of  Constance,  a  work 
which  must  have  expressed  the  feelings  and  convic- 
tions of  a  great  portion  of  the  English  people.1 
Although,  like  Ullerston,  unsuspected  of  the  least 
taint  of  WicklifiVs  heresy,  he  saw  with  a  clear  eye 
the  gross  abominations  and  corruptions  of  the  age. 
His  work  is  entitled  "  A  Golden  Mirror  held  up  to 
the  Court  of  Rome,  the  Prelates,  and  the  entire 
Clergy."  The  plan  of  it  is  a  dialogue  between  the 
apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  It  is  dedicated  to 
the  cardinals,  the  heads  of  the  clergy,  and  all  the 
officers  of  the  court  of  Rome.  The  writer  testifies 
his  grief  at  the  papal  schism,  and  the  countless  errors 
which  prevailed,  heaped  up  as  it  were  upon  his  own 
unhappy  age.  The  law  had  departed  from  the 
priests,  and  through  them  had  fallen  into  contempt. 
The  court  of  Rome  was  deformed  and  maimed  by 
errors,  from  the  sole  of  its  foot  to  the  crown  of  its 
head.  If  these  assertions  seem  too  bold  for  him  to 
make,  his  excuse  is,  that  few  dare  to  utter  an  open 
and  public  rebuke  of  the  prevailing  vice  and  cor- 
ruption. 

The  substance  and  scope  of  the  work  are  much  the 
same  with  those  of  "  Ullerston's  Petition."  "  Alas ! " 
says  he,  "  that  in  these  latter  times  the  apostles  have 
left  the  word  of  God  to  serve  tables.  Each  seeks 
his  own  and  not  the  things  of  Jesus  Christ."  He 
deplores  the  fact  that    "  no  election  to  an  ecclesi- 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  i.,  part  ix. 


378  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  XIV 

astical  benefice,  even  thougli  of  the  fittest  person, 
and  made  by  divine  inspiration,  could  become  effect- 
ive without  money."  This  abuse  he  charges  upon 
the  court  of  Rome,  "where  persona  ignorant,  scanda- 
lous for  vice,  ambitious,  cruel,  and  every  way  unfit, 
are  promoted  to  be  bishops.  Benefices  are  bestowed 
on  scullions,  pimps,  hostlers,  and  even  children.  The 
signature  of  the  pope  has  its  price.  Dispensations 
and  indulgences  are  sold  for  money,  and  he  is  the 
greatest  who  is  most  cunning  to  deceive,  and  skilful 
in  sacrilegious  traffic.  The  sum  total  of  devotion  is 
to  gain  the  penny." 

From  these  causes  spring  the  innumerable  evils 
that  afflict  the  church.  Those  who  originate  them 
do  not  so  much  guard  as  crush  the  church.  Instead 
of  feeding  the  flock,  they  slay  and  devour  it.  The 
whole  work  of  Doctor  Paul  is  a  most  energetic  pro- 
test against  papal  corruption  and  usurpation.  Huss 
himself  could  scarcely  have  spoken  with  greater 
boldness,  or  have  uttered  a  more  indignant  rebuke 
of  wickedness  in  high  places. 

The  same  spirit  which  is  manifest  in  these  treatises 
of  Ullerston  and  Paul,  was  shown  by  other  eminent 
Englishmen,  who  could  not  be  suspected  of  sympathy 
with  WickLiffe  or  Huss.  Netter,  whose  name  has 
already  been  mentioned  as  a  member  of  the  English 
deputation,  was  of  this  class.  One  of  his  associates 
at  the  council  was  John  Dorre,  whose  honest  English 
sense  found  expression  for  itself  in  a  figure  adapted 
to  the  diseased  state  of  the  church.  His  prescription 
would,  doubtless,  have  had  a  good  temporary  effect. 
His  "recipe  for  the  stomach  of  St.  Peter,  and  its 


Cn.  XIV.]  WALTEE   DYSSE.  379 

complete  reformation,  given  in  the  council  of  Con- 
stance," is  as  follows : 1  "  Take  twenty-four  cardinals, 
a  hundred  archbishops  and  prelates,  an  equal  number 
from  each  nation,  and  as  many  creatures  of  the  court 
as  you  can  secure ;  plunge  them  into  the  waters  of 
the  Rhine,  and  let  them  remain  submerged  for  the 
space  of  three  days.  This  will  be  effective  for  St. 
Peter's  stomach,  and  will  remove  its  entire  corrup- 
tion." No  Protestant  doctor  surely  would  have  pre- 
scribed a  harsher  remedy. 

There  was  another  Englishman  whose  name  should 
not  be  passed  over  in  silence.  Walter  Dysse  was  an 
eminent  theologian,  and  a  member  of  the  Carmelite 
order.  He  was  for  several  years  in  the  service  of 
that  master  in  the  art  of  simony,  Boniface  IX.,  and 
was  employed  by  him  in  missions  to  different  parts 
of  Europe.  At  one  time  we  find  him  in  Spain, 
preaching  a  crusade  against  the  infidels,  and  at  an- 
other engaged  in  writing  against  Wickliffe.  No  man 
had  a  better  opportunity  to  observe  the  general  cor- 
ruption of  the  church,  or  the  morals  of  the  papal 
court.  Yet,  with  all  the  influences  that  might  have 
sufficed  to  seal  his  lips,  brought  to  bear  upon  him,  he 
dared  to  speak  out  in  a  tone  of  earnest  remonstrance. 
A  poem  composed  by  him  on  the  evils  of  the  age, 
entitled  "The  Schism  of  the  Church,"  is  not  un- 
worthily appended  to  the  works  of  Clemengis.  This 
poem  consists  of  only  two  hundred  and  sixty  lines, 
but  the  picture  they  present  shows  that  it  was  taken 
from  the  same  real  objects  of  which  his  contempo- 
raries have  left  us  the  daguerreotype.     The  author 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  i.,  part  ix„  p.  499. 


3S0  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cu.  XIV. 

declares  himself  "  at  a  loss  which  pope  to  recognize." 
"  The  pastors  of  the  church  have  become  harpies." 
"  The  pontiffs  and  prelates  are  devoted  to  their  cups 
and  hoards.  The  church  is  sold  and  plundered  by 
those  who  should  cherish  her.  If  you  wish  to  be 
rich,  be  wicked ;  do  something  that  deserves  the 
prison.  Ambition  and  luxury  crush  the  minds  of  all, 
and  bury  them  in  vice.  Sons  of  the  nobility  are 
sent  to  France  to  be  made  doctors.  The  priest  and 
people  are  alike.  The  blind  leads  the  blind.  Chil- 
dren learn  vile  arts  sooner  than  their  alphabet."1 

We  have  no  evidence  in  regard  to  the  presence  of 
Dysse  at  the  council.  He  may  have  been  there, 
however,  as  a  visitor,  or  even  as  a  member. 

We  may  thus  see  something  of  the  views  and  feel- 
ings of  the  English  deputation.  Animated,  many  of 
them,  by  the  fiercest  hatred  toward  Wickliffe  and 
Huss, — in  some  cases  selected  for  the  post  on  account 
of  the  very  virulence  of  their  opposition  to  what 
they  accounted  heresy, — they  yet  condemn  without 
a  dissenting  voice  the  prevalent  corruption  of  the 
church,  denouncing  it  in  terms  scarcely,  if  at  all,  less 
severe  than  the  reformers  themselves.  It  is  a  singular 
spectacle.  And  yet,  unless  it  is  carefully  studied,  we 
shall  fail  to  understand  the  policy  which  controlled 
the  action  of  the  council. 

With  the  views  thus  presented  and  maintained  by 
the  English  deputation,  those  of  the  French  coin- 
cided to  a  great  extent,  and  on  whatever  policy  they 
might  unite,  they  might  be  confident  of  success.  The 
cardinals  who  had  Huss  in  charge  were  too  shrewd 

1  Clemengis'  Opera.  Appen.  30-34. 


Ch.  XIV.]  POLICY    OF   THE    CAKDINALS.  381 

not  to  observe  and  take  advantage  of  the  circum- 
stances so  favorable  to  their  views  and  interests. 
They  could  offset  the  current  of  popular  opinion  in 
the  council  against  the  imperial  purpose,  nor  were 
they  slow  to  make  use  of  the  vantage-ground  thus 
afforded.  Yet  this  object  was  gained  only  with 
great  difficulty.  For  a  week  after  the  emperor's 
arrival  in  Constance,  he  was  engaged  in  discussions 
with  the  council  in  regard  to  Huss.  His  patience 
must  have  been  exhausted  before  he  yielded  to 
their  importunity.1 

1  Palacky,  in.  i.  329. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  TTIE    COUNCIL.      IIUSS   ABANDONED    BY 
THE   EMPEROR. 

Approach  of  the  Emperor  to  Constance.  —  Mass  on  his  Arrival.  —  The  Cere- 
monial.—  CnAKACTER    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  —  SlGISMUND's    INFLUENCE.  —  A   FlELD 

for  Intrigue.  — The  Emperor's  Ruling  Purpose. — Dark  Prospect  of  Huss. — 
Ciilum  Seeks  the  Emperor.  —  Cold  Reception.  —  His  Letter  to  John  of 
Lomnitz. —  Indignation  of  the  Bohemians. — Their  Letters  to  Sioismund.— 
The  Emperor  III  at  Ease. — His  Letter.  —  The  Casuistry  of  the  Fathers. — 
Sigismund  Acquiesces  in  it.  —  Sermon  of  Cardinal  D'Ailly. — His  Remarks 
on  the  Duties  of  the  Pope  and  Emperor.  —  The  Bearing  of  them  on  the 
Case  of  Huss.  — Chlum's  Remonstrance.  — A  General  Congregation.  —  Ser- 
mons Preached.  —  Bold  Reproofs.  —  Sermon  of  Matthew  Roeder. — The 
New  Year.  —  Emperor  Consults  with  the  Cardinals.  —  Their  Demand  in 
Regard  to  Huss.  —  Safe-Conducts  Given. —  The  Ambassadors  of  Greg- 
ory.—  Opposition  of  John  XXIII.  —  Prejudice  Against  Him.  —  Conciliatory 
Measures  toward  Gregory  and  Benedict.  —  Cardinal  D'Ailly  on  the  In- 
fallibility of  Councils.  —  Legates  of  Benedict.  —  Legates  of  Gregory. — 
Proposal  of  John  XXIII. —  The  Way  of  Cession. —  Answer  of  John  XXIII. — 
Results  of  his  Opposition. —  Extreme  Measures  Proposed.  —  These  Dis- 
covered by  the  Spies  of  John  XXIII.  —  Canonization  of  St.  Bridget. — 
Carried  without  Opposition. — Gerson  Writes  his  Tract  on  Trying  the 
Spirits. — Bold  Suggestions  of  the  Cardinal  of  St.  Mark.  —  Ability  and 
Character  of  the  Document  drawn  up.  —  Rage  of  John  XXIII.  —  Replies 
of  his  Partisans.  —  Questions  Contained  in  the  First.  —  Refutation  of 
the  Cardinal  St.  Mark  in  the  Third.  —  Cardinal  D'Ailly's  Refutation. — 
Conflict  of  the  Monarchical  and  Republican  Principles  in  the  Church. 

Dec.  25,  1414-Feb.  7,  1415. 

The  English  and  French  deputations  had  already 
reached  Constance,  when  the  near  approach  of  the 
emperor  was  announced.  He  arrived  at  Uberlingen, 
some  seven  miles  from  Constance,  on  Christmas  Eve. 
A  message  was  at  once  forwarded  to  the  pope,  re- 
questing  him    to   celebrate    mass   in  the  cathedral 


Ch.  XV.]  SIGISMUND    AT   MASS.  383 

church  on  the  arrival  of  the  imperial  train.  Cross- 
ing the  lake,  the  emperor  entered  Constance  at  about 
four  o'clock  on  the  following  morning.  He  was  ac- 
companied, among  others,  by  his  wife  Barbara,  daugh- 
ter of  the  Count  Cilley,  liis  daughter  Elizabeth,  queen 
of  Bosnia,  Rodolph,  elector  of  Saxony,  and  Anne  of 
Wirtemburg. 

The  Empress  Barbara,  second  wife  of  Sigismund, 
was,  according  to  ./Eneas  Sylvius,  a  woman  of  infa- 
mous morals  and  abandoned  character.  While  king 
of  Hungary,  Sigismund  had  been  seized  by  some  of 
his  powerful  subjects  and  cast  into  prison.  His  mar- 
riage to  Barbara  was  made  one  of  the  conditions  of 
his  liberation.  This  condition,  with  others  less  re- 
volting, though  scarcely  less  humiliating,  was  faith- 
fully observed.  The  emperor's  fidelity  to  his  forced 
engagements  stands  in  singular  contrast  with  his 
faithlessness  toward  Huss. 

After  a  few  hours'  repose,  Sigismund  repaired  to 
the  cathedral.1  The  pope,  prepared  to  celebrate  the 
pontifical  mass,  was  awaiting  his  arrival.  The  em- 
peror assisted  in  the  ceremonial,  clothed  in  the  habits 
of  a  deacon.  The  pope  is  said  to  have  trembled  as 
he  listened  to  the  reading  of  the  passage,  "There 
went  out  a  decree  from  Augustus  Csesar,"  etc.,  and 
saw  before  him  the  crowned  successor  to  his  impe- 
rial power.  The  throne  of  Sigismund,  magnificently 
adorned,  had  been  prepared  on  the  pope's  right, 
while,  still  further  on,  was  the  seat  provided  for  the 
empress.     At  the  side  of  the  emperor,  his  red  cap 

1  The  main  authority  for  the  state-  ing  chapters,  in  respect  to  the  coun- 
ments  of  this  and  many  of  the  follow-     cil,  is  to  be  found  in  Von  der  Hardt. 


384  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

surmounted  by  the  Imperial  crown,  stood,  bearing 
the  royal  sceptre,  the  Marquis  of  Brandenburg,  while 
the  Duke  of  Saxony,  as  grand  marshal  of  the  empire, 
held  aloft  a  drawn  sword.  Between  the  emperor 
and  the  pope  stood  Count  Cilley,  the  father-in-law  of 
Sigismund,  holding  in  his  hand  the  golden  apple  or 
globe.  When  the  ceremonies  of  the  mass  were  com- 
pleted, the  pope  presented  the  emperor  a  sword, 
charging  him  to  use  it  with  all  his  energies  in  defence 
of  the  church.  Sigismund  received  it,  with  the  sol- 
emn promise  to  be  faithful  to  the  charge.1  Little 
did  the  pope  imagine  that  in  the  person  of  his  ally 
and  protector,  Frederic,  Duke  of  Austria,  he  would 
so  soon  feel  its  edge. 

By  the  arrival  of  the  emperor,  the  splendor  and 
authority  of  the  council  seemed  complete.  Never 
before  had  the  world  witnessed  the  assemblage  of 
an  ecclesiastical  body  so  imposing  in  its  array  of 
power,  learning,  and  talent.  The  ablest  minds  of 
Europe,  the  highest  dignitaries  of  the  church,  princes 
and  kings,  present  in  person  or  by  deputy,  took  part 
in  its  proceedings.  As  to  the  religious  or  even  moral 
character  of  the  body,  little  need  be  said.  It  fairly 
reflected  the  condition  of  the  Christendom  of  the  day. 
Gerson  left  it,  disappointed  in  all  his  hopes.  Niem 
and  De  Vrie,  as  well  as  others,  spectators  of  its  pro- 
ceedings, paint  it  in  the  darkest  colors.  The  opinions 
of  Clemengis  in  regard  to  it  were  not  more  flattering. 
It  was  evident  that  multitudes,  if  not  the  great  ma- 
jority of  its  members,  were  drawn  to  Constance  by 
ambition,  curiosity,  or  the  hope  of  gain. 

1  L'Enfant,  47. 


Ch.  xv.]  sigismuxd's  policy.  385 

The  wishes  of  the  emperor  were,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, the  controlling  influence  of  the  assembly.  With 
an  earnest  purpose,  clear  and  definite  aims,  and  a 
policy  as  yielding  and  pliant  as  the  readiest  attain- 
ment of  his  ends  required,  he  succeeded  to  a  won- 
derful degree  in  shaping  its  deliberations  and  deci- 
sions. It  was  one  of  his  maxims,  that  a  prince  who 
knew  not  how  to  dissemble  was  not  fit  to  reign. 
Thwarted,  for  the  moment,  in  his  plans,  he  was  suffi- 
ciently politic  to  yield  to  the  dominant  influence 
long  enough  to  become  its  master,  and  turn  it  in  a 
direction  to  suit  his  designs.  Religious,  according  to 
the  notions  of  his  age,  he  certainly  was — carefully  at- 
tentive to  the  ceremonials,  however  lax  in  the  moral- 
ities of  a  Christian  profession.  Of  his  sincere  desire 
to  put  an  end  to  the  papal  schism  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  From  the  moment  that  he  saw  the  imperial 
crown  in  prospect,  he  seemed  to  feel  that  he  was  di- 
vinely commissioned  to  restore  peace  and  unity  to  the 
church.  His  unwearied  efforts  to  this  end  scarcely 
allowed  him  needful  repose.  But  his  known  and 
even  avowed  principles  assure  us  that  no  rigid  or 
scrupulous  conscientiousness  would  be  suffered  to  ob- 
struct the  execution  of  his  purposes.  Thrown  into  a 
nest  of  intrigue,  he  found  himself  at  home  among  the 
very  masters  of  the  art.  To  the  power  and  authority 
of  his  position,  he  added  the  skill,  policy,  and  tact 
which  gave  him  at  last  a  decided  supremacy  over 
every  rival. 

The  glory  of  restoring  peace  to  the  church  and  re- 
forming it  from  its  corruptions,  was  Sigisinuiid's  idol. 
It  was  here  that  he  exposed  his  weak  side  to  the 
vol.  i.  25 


3SG  LIFE    AM)   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUBS.  [Cn.  XV. 

machinations  of  those  who  sought  to  circumvent  him. 
Whatever  purpose,  subordinate  to  his  main  our, 
could  be  shown  to  interfere  with  it,  was  instantly 
sacrificed.  The  enemies  of  IIuss  were  not  bIow  to 
detect  this  avenue  to  the  successful  prosecution  of 
their  plans.  Undoubtedly  the  emperor  gave  the 
reformer  his  safe-conduct  in  good  faith,  and  was  unaf- 
fectedly indignant  at  the  slight  put  upon  it.  But 
what  was  the  harm  of  its  temporary  violation,  if  thus 
a  most  powerful  party  in  the  council  could  be  satis- 
fied, and  his  own  orthodoxy  and  permanent  influence 
established  ?  The  ceremonies  of  Christmas-day  were 
scarce  completed,  before  both  parties,  the  friends  and 
the  enemies  of  IIuss,  presented  their  case  to  the  em- 
peror. A  knowledge  of  the  parties,  and  the  circum- 
stances in  which  they  were  placed,  would  allow  scarce 
a  doubt  as  to  the  result.  The  friends  of  Huss  were 
few  and  feeble.  The  complaints  of  John  de  Chlum 
were  met  with  derision  from  the  enemies  of  the  re- 
former. Henry  de  Latzembock,  though  undoubtedly 
friendly  to  IIuss,  and  enjoying  the  emperor's  favor, 
was  a  courtier,  and  evidently  more  intent  on  his  own 
advancement  than  anxious  for  the  welfare  of  IIuss. 
It  is  enough  to  know  that  his  courage  failed  him  in 
the  hour  of  trial.  After  the  condemnation  of  Huss 
he  was  suspected  of  heresy,  and  chose  to  abjure  the 
views  of  the  reformer  rather  than  incur  the  hazard 
of  a  suspicion  of  maintaining  them,  and  thereby  sacri- 
ficing his  hopes  of  promotion.  From  him,  therefore, 
no  earnest  or  effectual  interposition  in  favor  of  the 
prisoner  could  be  expected.  As  to  the  third  mem- 
ber of  the  escort  appointed  by  the  king  of  Bohemia, 


Ch.  xv.]  chlum's  dismay.  387 

Wenzel  de  Duba,  we  hear  little  of  him.  Huss,  in- 
deed, speaks  of  hiin  in  high  terms ;  but  he  lacked 
the  boldness,  if  not  the  devotion  of  Chlurn.  The 
enemies  of  Huss,  on  the  other  hand,  were  many 
and  powerful.  After  the  steps  taken  against  him  by 
the  pope  and  cardinals,  none  dared  utter  a  word  in 
his  favor.  Nor  was  this  all.  While  he  was  restrained 
of  his  liberty,  the  malice  of  his  enemies  who  had  fol- 
lowed him  from  Prague  was  busy  in  spreading  slan- 
ders' to  his  prejudice. 

Against  such  a  tide  of  calumny  and  envenomed 
persecution  it  was  vain  to  expect  that  the  emperor 
would  make  a  stand.  He  could  not  afford  thus  to 
risk  the  alienation  of  the  council  and  the  failure  of 
his  most  cherished  plans.  Early  on  the  morning  of 
his  arrival,  information  of  it  had  reached  John  de 
Chlum.  Without  delay  he  hastened  to  the  imperial 
residence.  On  the  preceding  evening  a  memorial, 
drawn  up  in  the  name  of  nearly  all  the  Bohemians  in 
Constance,  had  been  forwarded  and  presented  to 
Sigismund  in  favor  of  Huss.  Chlum  hoped  to  re- 
ceive a  favorable  answer  to  the  memorial;  but,  on 
inquiring  for  the  emperor,  he  was  told  that  he  was 
attending  divine  service.  Hastening  to  the  cathe- 
dral, the  noble  knight  had  presented  to  his  view  the 
scene  already  described.  With  feelings  of  dismay, 
but  a  smile  of  pity,  he  witnessed  the  celebration 
of  high  mass.  He  saw  the  emperor,  his  royal  robes 
laid  aside,  arrayed  in  priestly  vestments,  and,  with  a 
taper  in  his  hand,  chanting  the  scripture  of  the  day. 
It  was  enough  to  excite  his  apprehensions.  The  im- 
perial and  sacerdotal  powers  were  allied  together. 


3S8  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF    JOHN    II!  [<"n.  XV. 

Henceforth  Chlum  found  it  difficult  to  obtain  a  hear- 
ing.   The  subject  of  Lis  remonstrance  was  evidently 

unwelcome.  To  the  emperor  the  reproachful  looks 
of  the  indignant  knight  were  more  dreadful  than  the 
bitterest  w«  irds.  The  enemies  of  Huss  were  too  strong 
to  be  withstood  even  by  the  imperial  power.  Sigis- 
mund  sacrificed  his  own  sense  of  justice,  and  respect 
for  his  crown  and  authority,  to  the  dictates  of  expe- 
diency.1 

Chlum  perceived  this.  Sadly  did  he  write  to  John 
of  Lomnitz,  the  lord-chamberlain  of  Briinn,  "  Nothing 
more  is  to  be  hoped  for  from  the  emperor,  who  firmly 
believes  that  heaven  and  the  pardon  of  his  sins  can 
be  obtained  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  priests 
alone  ;  and  the  people  declare  that  one  who  conducts 
himself  so  piously  in  this  life  will  be  canonized  at 
his  death.  Truly,  among  such  saints,  our  Huss  must 
appear  a  very  devil." 

And  yet  Sigismund  was  evidently  restless  under 
the  imputations  and  censures  to  which  his  conduct 
had  given  occasion.  .Remonstrances  began  to  reach 
him  from  Bohemia,  and  he  could  not  remain  insensi- 
ble to  the  just  odium  which  he  had  incurred.  Intel- 
ligence of  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  Huss  had 
Bpeedily  been  borne  to  Prague,  and  had  excited  sur- 
prise, grief,  and  indignation.  The  outrage  offered  to 
the  imperial  authority,  and  the  injustice  done  to  a 
man  almost  idolized  by  the  nation,  produced  a  sud- 
den and  violent  outbreak  of  popular  feeling.  The 
Bohemian  states  assembled,  and  drew  up  an  earnest 
address  to  Sigismund,  in  which  they  poured  out  their 

1  L'Eufant,  51,  52. 


Ch.  XV.]  LETTERS    OF   THE    BOHEMIANS.  389 

complaints  in  a  tone  of  indignant  grief.  Several  let- 
ters were  successively  addressed  to  him  from  Bohe- 
mia, and  even  Moravia,  urgently  supplicating  him  for 
redress.1 

In  the  first,  three  of  the  nobility,  speaking  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  body,  informed  the  emperor  that 
in  one  of  their  assemblies  they  had  demanded  of 
Archbishop  Conrad  if  it  had  ever  come  to  his  knowl- 
edge that  Huss  had  taught  any  heresy,  and  that  he 
had  replied  that  he  had  never  discovered  a  heretical 
word  in  his  writings,  and  that  he  was  not  his  accuser. 
This  declaration  they  forwarded  in  a  letter  sealed 
with  their  own  seal,  and  accompanied  with  the  re- 
quest that  he  would  restore  Huss  to  liberty,  that 

he   niig-ht   be   in   a   condition   to   confront   his  ac- 
es 

cusers. 

A  second  letter  was  drawn  up  still  more  earnest 
in  its  tone.  The  writers  wish  respectfully  to  repre- 
sent to  the  emperor,  that  John  Huss  had  gone  to  the 
council  of  his  own  free-will,  to  refute  the  accusations 
brought  against  him  and  his  native  Bohemia ;  that 
he  earnestly  desired  and  urgently  demanded  to  be 
heard  in  full  council,  to  present  clear  evidence  of  the 
purity  of  his  doctrine,  declaring  himself  ready  to  re- 
tract any  heresy  of  which  he  might  be  convinced ; 
that  although  he  had  gone  to  Constance,  provided, 
as  was  well  known,  with  a  safe-conduct,  he  had  been 
arrested  and  confined  in  a  horrible  prison ;  that  there 
is  no  one,  great  or  small,  who  does  not  view  with  in- 
dignation as  well  as  surprise  the  bold  measure  of 
the  pope  in  imprisoning  an  innocent  man,  in  violation 

1  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  76,  11. 


390  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OP   JOHN   IIUSS.         [0a.  XV. 

of  the  public  faith,  and  withoui  alleging  any  reason 
for  the  act;  that  so  dangerous  an  example  might 
serve  as  a  precedent  for  all  to  disregard  the  public 

faith,  and  expose  good  men  to  the  designing  malice 
of  the  wicked.  They  conclude  with  the  petition  that 
the  emperor  will  promptly  set  Huss  at  liberty,  that 
lie  may  justify  himself  if  innocent,  or  be  punished 
if  guilty.  "God  is  our  witness,"  say  they,  "that 
it  would  occasion  us  the  bitterest  grief  that  anything 
should  happen  to  the  dishonor  of  your  majesty; 
above  all,  that  the  stain  of  so  enormous  an  injustice 
should  tarnish  your  reputation.  It  pertains  to  you, 
by  your  discretion  and  wisdom,  to  repair  the  mis- 
chief already  done,  and  to  hold  the  whole  matter 
subject  to  your  control."  This  letter  was  sigued  by 
ten  of  the  nobility,  in  the  name  of  all. 

The  feeling  of  the  Bohemian  nation  generally  is 
expressed,  not  only  in  those  letters,  but  in  the  words 
addressed  to  the  royal  governor,  Czenko,  of  Wartem- 
burg,  in  the  name  of  the  states :  "We,  Bohemians, 
demand  that  he  who  in  the  presence  of  the  bishop 
of  the  country  was  fully  justified,  and  in  whom  not 
one  iota  of  unsound  doctrine  was  found,  should  be  im- 
mediately enlarged  from  prison,  and  not  surrendered 
to  scorn  and  contempt  through  the  false  witness  and 
calumny  of  his  enemies,  and  without  fair  examina- 
tion." 

The  subsequent  and  still  more  earnest  intercessory 
letters  of  the  Moravian  states,  openly  spoke  of  the 
violation  of  the  safe-conduct  as  being  equally  dis- 
graceful  and  prejudicial,  prophesied  the  great  mis- 
chief that  must  arise  from  it,  and  warned  the  emperor 


Ch.  xv.]  sigismund's  apology.  391 

in  conclusion  that  falsehood  does  not  finally  gain  the 
victory  over  truth.1 

Sigismund  felt  himself  ill  at  ease  under  the  imputa- 
tions of  those  whom  he  numbered  anions:  the  most 
powerful  subjects  of  the  empire,  and  whose  respect 
he  wished  to  retain.  But  his  attempted  vindication 
only  the  more  clearly  exposes  the  time-serving  policy 
by  which  he  was  actuated.  In  a  long  letter  address- 
ed to  the  Bohemian  states,  he  attempts  to  justify 
himself.  He  shrank  from  the  reprobation  to  which 
public  opinion,  judging  him  by  his  own  acts,  would 
doom  him.  The  following  extract  from  his  letter 
illustrates  his  character,  as  well  as  the  difficult  posi- 
tion in  which  he  found  himself  placed :  "  Had  Huss 
accompanied  me  to  Constance,  instead  of  being  there 
in  my  absence,  his  affairs  would  not  have  taken  so 
ill  a  turn.  God  is  my  witness — and  I  cannot  express 
myself  on  this  subject  with  sufficient  force — how  much 
the  misfortunes  of  Huss  have  affected  me.  All  the 
Bohemians  in  Constance  may  have  observed  my  dis- 
pleasure on  account  of  this  act  of  violence.  I  should 
immediately  have  quitted  the  city,  had  I  not  been 
withheld  from  doing  so  by  the  threats  of  the  fathers 
that  they  would  in  that  case  dismiss  the  council,  and 
therefore  I  have  determined  to  wash  my  hands  of 
the  whole  affair,  since,  if  I  adhere  to  Huss,  the  as- 
sembly will  doubtless  be  broken  up." 2  In  this  pas- 
sage of  the  emperor's  letter,  his  policy  and  shame 
are  at  once  revealed.     He  was  forced  to  choose  be- 


1  This  letter,  signed  by  over  fifty  spergen-is,404.  Also,  Mon.  Hussi,  i.78. 
of  the  Moravian  nobility,  is  given  in  2  L'Enfant,  i.  83.  See  Helfert,  also, 
full  in  the    Chronicum  Abbatis  Ur-    in  his  appendix. 


392  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUSS.  [Cu.  XV. 

tween  the  defeat  <>f  his  cherished  plans  and  the  sac- 
rifice  of  Huss.     He  preferred  the  latter. 

The  statements  of  this  letter,  from  which  the  ex- 
tract is  taken,  were  substantially  repeated  in  1417, 
after  the  death  of  Huss.  It  gives,  therefore,  the 
grounds  on  which  Sigisinnnd  deliberately  chose  to 
rest  his  defence.  In  this  vindication  he  says  nothing 
of  the  casuistry  by  which  the  fathers  of  the  council 
attempted  to  relieve  his  conscience.1  His  own  good 
sense  told  him  that  it  could  not  but  appear  con- 
temptible as  well  as  execrable  to  the  whole  Bohe- 
mian nation.  A  contemporary  historian,2  and  an 
eye-witness  of  the  proceedings  of  the  council,  says, 
u  By  long  and  tedious  discourse  they  persuaded  the 
emperor  that  by  the  authority  of  the  decretals  he 
was  dispensed  from  keeping  faith  with  a  man  sus- 
pected of  heresy ! "  Kauclrus,  who  wrote  but  a 
short  time  subsequent  to  the  council,  likewise  speaks 
to  the  same  effect :  "  Sigismund  was  persuaded  that 
he  could  not  be  accused  of  having  violated  his 
promise,  inasmuch  as  the  council,  which  is  above  the 
emperor,  not  having  given  Huss  its  safe-conduct,  the 
emperor  had  no  authority  to  grant  it  except  with 
the  approval  of  the  council,  especially  where  matters 
of  faith  were  concerned  ;  and  the  emperor,  as  a  good 
son  of  the  church,  acquiesced  in  this  decision."  That 
this  was  the  case,  might  be  inferred  from  the  empe- 
ror's own  words.  On  the  subsequent  examination 
of  Huss,  Sigismund,  addressing  the  reformer,  said, 
"There  were  those  who  held  that  he  had  no  right  to 
give  protection  to  a  heretic,  or  one  suspected  of  her- 

1  L'Enfant,  52.       J  Van  der  Ilardl,  torn,  i.,  pnrtii.  Preface  speaks  of  Daeher. 


.r1 , 


Cu.  XV.]  D  AILLY  S    SEEM01ST.  393 

esy."  The  council  itself  endorsed  this  principle  by 
decrees  evidently  intended  to  exculpate  the  empe- 
ror, and  to  counteract  the  prejudicial  reports  which 
were  current  in  regard  to  the  safe-conduct  which  had 
been  so  shamefully  violated. 

Thus  the  feebleness  or  superstition  of  the  emperor 
cooperated  with  the  malice  of  the  enemies  of  Huss 
to  ensure  his  fate. 

Whether  Sigismund  was  blinded  or  not  by  the 
casuistry  of  the  fathers,  he  was  constrained  to  acqui- 
esce in  their  conclusions.  So  strong  was  the  preju- 
dice against  Huss,  and  so  popular  with  the  members 
of  the  council  was  the  course  taken  in  his  arrest,  that 
any  attempt  to  rescue  him  on  the  part  of  the  em- 
peror would  have  required  a  devotion  to  the  cause 
of  truth  and  justice  such  as  he  did  not  possess.  Huss 
was  left  unfriended  in  prison,  while  his  enemies  pros- 
ecuted their  plans  against  him  with  all  the  bittei  ness 
of  untiring  malice. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  emperor's  arrival  at 
Constance,  (Dec.  28, 1414,)  Cardinal  D'Ailly  preached 
before  the  assembled  members  of  the  council.  His 
subject  was,  "The  Duty  of  the  Emperor,  the  Pope, 
and  other  members,  in  regard  to  the  union  and  ref- 
ormation of  the  church."  In  recounting  the  duties 
of  the  pope,  who  should  be  the  sun  of  the  church, 
he  does  not  spare  John  XXIII.  "  He  who  lacks  the 
qualifications  specified,  is  only  the  shadow  and  image 
of  a  pope.  If,  for  instance,  a  pope  forces  his  way 
into  the  church  by  a  criminal  ambition ;  if  his  morals 
are  disreputable  and  scandalous ;  if  he  governs  neg- 
ligently or  tyrannically,  he  is  not  to  be  regarded  as 


394  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Oh.  XV 

the  sun  of  the  church  !  Would  to  God  that  the  II<  >1  v 
Trinity  would  dash  down  these  three  statue-  that  are 
set  up  in  the  church.  .Many  times  have  I  said  it, 
that  as  adorable  as  a  trinity  of  persons  is  in  Grod,  so 
abominable  is  a  trinity  of  popes."  John  XXIIF. 
could  not  mistake  the  scope  of  the  cardinal's  dis- 
course. To  make  the  matter,  if  possible,  more  clear, 
the  latter  exposed  the  pernicious  errors  of  those  flat- 
terers of  the  pope  who  maintain,  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  authority  of  the  council,  that  the  pope  is  not 
bound  to  yield  to  its  decisions,  but  may  set  up  his 
own  judgment  in  opposition  to  it.  This  opinion,  he 
maintained,  was  founded  merely  upon  some  of  the 
decretals,  which  were  incorrectly  understood,  and  on 
positive  enactments  opposed  alike  to  the  law  of  na- 
ture and  the  divine  law,  and  which  tended  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  church. 

As  to  the  part  of  the  emperor  in  connection  with 
the  council,  the  cardinal  held  that  it  was  his  duty 
not  to  preside  or  to  give  authoritative  decisions  in 
regard  to  the  matters  discussed,  but  to  maintain,  by 
the  power  which  he  possessed,  the  resolutions  of  that 
body ;  not  entangling  himself  with  questions  as  to  its 
decrees,  or  presuming  to  confirm  them,  but  restrain- 
in  or  and  subduing  all  who  should  resist  them  in  a  re- 
bellious  spirit. 

That  such  should  be  the  sphere  of  imperial  action, 
accorded  well  with  the  designs  of  the  persecutors  of 
Huss.  They  sought  the  protection  of  the  emperor, 
but  had  no  disposition  to  allow  of  his  interference 
•with  the  supremacy  of  the  council.  Most  evidently 
the  discourse  was  devised  expressly  for  the  occasion, 


Ch.  xv.]  chlum's  eemonstrance.  395 

and  the  public  announcement  of  its  positions,  which 
served  as  a  programme  of  the  policy  of  the  council, 
was  intended  to  bear  alike  against  John  XXIII.  and 
against  Huss. 

The  emperor  was  thus  thrown  into  a  hard  dilemma. 
Between  his  own  self-respect  and  authority,  as  well  as 
his  sense  of  justice,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  overpow- 
ering influence  of  the  council  on  the  other,  his  position 
already  was  most  unenviable.  As  he  walked  through 
the  streets  of  Constance,  he  might  perhaps  have  read, 
still  attached  to  the  doors  of  the  churches,  the  bold 
and  indignant  remonstrance  of  John  de  Chlum  :  "To 
each  and  all  who  shall  see  or  hear  these  presents  : — I, 
John  de  Chlum,  make  known  how  Master  John  Huss, 
bachelor  of  theology,  under  the  safe-conduct  and  pro- 
tection of  the  most  serene  prince  and  lord,  Sigismund, 
king  of  Hungary,  etc.,  my  most  gracious  sovereign, 
and  under  the  protection,  defence,  and  guardianship 
of  the  most  holy  Roman  empire ;  and  having  the  let- 
ters patent  of  my  said  sovereign,  the  king  of  the  Ro- 
mans, came  to  Constance  to  render  to  each  one  de- 
manding it,  a  reason  of  his  faith  in  a  public  audience. 
This  Master  John  Huss,  in  this  imperial  city,  under 
the  safe-conduct  of  my  said  sovereign,  king  of  the 
Romans,  etc.,  has  been,  and  is  now,  detained.  And 
although  the  pope  and  his  cardinals  have  been 
strictly  required,  in  the  royal  name,  by  ambassadors 
of  my  said  sovereign,  etc.,  to  release  the  said  John 
Huss,  so  that  he  might  be  restored  to  me,  they  have 
hitherto  refused  and  still  refuse  to  release  him,  to  the 
contempt  and  scandal  of  the  safe-conduct  of  the  king, 
and  the  security  and  protection  of  the  empire  and  his 


39G  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cii.  XV. 

royal  majesty.  Wherefore  I,  the  aforesaid  John,  pro- 
claim that  the  detention  and  restraint  of  the  said 
Master  John  IIuss  is  executed  in  utter  opposition  to 

the  will  of  my  aforesaid  sovereign,  king  of  the  Ro- 
mans, since  it  is  in  contempt  of  his  safe-conduct  and 
of  the  imperial  protection,  and  that  it  was  executed 
on  the  occasion  of  the  absence  of  my  said  sovereign 
from  Constance ;  for,  had  he  been  present,  he  would 
never  have  permitted  it.  But  when  he  shall  arrive, 
each  one  should  consider  that  he  will  be  grievously 
affected  at  the  contempt  offered  to  himself,  the  impe- 
rial protection,  and  his  safe-conduct.  Given  at  Cou- 
stance,  this  twenty-fourth  of  December,  1414."  l  This 
document  was  written  both  in  Latin  and  in  German, 
with  the  seal  of  the  Bohemian  knight  affixed.  It 
was  made  public  on  the  evening  previous  to  the  em- 
peror's arrival,  and  the  knowledge  of  it  could  not 
long  have  escaped  him ;  yet  his  policy  forbade  his 
present  interference  in  behalf  of  Huss. 

On  the  day  following  the  delivery  of  the  discourse 
by  the  cardinal  of  Cambray,  a  general  congregation 
was  held,  to  listen  to  the  account  from  the  emperor 
of  the  measures  he  had  taken  to  secure  the  cession 
of  the  anti-popes,  or  their  adhesion  to  the  decisions 
of  the  council.  The  results  of  these  measures  belong 
to  the  history  of  the  following  year.  The  emperor 
took  occasion  to  declare  his  anxiety  for  the  peace 
and  welfare  of  the  church,  and  that  his  intended 
embassy  to  the  king  of  Spain  to  induce  Benedict 
XIII.  to  a  cession  of  his  pontificate  had  been  dic- 
tated by  his  anxiety.     He  demanded  that  several  of 

1  .Mon.  Hussi,  i.  76. 


Ch.  xv.]  Boeder's  seemox.  397 

the  cardinals  should  be  deputed,  with  whom  he  might 
consult  as  to  the  steps  which  should  be  taken  to  ex- 
pedite the  business  of  the  council. 

From  time  to  time,  during  the  general  congre- 
gations, sermons  were  preached,  some  of  them  of  a 
remarkable  character.  The  vices  of  the  popes  were 
not  spared.  The  general  and  fearful  corruptions  of 
the  ecclesiastical  orders  were  denounced.  In  the 
boldest  language  the  union  and  reformation  of  the 
church  were  urged.  Such  was  the  force  of  the  in- 
vective, and  such  the  unsparing  nature  of  the  de- 
nunciations uttered,  that  the  language  of  Wickliffe, 
Huss,  and  Jerome  could  scarcely  exceed  them.  Who- 
ever would  see  a  picture  to  justify  the  indignant  ex- 
posures made  by  these  reformers,  needs  only  to 
review  the  records  of  the  council.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  such  freedom  of  speech  should  be  al- 
lowed in  that  city,  where  Huss,  for  the  exercise  of 
the  same  privilege,  had  been  thrust  into  a  loathsome 
j3rison.  But  there  was  this  difference  in  the  two 
cases,  that  the  members  of  the  council  spoke  by 
order  of  their  superiors,  and  to  promote  the  measures 
of  a  strong  party  with  which  they  were  identified, 
always  professing  their  respect  for  the  church  itself, 
while  the  reformers  relied  only  on  the  scriptures  for 
their  authority,  and  were  not  careful  to  hide  their 
conviction  that  the  church  itself  was  well-nigh  rotten 
to  the  core. 

On  the  day  following  the  imperial  message  to  the 
general  congregation,  a  sermon  was  preached  by 
Matthew  Roeder,  theological  professor  of  the  college 
of  Navarre,  in  the  university  of  Paris.     It  was  to 


398  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    IIFSS.  [Cm.  XV. 

this  college  that  Gereon,  Clemengis,  and  D'Ailly  had 
belonged.     The  discourse  of  Roeder,  who  was  the 

friend  and  colleague  of  two  of  them,  bore  with  se- 
verity on  the  simony  and  ambition  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical order,  and  forcibly  urged  the  union  and  reform- 
ation of  the  church.  As  the  schism  had  already 
continued  nearly  forty  years,  the  speaker  compared 
the  church  to  the  paralytic  in  scripture  that  had  been 
afflicted  for  thirty-eight  years.  The  rival  popes  were 
children  contending  with  one  another  in  the  womb 
of  mother  church,  and  by  their  acts  of  simony  lacer- 
ating her  with  the  fangs  of  vipers.  It  seems  impos- 
sible for  words  to  express  a  more  fearful  and  corrupt 
state  of  things  than  that  which  he  represents  as  then 
prevalent.  The  discourse  closed  with  an  eulogy  on 
the  emperor,  who  was  now  in  the  interests  of  the 
party  opposed  alike  to  John  XXIII.  and  to  Hnss. 

The  first  day  of  the  new  year,  1415,  was  observed 
by  the  pope  in  the  cathedral  church  with  religious 
ceremonial.  The  large  building  was  crowded  by 
citizens  and  members  of  the  council.  The  pontifical 
benediction  was  pronounced,  and  the  wine  flowed 
freely  to  gladden  the  occasion.  John  XXIII.  Avas 
not  unmindful  of  his  need  of  popular  support,  and 
while  stung  by  the  sermons  preached  before  the 
council,  and  the  secret  measures  looking  toward  his 
own  deposition,  did  not  neglect  the  effort  necessary 
to  counteract  their  impression. 

At  the  close  of  the  imposing  ceremonial,  the  em- 
peror convoked  to  a  consultation  the  cardinals  who 
had  previously  been  deputed  for  this  object.  There 
were  at  this  time  within  the  walls  of  the  city,  or  in 


Ch.  XV.]  SIGISMUND    ABAXDOXS    HUSS.  399 

its  immediate  neighborhood,  nearly  100,000  persons. 
To  provide  for  their  subsistence,  and  to  maintain 
peace  and  order  among  them,  occasioned  no  small 
anxiety.  After  consulting  upon  measures  for  this 
purpose,  the  cardinals  seized  upon  the  occasion  to 
remove  the  last  obstacle  that  stood  in  the  way  of 
their  prosecution  of  the  case  of  Huss.  They  de- 
manded of  the  emperor  that  he  should  consult  for 
the  freedom  of  the  members  of  the  council,  nor  suf- 
fer their  proceedings  against  Huss  to  be  restricted 
under  the  pretext  of  the  safe-conduct  which  had  been 
granted  him.  The  answer  of  the  emperor  was  as 
favorable  as  could  be  desired.1  He  declared  that 
the  fathers  should  be  free  to  act,  not  only  in  regard 
to  the  reformation  of  the  church,  but  in  respect  to 
the  case  of  Huss.  He  issued  a  decree  to  the  effect 
that  the  council  should  be  free  in  matters  of  faith, 
and  might  proceed  against  those  who  were  evidently 
charged  with  heresy,  in  so  far  that  after  a  public 
citation  they  should  be  judged  according  to  their 
deserts.  And  as  to  threats  or  alarms,  put  forth  in 
writing  in  different  localities,  that  violence  would  be 
resorted  to  in  favor  of  Huss,  his  royal  majesty  will 
see  that  they  are  prohibited.  By  a  singular  incon- 
gruity, the  privilege  was  appended  of  a  safe-conduct 
to  all  who,  of  their  own  accord,  should  come  to  the 
council.  This  provision  was  intended  to  meet  the 
case  of  the  ambassadors  of  Gregory  and  Benedict, 
who  had  been  condemned  as  heretical  by  the  previ- 
ous council  of  Pisa.  The  gross  inconsistency  of  the 
treatment  of  Huss,  with  the  privilege  thus  extended 

2  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  iii.,  part  i.  p.  32. 


400  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOIIX    EJJi  [Cm.  XV. 

to  the  ambassadors  of  the  anti-pope-;,  plainly  shows 
that  the  regard  paid  to  a  safe-conduct  was  a  mere 
matter  of  expediency  with  the  council.  To  counter- 
act the  influence  of  John  XXIIL,  and  to  carry  out 
their  designs,  they  wished  the  ambassadors  of  the 
anti-popes  to  be  present  at  the  council,  yet  were  un- 
able to  give  any  assurance,  save  evident  self-interest, 
about  what  had  already  been  violated  in  the  case  of 
IIuss. 

In  spite  of  John  XXIIL  and  his  partisans,  the 
cardinal  of  Ragusa,  one  of  the  legates  of  Gregory, 
entered  Constance,  wearing  the  red  cap,  the  symbol 
of  his  official  dignity.  The  event  itself  foreshadowed 
the  little  regard  that  would  be  paid  to  the  more 
grave  claims  of  John  XXIIL  when  they  should  come 
in  conflict  with  the  policy  of  the  council.  It  was  on 
this  occasion,  and  in  answer  to  arguments  based 
upon  the  legitimacy  of  the  Pisan  council,  that  the 
cardinal  of  Cambray  (D'Ailly)  maintained1  'that 
though  that  council  might  be  properly  supposed  to 
represent  the  church  universal,  yet  it  was  not  neces- 
sarily to  be  inferred  that  every  believer  must  hold 
that  it  could  not  err,  inasmuch  as  many  previous 
councils,  regarded  as  (Ecumenical,  are  said  to  have 
erred.  According  to  some  doctors  of  great  authority, 
a  general  council  may  err,  not  merely  in  matter  of 
fart,  but  right,  and  what  is  more,  in  matter  of  faith. 
Because  the  whole  church  universal  alone  has  this 
prerogative,  that  it  cannot  err  in  faith.'  As  to  the 
present  council,  called  by  John  XXIIL,  being  depen- 
dent for  its  authority  on  the  legitimacy  of  his  e,lec- 

'Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  ii.,  part  viii.,  chap,  viii. 


Ch.  XV.]  LEGATES    OF   THE    ANTI-POPES.  401 

tion,  it  was  argued  that  it  had  been  summoned  at 
the  instance  of  the  king  of  the  Romans,  who  must  be 
regarded  as  the  advocate  of  the  church,  and  bound 
to  act  for  it  in  a  case  of  such  urgent  necessity.  This 
position  was  sustained  by  precedents  cited  from  the 
previous  history  of  the  church,  while  the  reception 
of  the  ambassadors  of  Gregory  and  Benedict  was  de- 
fended by  arguments  drawn  from  reason  and  scrip- 
ture. These  views  prevailed,  and  John  XXIII.  saw 
himself  subjected  to  a  humiliating  defeat. 

The  legates  were  received,  and  their  propositions 
heard.  Those  of  Benedict  spoke  only  of  the  meas- 
ures taken  or  to  be  taken,  for  the  conference  between 
their  master,  the  king  of  Arragon,  and  the  emperor. 
Benedict,  master  as  he  was  of  all  the  arts  of  intrigue, 
hoped  thus  to  be  able,  with  some  show  of  reason,  to 
defnr,  for  a  time  at  least,  his  cession  of  the  pontifi- 
cate. 

The  legates  of  Gregory  seemed  more  pliant.  Their 
master  was  ready  to  adopt  "  the  way  of  cession"  on 
certain  conditions,  the  substance  of  which  was,  that 
neither  of  his  rivals  should  be  permitted  to  take 
undue  advantage  of  his  abdication.  John  XXIII. 
was  not  to  be  permitted  to  preside  in  the  council, 
nor  have  part  in  its  deliberations. 

Thus  another  blow  was  aimed  at  the  pope.  He  was 
continually  agitated  by  new  anxieties.  The  proposal 
of  the  conference  between  Sigismund  and  Benedict 
was  not  at  all  to  his  taste.  He  declared  it  would  be 
merely  lost  time  to  pursue  the  project,  and  that  it  was 
best  that  a  council  should  be  held  at  Pisa  to  confirm 
the  decisions  of  the  previous  council.   But  such  a  meas- 

VOL.  I.  26 


402  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP   JOHN    III  [«'».  XV. 

are,  in  order  to  which  the  pope  desired  a  safe-conduct, 
mainly  however  with  a  view  to  embroil  matters  at 
the  conference  and  prevent  any  conclusion,  was  re- 
jected. His  pretext  for  the  demand  was  the  pro- 
motion of  the  union  of  the  church  by  personal  con- 
ference with  Benedict.  But  the  council  had  not  for- 
gotten the  game  played,  to  the  scandal  of  Christen- 
dom, by  Gregory  and  Benedict  some  six  years  pre- 
vious, and  the  character  of  John  XXIII.  was  not  such 
as  to  inspire  renewed  confidence  of  a  satisfactory  re- 
sult. 

How  to  dispose  of  the  claims  of  John  XXIII.  was 
now  the  great  question  before  the  council.  These 
claims  stood  in  the  way  of  every  measure  that  had 
been,  or  that  could  be,  proposed  to  promote  the 
union  of  the  church.  The  cession  of  Gregory  was 
conditioned  only  on  the  abdication  or  deposition  of 
John  XXIII.  This  indirect  attack  upon  him  was 
not  left  unanswered.  Of  the  "method  of  cession" 
the  pope  declared  his  approval  so  far  as  it  concerned 
Benedict  and  Gregory,  since  to  this  they  were  bound 
by  their  oath  and  promise,  given  previous  to  the 
assembling  of  the  council  of  Pisa.  This  in  fact  would 
be  the  proper  measure  for  reuniting  the  church 
under  one  head.  If  by  "cession"  the  authors  of  the 
plan  meant  something  different,  they  should  then 
explain  it.  As  to  allowing  the  partisans  of  Gregory 
admittance  to  the  council,  it  would  be  an  act  of  in- 
justice to  those  who,  having  complied  with  the 
decisions  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  have  continued  in 
union  with  the  church.  As  to  the  proposition  that 
John  XXIII.  should  not  preside  or  participate  in  the 


Ch.  XV.]  THE   POPE'S    SPIES.  403 

council,  it  is  utterly  rejected  as  unjust  and  disgrace- 
ful, inasmuch  as  he,  as  sole  legitimate  pope,  had  con- 
voked the  council,  and  was  present  in  person  to  labor 
for  the  reformation  of  the  church.  As  to  freedom 
of  consultation  and  action  in  the  council,  which  the 
legates  of  Gregory  also  demanded,  no  prelate  could 
be  released  from  the  engagement  into  which  all  enter, 
of  obedience  to  the  pope  as  their  superior ;  and  into 
any  other,  none  had  entered  to  his  knowledge.  In 
conclusion,  there  was  already  perfect  liberty  in  the 
council,  and  nothing  more  could  be  demanded  ;  so 
that  if  the  partisans  of  Gregory  wished  to  unite  with 
the  council  without  making  any  unreasonable  con- 
ditions, they  might  do  so,  and  be  received  with  every 
manifestation  of  kindness. 

The  consequence  of  this  opposition  of  John  XXIII. 
was  twofold.  The  legates  of  Gregory  wrote  to  him 
for  more  full  and  ample  powers,  while  the  attention 
of  the  council  was  more  closely  directed  to  measures 
for  setting  aside  the  claims  of  John  XXIII.  Secret 
consultations  were  held  by  prominent  members.  Con- 
gregations and  conferences  were  held  in  his  absence. 
Of  their  proceedings,  however,  he  was  himself  well 
informed.  His  spies,  whom  he  kept  in  pay,  were 
everywhere  busy.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  members 
present  at  the  consultations  took  a  solemn  oath  of  se- 
crecy. John  XXIII.  stood  ready  to  absolve  them 
from  the  guilt  of  perjury *  when  they  revealed  to  him 
the  measures  discussed  or  adopted.  To  avoid  sus- 
picion, he  directed  them  to  visit  him  at  his  own  pal- 
ace under  cover  of  darkness.  At  the  hour  of  midnight, 

1  Niem.    Von  der  Hardt,  ii.  390. 


404  LITE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Cn.  XV. 

or  even  later,  they  were  summoned  to  his  presence, 
and  from  them  he  learned  the  proceedings  of  the 
previous  day.  Some  of  the  offenders  were  detected, 
and  summoned  before  the  council.  But  however 
strong  the  evidence  against  them,  they  escaped  with 
impunity.  The  difficulty  of  conviction,  and  the 
desire  to  avoid  the  scandal  of  their  exposure,  con- 
spired to  shield  them,  and  they  were  allowed  to 
withdraw  from  the  counsel  by  its  own  consent,  and 
thus  escape  the  deserved  penalty.1 

As  yet,  however,  no  one  dared  publicly  to  advo- 
cate the  unqualified  deposition  of  John  XXIII.  This 
was  spoken  of  rather  as  possible  than  probable. 
Meanwhile  he  was  assuming  and  exercising  all  the 
rights  and  prerogatives  of  a  legitimate  pontiff.  He 
presided  in  the  sessions  of  the  council.  He  per- 
formed the  pontifical  duties,  and  celebrated  pontifical 
mass  on  solemn  occasions.  At  the  request  of  the 
Swedes,  he  canonized  a  countrywoman  of  that  na- 
tion known  as  St.  Bridget.  Deserting  her  family, 
with  her  husband's  consent,  she  had  instituted  a  re- 
ligious order,  giving  out  that  its  rule  had  been  dic- 
tated by  Jesus  Christ  himself.  The  order  was  called 
"  Of  the  Holy  Saviour,"  and  followed  the  regulations 
of  St.  Augustine.  After  numerous  pilgrimages  to 
places  reputed  holy,  she  had  died  at  Rome  nearly 
forty  years  previously,  and  had  been  canonized  dur- 
ing the  time  of  schism  by  Benedict  IX.  This  fact 
rendered  the  authority  of  her  canonization  doubtful; 
and  the  ambassadors  of  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Nor- 
way, with  the  deputation  of  their  clergy,  presented 

1  L'Enfant,  67. 


Ch.  XV.]  CANONIZATION    OF    BRIDGET.  405 

themselves  before  a  crowded  congregation,  demand- 
ing that  the  name  of  Bridget  be  enrolled  on  the  list 
of  saints.  The  demand  was  based  on  her  birth — she 
was  of  the  royal  blood; — her  piety,  her  pilgrimages, 
her  revelations,  and  the  miracles  which  she  had  per- 
formed during  her  life  and  after  her  death.  Numer- 
ous doctors  and  licentiates  from  Sweden  came  for- 
ward to  witness  to  the  truth  of  the  claim  in  her  behalf. 
By  solemn  oath  before  the  great  altar,  they  con- 
firmed the  recital.  The  canonization  was  determined 
on,  and  Bridget  was  declared  a  saint.  The  ceremony 
was  conducted  by  a  Danish  archbishop.  After  cele- 
brating mass,  he  placed  upon  the  altar  a  silver  statue 
to  represent  the  saint.  Then  raising  it  in  view  of  the 
people,  he  pronounced  the  benediction,  accompanied 
by  an  appropriate  chant,  and  the  ceremony  closed 
with  the  Te  Deitm,  the  ringing  of  the  bells,  and 
strains  of  music.  The  prelates,  in  conclusion,  regaled 
themselves  at  a  sumptuous  banquet. 

The  scene  or  show  was,  to  some  extent,  a  papal 
triumph.  John  XXIII.  seized  eagerly  upon  any 
measures  that  could  promote  his  interests,  or  give  an 
imposing  appearance  to  his  claims.  A  slight  delay 
might  have  robbed  him  of  the  privilege  of  this  ex- 
ercise of  his  prerogative.  The  haste  with  which  the 
measure  had  been  prosecuted  had  taken  all  by  sur- 
prise, and  had  secured  its  success.  Opposition  had 
no  time  to  take  an  organized  shape.  But  the  alarm 
was  now  given,  and  Gerson  seized  his  pen.  He  took 
for  the  text  of  his  treatise  the  passage,  "  Prove  the 
spirits  whether  they  be  of  God."  The  claims  of  can^ 
onization  are  in  this  work  thoroughly  sifted  ;  and  the 


4QG  LIFE    AND     TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUS3.  [«'".  XV. 

evident  bearing  of  Gerson's  argument  was  to  throw 
su-picion  on  the  pretensions  of  the  new  saint.  He 
does  not  forget  the  passage,  "  Satan  himself  is  some- 
times transformed  into  an  angel  of  light ; "  and  the 
reported  visions  of  multitudes  are  treated  with  very 
little  respect.  But  opposition  to  the  canonization 
waa  vain.  The  advocate  of  flu.  dt  '•//,  as  the  individual 
appointed  to  assail  the  memory  of  the  candidate  is 
called,  as  usual,  lost  his  case.  The  pope  enjoyed 
what  Alexander  III,  in  1170,  declared  an  exclusive 
privilege  of  the  papal  chair.  It  was  an  external  tri- 
umph ;  Lut  it  is  questionaLle  whether  more  was 
gained  than  lost  Ly  it  to  the  pope.1 

But  while  thus  in  the  exercise  of  the  pontifical 
prerogative,  and  endeavoring  thereby  to  substantiate 
his  claims  Lefore  the  world,  the  intelligence  reached 
John  XXIII.  of  the  bold  measure  that  had  been 
proposed  in  the  congregations.  The  letter  of  Greg- 
ory seemed  to  make  the  cession  or  deposition  of  John 
XXIII.  essential  to  the  success  of  the  only  plan  for 
the  union  of  the  church  which  appeared  feasible. 
Respect  for  the  pontiff  who  had  presided  at  the  ses- 
sions, and  whose  authority  seemed  identified  with  that 
of  the  council,  had  hitherto  hedged  him  about  with  a 
security  that  shielded  his  name  from  public  mention 
in  connection  with  measures  for  his  deposition.  But 
the  necessity  of  the  case  was  breaking  down  that 
security.  The  result  was  promoted  by  his  own  vices, 
his  intrigues,  and  his  spies.  One  man  was  at  length 
found  to  speak  the  word  which,  once  spoken,  would 
be  taken  up  by  a  thousand   echoes.     A  variety  of 

1  I/Enfant,  67. 


Ch.  XV.]  AN    ABLE    DOCUMENT.  407 

measures  bad  been  proposed.  Speech  upon  speech 
had  been  made  in  regard  to  the  union  of  the  church. 
The  English  and  Polish  deputations  had  presented 
their  views.  But  hitherto  everything  was  of  a  gen- 
eral character.  There  was  nothing  specific,  or  directly 
adapted  to  meet  the  difficulty  of  the  case.  It  was 
at  this  moment  that  William  Filastre,  cardinal  of 
St.  Mark,  came  forward.1  He  saw  the  fitness  of  the 
occasion  of  which  none  were  willing  or  bold  enough 
to  avail  themselves.  The  letter  of  Gregory  had 
familiarized  the  minds  of  men  to  the  idea  of  the 
deposition  of  John  XXIIL,  and  the  cardinal  resolved 
to  give  forth  a  practical  plan  for  his  deposition.  He 
prepared  a  document,  and  placed  it  in  the  hands  of 
the  cardinal  of  Cambray.  It  soon  came  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  emperor.  By  his  means  it  was  trans- 
cribed and  sent  to  the  several  congregations.  Thus 
the  very  object  which  the  pope  had  sought  to  pre- 
vent by  his  presidency  in  the  congregations, — the 
stifling  of  discussion  in  regard  to  himself  by  the  in- 
fluence of  his  presence, — was  reached,  and  by  meth- 
ods most  dangerous  to  the  pope  himself. 

The  document  was  ably  drawn  up.  It  showed  in 
every  line  the  hand  of  a  master.  The  cardinal  first 
lays  down  the  objects  of  the  council.  These  are  two : 
the  first,  the  peace  and  union  of  the  church ;  the  sec- 
ond, reformation  of  the  hierarchy.  To  attain  the 
first,  three  ways  are  possible :  reduction  or  forcible 
subjection  of  those  that  refuse  to  submit ;  judicial 
examination  and  decision  of  the  claims  of  the  con- 
tendents  ;   or  voluntary  cession  on  the  part  of  all. 

1  Mansi  His.  of  Councils,  torn,  xxvii.  p.  553.     L'Enfant,  68,  69. 


408  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HTJSS.  [Cn.  XV. 

The  two  first  are  rejected  for  obvious  reasons,  as 
tending  only  to  aggravate  the  difficulty;  the  last  is 
chosen  as  the  only  feasible   method  to  be  pursued. 
The  necessities  of  the  church  demand  that  it  should 
be  attempted.     The  obligation  of  Gregory  and  Ben- 
edicl  to  adopt  it  is  assumed;  in  fact,  permission  to 
abdicate  is  accounted  a  favor.      The  question  then 
arises,  whether  John  XXIII.  is  bound  to  adopt  this 
method  of  settling  the  difficulty,  and  in  case  of  his 
refusal,  whether  he  can  lawfully  be  compelled  to  do 
it  by  the  council.     As  to  the  obligation  of  John 
XXIII.,   the  cardinal   holds  that  the  good   pastor 
should  be  ready  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  sheep. 
The  good  of  the  flock  should  lead  him  unhesitatingly 
to   adopt  such  measures  as  will  promote  it,  even  to 
his  own  abdication.     To  refuse  to  adopt  such  a  course 
would  be  to  show  that  he  was  not  the  true  pastor. 
Thus  John  XXIII.  was  placed  in  a  most  unpleasant 
dilemma.     If  the  true  pastor,  he  should  voluntarily 
resign;  if  not  the  true  pastor,  he  should  be  deposed. 
Nor  should  the  council  hesitate  to  take  action  on  the 
pretext  of  a  want  of  authority.     On  all  those  matters 
which  concern  the  church  universal,  the  council  is 
superior  to  the   pope.     Let  the   case   then  be   laid 
before  John  XXIII.    Let  him  be  directed  to  consider 
the  lamentable  condition  of  the  church,  the  mon- 
strosity of  a  body  with  so  many  heads,  the  danger 
of  the  schism  becoming  permanent ;  and  let  him  be 
exhorted  to  a  course  which  will  redound  to  his  im- 
mortal honor — to  a  self-sacrifice  that  will  cover  his 
his  own  name  with  glory,  while  it  fills  Christendom 
with  rejoicing. 


Ch.  XV.]  ANSWER    TO    THE    CARDINAL.  409 

Such  in  substance  was  the  document  drawn  up  by 
the  Cardinal  St.  Mark.  It  was  not  I0112:  before  it  at- 
tained  publicity.  John  XXIII.  was  filled  with  sur- 
prise and  rage.  He  was"  by  no  means  inclined  to 
spare  the  author,  a  member  of  the  sacred  college. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  cardinal,  secure  of  the 
emperor's  favor,  was  not  disposed  to  draw  back.  He 
went  in  person  to  the  pope,  and  avowed  the  author- 
ship of  the  document.  He  declared  that  his  object 
had  been  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  church.1 

The  document  of  the  cardinal  had  evidently  pro- 
duced a  deep  impression.  '  Some  were  almost  enrap- 
tured with  it.  Others,  however,  were  enraged.  It 
would  not  do  to  leave  it  unanswered.  Some  of  John's 
partisans  attempted  a  reply.  Their  language  is  any- 
thing but  complimentary  to  their  opponents.  Three 
papers  were  drawn  up,  the  two  first  in  the  form  of 
questions.  By  the  necessary  answers  to  these,  they 
left  the  inference  to  be  deduced  which  should  set 
aside  the  reasonings  of  the  cardinal : — "  Is  John 
XXIII.,  a  pope  legitimately  elected,  to  be  placed  on 
the  same  footing  with  those  whom  the  council  of 
Pisa  condemned,  and  who  are  therefore  to  be  ac- 
counted heretics?  May  not  those  who  would  per- 
suade John  XXIII.  to  such  an  admission,  be  regarded 
as  favorers  of  schism  and  heresy  ?  Can  a  true  and 
canonical  pope,  not  charged  or  suspected  of  heresy, 
be  forced  to  abdicate,  or  be  limited  in  his  jurisdic- 
tion ?  Are  not  those  who  condemn  one  not  heretical 
for  heresy,  and  maintain  the  justice  of  the  condemna- 
tion, themselves  to  be  accounted  heretics  ? " 

1  L'Enfant.  68. 


410  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    BTJ88.  [Cm.  XV. 

Tin1  second  paper  was  much  to  the  same  purport. 
The  third  attempted  to  refute  the  argamenta  of  the 
cardinal  by  pointing  out  the  contempt  which  they 
offered  to  the  council  of  Pisa,  and  the  injustice  they 
did  to  John  XXIII.  If  he  was  not  lawful  pope,  that 
council  was  null  and  illegitimate.  It  had  only  in- 
creased the  schism,  while  the  deposition  of  John 
XXIII.  would  in  all  probability  only  give  a  fourth 
head  to  the  church.  The  proposed  measure,  more- 
over, would  be  unjust  to  the  one  who  was  lawful 
pope;  yet,  if  John  were  willing  to  cede,  his  absent 
rivals  would  not  submit,"  and  hence  the  measure 
would  be  futile;  all  justice  would  be  violated  by  the 
attempt  to  enforce  it.  The  true  Christ  was  not  to 
deny  his  own  authority  because  there  were  false 
Christs ;  and,  as  to  the  obligation  of  the  true  pastor 
to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  sheep,  it  was  rather  a  deser- 
tion of  them  to  abdicate,  and  this  was  only  the  part  of 
a  hireling.  In  conclusion,  the  attempt  to  depose  John 
XXIII.  was  sacrilegious.  It  laid  violent  hands  on  the 
Lord's  anointed,  while  it  attempted  that  by  force 
which,  if  forced,  would  be  invalid  and  null  of  itself. 

Such  were  the  arguments  adduced  by  the  partisans 
of  the  pope.  Falling  back  upon  the  authority  of  the 
council  of  Pisa,  their  position  seemed  impregnable. 
But  even  here  they  were  not  to  remain  unmolested. 
The  cardinal  of  Cambray  now  took  up  the  discus- 
sion, and  resolved  to  sustain  the  positions  of  the  Car- 
dinal St.  Mark.  His  refutation  of  the  papal  refu- 
tation shows,  by  the  severity  of  its  language  and 
its  tone  of  confidence,  the  growing  strength  of 
the  anti-papal   party.     He  commences  by  uttering 


ck  xv.]  D'Ailly's  refutation.  411 

his  warning  against  those  who  come  in  sheep's 
clothing,  but  within  are  ravening  wolves.  "  These 
are  they  in  this  sacred  council  who,  parasites  of 
power  more  than  lovers  of  justice,  slander  the  teach- 
ers of  the  truth,  whom  the  apostle  calls  masters  hav- 
ing itching  ears."  These  men  be  charges  with  having 
prepared  papers  to  hinder  the  action  of  the  council. 
In  reply  to  them,  he  takes  no  issue  on  the  authority 
of  the  Pisan  council.  Granting  this  to  be  all  that 
the  papal  party  claim,  its  example  in  adopting  the 
method  of  cession  commends  itself  to  approval  in  the 
present  case.  He  denies  that  the  attempt  to  per- 
suade John  XXIII.  to  cede  does  place  him  on  a  level 
with  heretics,  and  the  presumption  of  favoring  heresy 
or  schism  must  rest  rather  on  the  adverse  party. 
But  the  strength  of  his  argument  lies  in  the  authority 
which  he  gives  to  the  church  universal  assembled  in 
general  council.  It  is  superior  to  the  pope,  and  may 
depose  him  if  the  welfare  of  the  church  requires  it ; 
and  if  the  pope  refuses  to  adopt  its  decision,  he  may 
be  condemned  as  a  schismatic,  and  suspected  of  favor- 
ing heresy ;  and  they  who  maintain  this  view  are  not 
to  be  regarded  as  heretical,  but  rather  the  reverse. 
Moreover,  those  who  condemn  the  method  of  cession, 
calling  it  unreasonable,  unlawful,  and  unjust,  in  reality 
invalidate  the  foundation  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  and 
scandalize  those  who  follow  its  obedience.  Finally, 
those  who  would  make  the  whole  question  one  to  be 
settled  by  violence  of  war,  sin  greatly  against  the 
Holy  Spirit,  while  wisdom  directs  that  of  two  evils 
we  should  choose  the  least.1 

1  All  the  documents  are  given  in  full  by  Von  der  HardU 


412  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  XV. 

Others  beside  the  cardinal  of  Cambray,  though 
men  of  less  note,  joined  in  the  discussion ;  but  their 
arguments  were  merely  a  variation  in  form  of  those 
which  he  or  the  Cardinal  St.  Mark  had  already  ad- 
duced. 

Such  was  the  spectacle  presented  by  the  council  at 
the  very  commencement  of  its  sessions.  John  XXIIL, 
with  his  party,  found  themselves  forced  to  contend, 
as  it  were,  for  their  own  existence.  The  monarchical 
and  the  democratic  principles  of  the  church  had  come 
in  conflict.  Popular  opinion,  modified  by  the  gross 
and  growing  evils  of  the  schism,  gave  to  the  latter  a 
temporary  advantage,  immensely  increased,  however, 
by  the  odious  vices  of  John  XXIIL  All  the  arts  of 
this  man  only  recoiled  upon  himself.  The  growing 
numbers  of  the  council  exceeded  his  power  of  control. 
His  favors  and  promotions  were  too  few  to  satisfy  the 
ambition  of  the  multitude ;  and  men  like  the  cardi- 
nals St.  Mark  and  Cambray,  strong  in  reputation 
and  ability,  as  well  as  in  the  favor  of  the  emperor, 
deprived  the  lost  pontiff  of  the  influence  of  even  a 
united  conclave.  It  might  be  foreseen  already  what 
must  be  the  necessary  result. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


THE  COUNCIL,  UP  TO  THE  TIME  OF  THE  FLIGHT  OF  THE  POPE. 

Membership  in  the  Council.  —  Views  of  the  Cardinals  St.  Mark  and  Cam- 
bray.  —  Voting  by  Nations.  —  Reasons  for  it.  — Interposition  of  the  Empe- 
ror in  its  Favor.  —  The  Order  of  Business  Adopted.  —  Proposed  Charges 
Against  the  Private  Life  of  John  XXIII.  —  He  Discovers  Them.  —  His 
Alarm.  —  Consults  with  his  Cardinals.  —  The  Charges  Prudently  Re- 
served.—  Method  of  Cession  Adopted  by  the  Nations.  —  The  Form. —  The 
Cession  Provisional.  —  More  Definite  Form  Demanded. — Evasion  of  John 
XXIII.  —  Third  Form  Demanded.  —  The  Pope  Resolves  on  Flight.  —  His 
Difficulty  in  Attempting  it.  —  Parisian  Deputation.  —  John  XXIII.  Feigns 
Assent  to  the  Demands  of  the  Council.  —  New  Form  of  Cession  Pre- 
sented.—  He  Accepts  it.  —  The  Form.  —  His  Hypocrisy. — Positions  Taken 
by  the  Germans.  —  The  Second  Public  Session  of  the  Council.  —  Ceremo- 
nial of  Abdication.  —  Huss  Removed  to  Another  Prison.  —  Congregation 
at  the  Franciscan  Monastery.  —  The  Policy  of  the  Pope  Opposed  to  that 
of  the  Emperor.  —  The  Bull  Extorted  from  the  Pope.  —  Its  Evasive 
Character.  —  Further  Demand  on  the  Pope,  —  He  Resists  it. —  Gift  of 
the  Golden  Rose.  —  Strange  Proposal  to  Elect  a  New  Pope.  —  John 
XXIII.  Indignant.  —  Devises  Means  of  Flight.  —  Cardinal  St.  Angelo  Ar- 
rested.—  The  Pope  Complains. — The  Emperor  Vindicates  Himself.  —  The 
Pope's  Promise.  —  Dissent  of  the  French  Nation.  —  Indignation  Against 
the  Emperor.  —  Demand  Carried  to  have  John  XXIII.  Appoint  Attorneys. — ■ 
His  Measures  for  Flight.  —  His  Evasive  Answer.  —  Complains  of  the  Air 
of  Constance.  —  Suggestions  of  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury.  —  Flight  of 
the  Pope. 

Jan.  8,  1415-March  21,  1415. 

Meanwhile  the  question  as  to  the  constituency 
of  the  council  had  been  decided  adversely  to  John 
XXIII.  The  arguments  of  the  cardinals  St.  Mark 
and  Cambray  proved  satisfactory  to  the  emporor, 
and  to  all  who  dreaded  the  numerical  ascendency  of 
the  Italian,  or  rather  papal  party.      To  have  con- 


414  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Cn.  XVI. 

ceded  a  seat  in  the  council  only  to  the  bishops  and 
the  higher  clergy  would  have  excluded  a  vast  num- 
ber whose  impartiality  and  opposition  to  the  pope's 
claims  were  well  understood.  It  is  noticeable  that 
the  argument  by  which  the  right  of  membership  was 
demanded,  for  presbyters  as  well  as  bishops,  took 
precisely  the  same  view  of  the  two  orders  which 
Huss  had  presented  in  his  treatise  on  the  church. 
"  An  ignorant  king  or  prelate,"  exclaimed  the  Cardi- 
nal St.  Mark,  "  is  nothing  but  a  crowned  ass."  From 
the  writings  of  St.  Paul,  he  argued  that  a  bishop  and 
a  presbyter  must  have  the  same  qualifications,  inas- 
much as  the  apostle,  in  describing  the  bishop,  seems 
to  include  the  presbyter,  and  passes  directly  from 
this  to  speak  of  deacons.  "  By  what  right,  then,"  he 
asked,  "  do  you  admit  one  and  repel  the  other,  when 
the  last  is  equally  well,  if  not  better,  fitted  to  repre- 
sent the  church  ? " 1 

Thus  the  unhappy  pontiff  was  subjected  to  a  new 
annoyance.  A  vast  number  were  now  admitted  to 
membership  in  the  council  over  whom  he  could  ex- 
ert but  a  feeble  influence,  and  whose  views  and  policy 
were  adverse  to  his  own.  Besides  the  doctors,  of 
whom  the  number  was  very  large,  the  ambassadors 
of  kings  and  princes,  of  republics,  cities,  universities, 
and  other  communities,  as  well  as  the  lower  clergy, 
were  admitted  under  conditions.  The  pope  was 
chagrined  at  seeing  the  votes  of  his  numerous  Italian 
bishops  offset  by  those  of  multitudes  inferior  only  in 
ecclesiastical  rank. 


1  Von  der  Ilardt  gives  the  arguments  of  the  different  parties.     See  also 
L'Enfant,  71. 


Ch.  XVI.]  VOTING    BY   NATIONS.  415 

But  even  yet  it  was  possible  for  him  to  command 
a  powerful  and  influential  minority.  The  hope  how- 
ever which  this  inspired  was  now  destined  to  be  de- 
feated. At  an  early  stage  of  the  discussion  it  had 
been  proposed  that  the  votes  should  be  taken  by 
nations.  The  pope  had  strenuously  resisted  the  pro- 
ject. He  might  ply  his  intrigues  among  individuals 
with  some  chance  of  success ;  but  if  the  votes  were 
to  be  taken  by  nations,  his  plans  would  encounter 
greater  difficulties,  while  the  whole  Italian  party 
would  command  but  a  single  voice  out  of  four. 

The  pope  had  on  his  side  the  prestige  of  ancient 
usage,  but  the  council  imagined  that  they  had  good 
and  sufficient  reasou  for  acting  without  regard  to 
precedent  in  a  question  of  such  moment.  The  pope 
had  created  as  many  as  fifty  new  chamberlains,  whose 
devotion  to  his  interests  was  of  course  entire.  The 
other  nations  would  not  consent  to  such  a  fatal  pre- 
ponderance of  the  Italian  party,  while  the  pope  on 
his  part  was  not  disposed  to  yield.  From  day  to  day 
the  question  became  more  embarrassing.  The  whole 
issue  of  the  council  might  hinge  upon  its  decision. 

In  these  circumstances  the  emperor  interposed.1 
Clearly  perceiving  the  vital  importance  of  the  ques- 
tion, he  decided  against  the  pontiff.  It  was  there- 
fore resolved  that  the  votes  of  the  council  should  be 
taken  by  nations,  and  that  as  Spain  was  as  yet  un- 
represented, England,  which  had  hitherto  been  reck- 
oned with  Germany,  should  be  allowed  a  vote  by 
itself,  thus  making,  with  Germany,  France,  and  Italy, 
the  fourth  nation  in  the  constituency  of  the  council 

1  L'Enfant,  12. 


41G  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN*    BUBS.       [Ch.  XVI. 

The  order  of  proceedings  required  each  nation  to 
have  a  certain  number  of  deputies,  men  of  learning 
and  ability,  composed  both  of  ecclesiastics  and  secu- 
lars, with  their  procurators,  or  attorneys  and  notaries. 
These  deputies  had  a  president,  whose  term  of  office 
was  one  month.  Each  nation  assembled  by  itself  to 
discuss  the  matters  that  might  be  brought  before  it, 
and  when  any  article  had  been  agreed  upon  by  one 
nation,  it  was  submitted  to  the  deliberation  of  the 
others ;  and  if  agreed  on  in  a  general  congregation  of 
the  four  nations,  it  was  carried,  signed,  and  sealed 
before  the  following  session,  when  it  received  public 
and  solemn  approval.  In  these  preliminary  discus- 
sions, full  liberty  was  allowed  to  all  to  propose,  either 
orally  or  in  writing,  whatever  they  might  deem  es- 
sential to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  church. 

Successively  defeated  in  his  plans  for  constituting 
the  council,  the  pope  was  still  pressed  in  the  most 
urgent  manner  to  unite  with  the  contestants  in  adopt- 
ing the  "way  of  cession."  To  this  he  was  utterly 
disinclined.  He  regarded  the  demand  as  insulting 
and  intolerable.  But  while  meeting  it  in  a  tone  of 
bold  resistance,  and  even  defiance,  he  was  startled 
from  his  security  by  intelligence  of  a  new  measure 
which  had  been  proposed.  This  was  nothing  less 
than  a  judicial  investigation  of  his  life  and  character. 
This  was  his  vulnerable  point.  His  private  career 
had  been  notoriously  scandalous.  Nothing  but  the 
sanctity  of  his  office  could  have  so  long  shielded  him 
from  ignominious  exposure.  But  the  steadily  in- 
creasing hostility  which  his  course  provoked,  now  en- 
couraged an  attack  upon  his  reputation  and  morals. 


CH.XVL]  AETICLES   AGAINST   JOHN   XXU1.  417 

A  series  of  accusations  was  drawn  up  against  him, 
evidently  by  some  one  familiar  with  his  career  of 
vice  and  crime.  Niem  suspects  that  the  author  was 
an  Italian.  The  charges  made  were  of  the  most 
scandalous  and  horrible  kind.  The  life  of  the  pontiff 
was  described  as  a  tissue  of  enormity  and  violence, 
which  outraged  all  justice,  and  was  the  scandal  of 
the  church. 

The  articles  were  secretly  submitted  to  leading 
members  of  the  council  from  Germany  and  England. 
It  was  hoped  that  an  investigation  would  be  de- 
manded, and  of  its  result,  if  undertaken,  no  one  could 
doubt.  But  prudence  forbade  the  measure.  It 
might  overshoot  its  object,  and  disgrace  the  papacy 
as  well  as  its  occupant.  It  might  tend  to  invalidate 
the  promotions  which  the  pontiff  had  made.  Who 
could  say  how  many  of  the  members  of  the  council 
would  be  compromised  in  the  tenure  of  their  titles 
by  an  investigation  of  papal  simony  ?  For  the  pres- 
ent it  was  deemed  best  to  postpone  the  matter.  Yet 
the  time  might  come  when  it  could  be  evoked  as  a 
necessary  and  effective  weapon  of  attack. 

Secretly  as  the  whole  thing  had  been  managed,  it 
soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  pontiff.  His  spies  were 
busy,  and  treachery  was  sure  of  its  reward.  Great 
was  his  consternation  when  he  found  this  new  bat- 
tery opened  upon  him.  Conscious  of  the  weakness 
of  his  position,  he  called  together  for  consultation 
some  of  the  cardinals  and  of  those  whom  he  had 
bound  to  him  by  favors,  and  asked  their  advice.1 
He  frankly  admitted  that  some  of  the  charges  against 

'L'Enfant,  73. 
VOL.  I.  27 


418  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOILN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  XVI 

him  were  true,  while  he  maintained  his  innocence  in 
regard  to  others.  It  was  his  own  plan  to  forestall 
attack  by  going  before  the  council,  and  acknowledg- 
ing the  truth  of  some  of  the  accusations,  fulling  back, 
however,  on  this  as  an  impregnable  position,  that  the 
pope  can  be  judged  and  deposed  for  no  fault  save 
for  heresy  alone.  The  friends  of  John  XXIII.  were 
at  a  loss,  when  consulted,  what  answer  they  should 
return.  It  was  finally  agreed  that  the  wisest  course 
would  be  for  the  pope  himself  to  take  the  matter  for 
some  days  into  careful  deliberation,  and  then  "  adopt 
such  a  course  as  he  should  deem  wisest,  in  the  fear  of 
God."  But  the  enemies  of  the  pontiff  were  not  yet 
prepared  to  proceed  to  extremities.  They  did  not 
wish  to  overthrow  the  See  of  Rome,  but  only  its  oc- 
cupant. Thus  the  terror  was  suspended  over  his 
head,  and  for  the  present  the  policy  of  his  foes  spared 
him  the  crushing  blow. 

Yet  the  secret  measure  had  not  been  without  its 
effect.  The  knowledge  of  its  having  been  discussed, 
the  fact  that  a  possibility  remained  that  it  might  yet 
be  evoked  as  a  weapon  of  offence  in  case  of  necessity, 
rendered  John  XXIII.  much  less  disinclined  to  listen 
to  the  exhortations  and  overtures  of  the  council.  On 
the  seventh  of  February,  (1415,)  the  question  of 
voting  by  nations  had  been  decided.  Meanwhile  the 
charge  against  the  pope  had  been  drawn  up.  So 
early  as  the  fourteenth  of  the  previous  month,  An- 
drew Lascar,  bishop  of  Posen,  and  ambassador  of 
the  king  of  Poland,  who  had  just  reached  the  coun- 
cil, addressed  the  pope  in  its  name,  urging  him  to 
give  peace  to  the  church.     Although  the  method  of 


Ch.  XVI.1  WAY   OF   CESSION    UEGED.  419 

cession  was  not  mentioned  in  his  discourse  in  express 
terms,  it  was  not  obscurely  hinted  at,  and  the  pope 
was  significantly  pointed  to  the  example  of  Christ  in 
laying  down  his  life  for  the  sheep,  and  urgently  ex- 
horted to  prefer  the  glory  of  its  imitation  to  the 
power  of  the  keys.  John  XXIII.  must  have  uneasily 
listened  to  an  address  so  guarded  in  expression  but 
so  direct  in  application.  The  method  of  cession  was 
now  publicly  advocated,  and  on  the  fifteenth  of  Feb- 
ruary, the  German,  English,  and  French  nations 
adopted  it,  and  urged  it  with  such  force  upon  the 
Italian  nation,  that  they  were  disposed  to  yield ;  and 
John  XXIII.  saw  himself  deserted  by  those  on  whom 
he  had  most  relied.  After  such  a  defeat  the  utter 
refusal  of  any  form  of  cession  on  his  part  would  have 
been  in  the  highest  degree  impolitic.  It  would  but 
exasperate  a  feeling  that  could  no  longer  be  trifled 
with.  His  only  hope  now  was  to  gain,  if  possible, 
some  advantage  by  temporizing. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  the  month  the  conclusions  ar- 
rived at  in  the  general  congregation  of  the  nations 
on  the  preceding  day  were  drawn  up  and  presented 
to  the  pontiff.1  They  were  as  follows :  "  The  sad 
state  of  the  church,  with  all  the  circumstances  there- 
to pertaining,  having  been  duly  weighed,  three  na- 
tions, the  German,  French,  and  English,  composing 
and  representing  the  majority  of  this  sacred  council, 
have,  in  order  to  the  restoration  of  the  church,  deem- 
ed the  method  of  cession  on  the  part  of  our  lord  the 
pope  as  well  as  the  contendents,  the  better  and  more 
expedient,  and   that  our   lord   should    accept   and 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  ii.,  part  viii.,  chap.  xix. 


420  LIFE   AND   TIMES   0E   JOIIX   HUBS.         [Ch.  XYL 

adopt  it,  to  thus  cany  out  the  designs  of  the  council ; 
and  by  his  most  serene  highness  our  lord  the  king 
of  tlic  Romans,  and  this  sacred  council,  he  is  besought 
to  offer,  adopt,  and  execute  this  mode  of  cession." 
The  document  was  signed  by  the  presidents  of  the 
nations,  and  offered  to  the  pope  for  his  acceptance. 
Later  in  the  day  the  council  met,  at  the  pope's  sum- 
mons, to  receive  his  answer.  It  had  been  carefully 
drawn  up,  and  was  read  before  the  assembly  by  the 
cardinal  of  Florence.  It  was  to  the  following  effect : 
11  Our  most  holy  lord  the  pope  here  present,  though 
obligated  to  it  by  no  vows,  oaths,  or  promises,  yet 
for  the  peace  of  Christendom,  has  proposed,  and  on 
deliberation  resolved,  to  give  peace  to  the  church 
even  by  the  way  of  cession  ;  provided,  however,  that 
Peter  de  Luna  and  Angelus  Corrario,  condemned  by 
the  Pisan  council  of  schism  and  heresy,  and  ejected 
from  the  pontificate,  shall  make  a  full  and  sufficient 
renunciation  of  the  claims  which  they  urge  to  the 
pontificate.  This  renunciation  to  take  place  in  ways, 
circumstances,  and  time  to  be  agreed  upon  between 
our  lord  or  his  deputies,  and  deputies  from  among 
you." 

It  was  obvious  that  such  a  provisional  abdication 
would  remain  a  mere  nullity.  The  conditions  would 
never  be  fulfilled.  The  abdication  itself,  while  it 
necessarily  delayed  the  action  of  the  council  till  it 
could  take  effect,  was  intended  to  secure  the  pope 
from  beine;  molested  till  such  a  time  as  occasion 
should  be  given  for  regaining  what  had  been  lost. 
The  several  nations,  however,  took  it  into  considera- 

1  L'Eiifaiit,  73. 


Ch.  XVI.]  OBJECTIONS    OF   THE   COUNCIL.  421 

tion.  They  were  unanimous  in  regarding  it  as  too 
vague,  doubtful,  obscure,  and  unreliable,  and  as  utterly 
insufficient  to  extirpate  the  schism,  or  effect  a  cession. 
The  pope  was  therefore  requested,  inasmuch  as  he 
showed  a  disposition  to  the  way  of  cession — so  it  was 
observed  with  an  artful  irony — to  express  his  pur- 
pose in  plain  and  simple  language  that  should  tend 
to  promote  the  desired  union.  In  consequence  of 
this  request,  which  the  pope  did  not  dare  refuse,  an- 
other form  of  abdication  was  drawn  up;  but  this 
proved  even  less  satisfactory  than  the  first.  It  gave 
stronger  ground  for  the  suspicion  that  he  had  no  in- 
tention whatever  to  resign  the  pontificate.  The  con- 
ditions subjoined  to  it  rendered  it  altogether  unac- 
ceptable. In  fact,  its  rejection  must  have  been  fore- 
seen by  John  XXIII.  himself,  and  he  could  only  have 
presented  it  in  the  hope  either  of  gaining  time,  or 
dividing  his  opponents  into  adverse  parties.  It  was 
objected  to  by  the  council  on  several  grounds:  as  con- 
ditional on  the  cession  of  the  contendents ;  as  con- 
taining expressions  in  regard  to  them  of  an  irritative 
character ;  as  setting  a  limit  of  time  beyond  which  it 
was  to  have  no  effect ;  and  as  proposing  unprecedented 
measures  against  the  contendents.  Another  form  of 
abdication  was  drawn  up,  modelled  after  that  which 
had  already  been  presented  by  Gregory.  It  -was 
privately  presented  by  the  emperor's  direction  to  the 
pope,  but  to  this  he  would  by  no  means  give  his 
assent. 

It  was  in  the  interval  that  followed,  that  John 
XXIII.  laid  his  plans  for  his  flight.  He  saw  that  the 
council  had  him  already  in  their  grasp.    He  resolved 


422  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOIII*   HUBS.         [Cu.  XVL 

therefore  to  leave  Constance,  in  the  hope  that  by  the 
confusion  which  his  flight,  as  well  as  the  measures  he 
might  take  afterwards,  would  occasion,  the  council 
Would  be  broken  up.  He  sent  therefore  for  Fred- 
eric-, Duke  of  Austria,  with  whom  he  had  entered 
previously  into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive 
in  order  to  his  security,  and  concerted  the  measures 
for  executing  his  purpose.  But  even  here  he  was 
surrounded  by  difficulties.  A  suspicion  of  his  pro- 
ject had  already  spread  abroad.  It  was  even  pro- 
posed by  a  portion  of  the  English  deputation  that 
the  person  of  the  pope  should  be  seized  and  kept  in 
safe  custody,1  but  to  this  the  French  deputation  would 
by  no  means  consent.  And  yet  John  XXIII.  was 
little  more  than  a  prisoner  in  his  own  palace.  He 
bitterly  complains,  in  a  paper  published  after  his 
flight  from  Constance,  of  the  insults  offered  him  before 
his  own  doors,  and  of  which  the  emperor  was  cogni- 
zant. He  asserts  that  he  was  watched  by  imperial 
spies,  who  intruded  upon  the  privacy  of  his  chamber, 
and  even  dared  to  enter  his  bedroom  to  see  whether 
he  had  escaped. 

But  the  growing  unanimity  and  strength  of  his 
adversaries,  whom  he  had  vainly  hoped  to  divide — ■ 
the  close  watch  kept  upon  his  person — the  well- 
known  purpose  of  the  emperor,  who  was  resolved 
that  the  aims  of  the  council  should  not  be  thwarted 
by  papal  artifice, — all  indicated  that  before  he  could 
hope  to  escape,  he  must  disarm  suspicion  by  still 
greater  concessions  than  any  he  had  yet  made.  With 
his  accustomed  duplicity,  therefore,  he  made  up  his 

1  L'Enfant,  81. 


Ch.  XVI.1  A   NEW   FOKM   PEOPOSED.  423 

mind  to  yield  a  formal  acquiescence  to  the  demands 
of  the  council,  in  the  hope  of  thus  securing  a  tem- 
porary freedom  from  molestation,  but  with  the  secret 
resolution,  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  of  denounc- 
ing its  invalidity  as  extorted  by  force. 

It  was  proposed  in  the  council  to  insert  in  the 
form  of  abdication,  "  I  swear  and  vow,"  etc.,  in  order 
to  give  it  a  more  solemn  and  binding  character. 
Upon  this  point  there  was  a  division  of  opinion,  but 
it  was  at  length  carried  by  the  influence  of  the  Par- 
isian ambassadors.  On  the  first  of  March  this  new 
form  of  cession  was  presented  to  the  pope  in  his  own 
palace.  The  emperor  himself  and  a  large  number 
of  the  different  nations  were  present.  In  behalf  of 
the  council,  the  patriarch  of  Antioch  presented  it, 
humbly  supplicating  for  it  a  gracious  reception.  Ob- 
jectionable as  this  new  form  of  abdication,  armed 
with  oaths,  must  have  been  to  the  pope,  and  difficult 
as  he  found  it  altogether  to  conceal  his  vexation, 
there  was  no  alternative  but  to  accept  it.  Having 
glanced  over  the  form  presented,  he  replied  that  it 
had  ever  been  his  intention  to  restore  peace  to  the 
church,  and  that  for  this  purpose  he  had  come  to 
Constance.  He  added,  moreover,  that  he  had  already 
offered  to  cede  his  pontificate ;  that  he  had  done  it 
freely,  of  his  own  accord  and  without  restraint,  and 
that  he  never  had  been  of  any  other  mind.  He 
then  read  aloud  the  form  of  abdication,  which  had 
been  carefully  drawn  up  by  the  council  in  order  to 
cut  off  any  opportunity  of  evading  its  conditions: — 
"  I,  Pope  John  XXIII.,  for  the  welfare  of  all  Chris- 
tendom, profess,  engage,  and  promise,  swear  and  vow 


424  LIFE   AND   TDIES    OF   JOITN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XVI 

to  God,  the  church,  and  this  holy  council,  voluntarily 
and  freely  to  give  peace  to  the  church  itself,  by  the 
way  of  an  unqualified  cession  of  my  pontificate ;  and 
that  I  will  effectually  perforin  and  execute  it  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  deliberative  decisions  of  the  pres- 
ent council,  if  and  when  Peter  de  Luna,  Benedict 
XIII.,  and  Angelus  Corrario,  Gregory  XIL, — so  called, 
each  by  his  obedience, — shall  in  like  manner  cede 
their  claims,  either  by  themselves  or  their  lawful  at- 
torneys ;  and  that  I  will  do  this  in  case  of  their  ces- 
sion, decease,  or  any  other  circumstances  in  which 
my  cession  will  give  peace  to  the  church  of  God,  or 
lead  to  the  extirpation  of  the  present  schism." 

The  demands  of  the  council  bad  now  been  met  by 
the  prompt  and  well-acted  acquiescence  of  John 
XXIII.  The  emperor  returned  him  thanks  for  the 
"  good  and  holy  oblation  "  which  he  had  made.1  The 
cardinals  first,  and  then  other  members  of  the  coun- 
cil, followed  the  example.  The  pope  requested,  as  if 
sympathizing  with  the  joy  of  the  occasion,  that  a  ses- 
sion might  be  held  on  the  following  day,  in  which 
these  proceedings  should  be  publicly  ratified. 

But  the  reluctance  which  John  XXIII.  had  al- 
ready shown  to  adopt  the  course  urged  upon  him  by 
the  council  had  not  been  without  its  results.  The 
Germans,  who  evidently  had  not  looked  for  the 
prompt  acceptance  of  the  final  formula  of  cession  on 
the  part  of  the  pope,  had  drawn  up  a  series  of  arti- 
cles on  the  subject  of  the  relative  authority  of  the 
pope  and  of  the  council,  which  admitted  of  an  easy 
application.     They  set  forth,  "that  in  the  matter  of 

1  L'Eiifant,  77,  78. 


Ch.  XVI.]  PEOPOSAL    OF   THE    GEEMANS.  425 

schism  the  council  was  the  supreme  judge;  that  to 
put  an  end  to  the  schism  there  was  no  way  more  ap- 
propriate, legitimate,  and  effectual  than  that  of  ces- 
sion ;  that,  without  regard  to  the  abdication  of  Bene- 
dict and  Gregory,  and  even  in  case  they  should  refuse 
to  abdicate,  yet  if  their  adherents  would  unite  with 
the  council  on  condition  that  John  XXIII.  should  con- 
sent to  cede,  the  latter  was  bound,  under  pain  of  mor- 
tal sin,  to  accept  and  execute  the  formula  of  cession 
presented  to  him  on  the  part  of  the  nations ;  that  the 
council  may  require  this  of  him  even  with  menace, 
and,  in  case  of  his  stubborn  refusal,  the  aid  of  the 
secular  power  may  be  invoked  against  him  in  the 
name  of  the  Catholic  church."1  It  is  scarcely  doubt- 
ful that  these  articles  we're  drawn  up  with  the  ap- 
proval, if  not  even  at  the  suggestion,  of  the  emperor. 
A  knowledge  of  them,  and  a  suspicion  of  the  source 
from  which  they  emanated,  could  scarcely  have  failed 
to  satisfy  the  pontiff,  if  any  doubt  had  yet  remained, 
that  he  must  surrender  at  discretion  to  the  supremacy 
of  the  council. 

John  XXIII.  occupied  his  seat  before  the  altar. 
Turning  toward  the  council,  he  read  the  formula  of 
cession  presented  to  him  in  its  name  by  the  patriarch 
of  Antioch,  in  a  loud  voice,  and  word  for  word. 
When  he  came  to  the  expressions  "I  promise,  en- 
gage, vow,"  etc.,  he  knelt  toward  the  altar.  Then 
placing  his  hand  to  his  heart,  he  added,  "  and  these 
I  promise  to  observe."  After  the  reading  of  the 
formula,  the  emperor  rose  from  his  seat,  thanked  the 
pope  in  the  name  of  the  council,  kneeled,  and  kissed 

1  Mansi,  xxvii.  566. 


42 G  LIFE   AKD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  XVI. 

his  foot.  The  patriarch  also  followed  the  example, 
when  the  choir  commenced  singing  the  Te  Deum 
Laudamus.  The  procurator  of  the  council,  John  <le 
Scribanis,  then  besought  of  the  proto-notaries  of  the 
pope,  and  the  notaries  and  scribes  appointed  by  the 
council  for  the  purpose,  one  or  more  public  docu- 
ments for  a  permanent  record  of  the  transaction. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  place  of  Huss1  im- 
prisonment was  changed.  He  had  been  kept  hith- 
erto in  the  Dominican  monastery.  He  was  now  trans- 
ferred to  that  of  the  Franciscans.  The  latter  was 
situated  in  the  heart  of  the  city,  and  was  more  con- 
venient and  accessible,  as  well  as  nearer  to  the  papal 
palace.  Of  the  motives  of  this  transfer  we  can  only 
judge,  from  the  time  and  the  occasion.  The  Francis- 
can monastery  was  undoubtedly  more  healthy ;  but 
the  previous  treatment  of  Huss  assures  us  that  this 
fact  could  have  had  but  little  weight  with  his  ene- 
mies. The  pope  had  now  taken  a  new  tack  to  reach 
the  wished-for  harbor,  and  sought  undoubtedly  to 
improve  the  favorable  impression  made  by  his  ac- 
ceptance of  the  demands  of  the  council.  It  was  his 
purpose  to  draw  off  attention  from  the  papal  question, 
and  proceed  with  all  expedition  in  the  matter  of 
heresy.  It  was  probably  with  this  object  in  view 
that  he  adopted  a  measure  which  contributed  to  the 
temporary  alleviation  of  the  hardships  of  Huss'  im- 
prisonment, while  it  brought  his  case  under  the  daily 
notice  of  the  council. 

It  was  within  the  walls  of  this  Franciscan  monas- 
tery that  a  general  congregation  was  held  on  the 
fourth  of  March.    The  emperor,  eight  cardinals,  three 


Gu.  XVI.]         CLAIMS    OF   TIIE    POPE   EEJECTED.  427 

hundred  prelates,  the  ambassadors  of  the  kings  and 
princes,  including  those  of  Benedict  XIIL,  and  the 
king  of  Arragon  were  present.  With  the  latter,  at 
the  council's  request,  a  treaty  was  effected,  the  object 
of  which  was  a  conference  between  the  emperor  and 
the  king  of  Arragon,  who  was  to  be  accompanied  by 
Benedict.  The  cession  of  the  latter  seemed-  now  the 
only  obstacle  to  the  peace  of  the  church  and  the 
election  of  a  new  pope.  It  was  determined  that  no 
measures  should  be  taken  on  the  part  of  the  council, 
pending  the  proposed  negotiation,  which  should  tend 
to  prejudice  its  success. 

The  good  understanding  and  mutual  regard  of  the 
pope  and  emperor,  which  had  been  occasioned  by  the 
recent  acquiescence  of  the  pope  in  the  demands  of 
the  council,  wrere  not  of  long  continuance.  There 
was  to  be  no  peace  for  the  helpless  pontiff  while  he 
held  any  ecclesiastical  power.  The  policy  of  the 
council  and  the  conditions  of  Gregory's  abdication 
required  that  he  should  at  once  sink  into  a  cipher. 
Nothing  could  be  more  repugnant  to  the  purpose  or 
feelings  of  the  pontiff.  His  conditional  abdication 
had  still  left  him  for  the  present  in  the  exercise  of 
his  official  authority,  and  he  still  claimed  his  right  to 
continue  to  preside  over  the  public  sessions.  But 
with  this  concession  to  his  claims,  the  aims  of  the 
emperor  as  well  as  of  the  council  interfered.  If  those 
claims  were  allowed,  even  for  the  present,  the  time 
would  come  wrhen  the  difficulty  of  forcing  him  to 
resign  them  would  be  even  greater  than  at  first.  His 
proposal  to  continue  the  sessions  and  proceed  at  once 
to  the  business  of  church  reform  and  extirpation  of 


428  LIFE   AKD   TDrES   OF   JOIIX   HUBS.         [Ch.  XVI. 

heresy,  was  therefore  rejected.  The  emperor  wished 
nothing  done  in  his  absence  from  Constance,  which 
should  aggravate  the  difficulty  of  negotiation  with 
Benedict. 

But  John  XXIII.,  on  the  other  hand,  by  no  means 
relished  the  idea  of  surrendering  his  prerogative,  or 
suspending  the  business  of  the  council.  Was  the 
pontifical  authority  so  feeble  that  it  must  find  shelter 
under  the  imperial  shadow?  Was  it  not  a  mere  ]<>— 
of  time  and  to  no  profit  to  spend  months  in  such  a 
negotiation  as  the  one  proposed?  For  himself  he 
was  willing  to  undertake  any  expedition,  to  visit  any 
city  in  order  to  treat  with  Benedict,  or  such  persons 
as  he  should  appoint,  in  order  to  expedite  the  pro- 
posed arrangement.  Some  of  these  views  of  the  pope 
he  boldly  avowed.1  But  the  council  paid  them  little 
attention.  They  had  no  faith  in  the  honesty  of  John 
XXIII.  Conjointly  with  the  emperor,  they  were 
mainly  anxious  to  take  advantage  of  the  conditional 
cession  which  he  had  made.  They  therefore  re- 
quested him  to  expedite,  with  the  accustomed  forms, 
the  bull  of  his  abdication.  This  projiosition  he 
treated  as  an  outrageous  insult,  and  abused  the  pre- 
lates who  presented  it,  in  such  a  manner  that  none 
were  willing  again  to  broach  the  subject  in  his  pres- 
ence. The  council  saw  itself  forced  to  have  recourse 
to  the  imperial  authority  to  vanquish  his  obstinacy. 
Sigismund  at  its  request  visited  him.  He  found  him 
in  a  more  complaisant  mood,  and  finally  induced  him 
to  notify  his  proposed  cession  to  all  Christendom,  by 
a  bull  bearing  date  the  sixth  of  March,  1415.     In 

1  Van  der  Ilardt,  torn,  ii.,  part  xv.,  p.  S95. 


Ch.  XVI.]  NEW   DEMANDS.  429 

this  bull  the  arts  of  the  pontiff  are  clearly  displayed. 
He  vaunts  his  love  for  the  church,  for  whose  sake  he 
willingly  renounces  the  possession  of  the  popedom — 
waives  his  claims  to  the  pontificate  notwithstanding 
their  justice  is  indisputable — and  looks  to  heaven  for 
the  recompense  of  his  self-denial.  Nor  does  he  fail 
to  set  off  the  reluctance  of  Gregory  and  Benedict  to 
cede,  in  the  most  odious  light  possible. 

After  the  pope  had  gone  so  far,  it  seemed  difficult 
to  frame  new  demands.  But  the  principal  object  of 
the  emperor  and  of  the  council  was  still  unattained. 
Step  by  step  they  had  steadily  advanced  toward 
their  real  object,  a  cession  so  far  conditional  only 
that  the  emperor,  or  attorneys  appointed  for  the  pur- 
pose, could  make  it  absolute  at  their  discretion.  Such 
an  instrument  might  be  a  powerful  weapon  to  bring 
Benedict  to  terms,  and  it  was  important  that  it  should 
be  executed  before  the  emperor  set  out  on  his  jour- 
ney. The  French,  English,  and  Germans  were  ear- 
nest and  urgent  in  their  advice  to  press  the  pope  to 
execute  it.  In  order  to  render  it  more  authentic  and 
irrevocable,  it  was  desirable  to  engage  the  pope  to 
appoint  the  emperor  himself,  with  the  prelates  that 
should  accompany  him,  or  such  persons  as  he  should 
select,  his  procurators  for  this  purpose.  But  the  prop- 
osition was  indignantly  rejected.  The  Italians  were 
so  displeased  with  it,  that  they  threatened,  if  it  was 
urged,  to  leave  the  council.  For  the  present,  there- 
fore, it  was  found  necessary  to  defer  it. 

Closely  as  the  position  of  John  XXIII.  was  invested, 
he  did  not  altogether  despair.  He  was  still  busy  in 
his  intrigues.     The  hope  was  yet  cherished  of  making 


430  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOIIX    IH'SS.  [Ch.  XVI. 

the  emperor  his  partisan,  01  at  least  securing  a  larger 
measure  of  his  favor.  Three  weeks  before  Easter  he 
presented  him  with  the  golden  rose,  which  he  had 
that  day  solemnly  consecrated  according  to  pontifical 
usage.  Sigismund  received  it,  with  large  expressions 
of  gratitude  and  regard.  lie  wore  it  ostentatiously 
tli rough  the  whole  city ;  after  which  the  pope  regaled 
him,  together  with  the  secular  and  ecclesiastical 
princes,  at  a  sumptuous  banquet.  But  the  emperor 
was  not  the  dupe  of  papal  artifice.  He  knew  the 
man  he  had  to  deal  with,  and  saw  the  necessity  of 
resorting  to  measures  of  intimidation  to  secure  his 
object.  A  public  congregation  was  called,  on  the 
eleventh  of  March,  in  which  it  was  proposed  at  once  to 
give  a  pope  to  the  church.  The  surprise  of  the  papal 
partisans  at  this  sudden  and  strange  proposition  may 
easily  be  conceived.  It  was  virtually  a  declaration 
that  the  pontificate  was  vacant.  A  discussion  arose 
in  which  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz  took  an  active 
part  in  favor  of  John  XXIII.  He  declared  that  if 
any  other  were  elected,  he  would  refuse  to  recognize 
him.  For  a  time  the  assembly  was  thrown  into  con- 
fusion ;  but  at  length,  after  the  discussion  had  been 
continued  for  some  days,  it  was  determined  that  the 
nations  were  at  liberty  and  authorized  to  take  such 
measures  as  they  should  judge  most  appropriate 
toward  the  union  of  the  church  and  the  election  of 
another  pope.1 

The  breach  between  the  emperor  and  John  XXIII. 
now  became  greater  than  ever.  The  last  resources 
of  the  latter  seemed  exhausted,  and   he  finally  re- 

1  L'Enfant,  i.  79,  80. 


Ch.  xvt.j      the  pope  eesolved  on  flight.  431 

solved  on  flight.  But  his  purpose  was  not  one  that 
admitted  of  easy  execution.  The  report  was  general 
that  orders  had  been  given  for  the  arrest,  or  at  least 
the  close  watch,  of  all  who  issued  from  the  gates  of 
the  city.  Indisposed  to  run  any  dangerous  risk,  and 
in  order  to  discover  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the 
report,  the  pope  directed  the  cardinal  St.  Angelo  to 
go  to  the  gates  ostensibly  to  take  a  walk  without  the 
walls.  He  did  so,  and  was  in  fact  arrested.  No 
sooner  was  John  XXIII.  made  aware  of  this,  than  he 
summoned  a  congregation  to  meet  in  his  palace,  in 
which  he  addressed  a  bitter  complaint  to  the  princes 
and  the  magistrates  of  the  city  against  this  violation 
of  the  security  and  public  liberty  so  solemnly  promised 
to  all  visitants,  and  especially  to  himself.  The  mag- 
istrates threw  the  blame  upon  the  emperor,  and  on 
his  part  the  Archduke  Frederic  promised  that  the 
safe-conducts  should  be  inviolably  observed. 

The  emperor  soon  learned  what  had  passed  in  the 
papal  palace.  He  summoned  the  next  day  the  three 
nations,  English,  French,  and  German,  in  order  to 
take  measures  yet  more  decisive.  The  previous  de- 
mand for  the  appointment  of  attorneys  on  the  part 
of  the  pope  was  now  renewed.  It  was  resolved  that 
he  should  be  required  to  engage  to  grant  no  permis- 
sion of  absence  from  the  council,  nor  withdraw  him- 
self; that  he  should  not  dissolve  the  council  till  the 
union  of  the  church  had  been  attained,  nor  consent 
to  its  transfer  to  any  other  place.1  In  respect  to  the 
guards  stationed  in  the  different  places,  and  of  which 
the  pope  had  complained,  Sigismund  apologized  for 

1  L'Enfant,  80. 


432  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN'    HISS.  [Ch.  XVI. 

it  as  having  been  done  with  the  advice  of  some  of 
the  cardinals,  who  had  observed  that  many  secretly 
withdrew  from  the  council,  a  course  which,  if  per- 
mitted, would  draw  on  its  dissolution.  The  articles, 
as  drawn  up  under  the  eye  of  the  emperor,  were  pre- 
sented to  John  XXIII.  by  the  patriarch  of  Antioch, 
whose  service  was  rewarded  by  the  pope  with  the 
charge  of  being  a  false  brother,  and  a  secret  partisan 
of  Benedict  XIII. 

On  the  next  day  the  answer  of  the  pope  was  given. 
He  promised  not  to  dissolve  the  council  while  the 
schism  continued.  As  to  transferring  its  sessions  to 
another  place,  he  was  willing  to  leave  it  to  the  good 
judgment  of  the  fathers  of  the  council,  at  the  same 
time  giving  it  to  be  understood  that  he  was  ready 
to  go  to  Nice,  the  place  of  the  proposed  negotiation 
between  Sigismund  and  Benedict.  As  to  power  of 
attorney  to  cede  for  him,  he  utterly  refused  it  on 
various  grounds,  among  others,  as  implying  a  dis- 
honorable submission  which  Benedict  would  never 
imitate.  In  conclusion,  he  promised  to  do  all  that 
should  be  judged  necessary  to  promote  the  union  of 
the  church,  under  pain  of  being  deserted  by  all  his 
cardinals  and  prelates  if  he  violated  his  pledge. 

But  the  point  which  the  pope  was  so  reluctant  to 
yield  was  not  readily  abandoned.  An  assembly  of 
the  several  nations  was  held  on  the  following  day,  in 
which  the  subject  was  again  discussed.  The  French 
were  now  undecided,  and  asked  more  time  for  delib- 
eration. The  English  proposed  the  pope's  arrest  in 
the  public  assembly,  and  in  presence  of  the  emperor. 
John  XXIII.  complains  that  but  for  the  intervention 


Ch.  XVI.]  THE   FRENCH   HESITATE.  433 

of  the  French,  they  would  have  proceeded  to  this 
extremity.  A  sort  of  latent  loyalty  to  the  pontiff 
was  aroused  by  the  severity  of  the  measures  proposed 
against  him.  He  was  gaining  sympathy  as  a  perse- 
cuted man.  The  emperor  saw  that  the  moment  was 
critical.  He  went  at  once,  accompanied  by  the  Eng- 
lish, the  Germans,  and  his  council,  to  the  monastery 
where  the  French  were  assembled,  to  confer  with  the 
Italian  deputation.  He  presented  to  the  assembly 
a  document,  the  tenor  of  which  was,  to  force  the 
pope  to  appoint  attorneys  to  execute  his  act  of  ces- 
sion, and  prevent  him  from  leaving  the  city.  But 
the  French  regarded  the  measure  of  the  emperor  as 
an  attempt  to  overawe  them,  and  insisted  on  their 
privilege  of  deliberating  by  themselves — a  privilege 
which  the  other  nations  had  enjoyed.  Upon  this 
the  English  and  Germans  withdrew  while  the  im- 
perial counsellors  remained.  The  French  demanded 
of  the  emperor  that  these  also  should  leave,  and  that 
none  but  himself  should  be  allowed  to  remain.  This 
demand  provoked  Sigismund.1  In  a  tone  indicative 
of  his  passion,  he  exclaimed,  as  he  turned  to  leave 
the  assembly,  "  Now  is  the  time  to  discover  who  are 
well  disposed  toward  the  union  of  the  church,  and 
at  the  same  time  toward  the  empire."  The  cardinal 
of  Cambray,  who  seems  to  have  been  satisfied  with 
the  conditional  cession  of  the  pope,  and  was  indis- 
posed to  any  further  humiliation  of  the  papal  author- 
ity, regarded  the  words  of  the  emperor  as  an  implied 
threat,  and  withdrew  deeply  indignant.  The  four 
other  cardinals,  who  with  him  composed  the  Italian 

1  Godeau,  xxxvi.  491.     L'Enfant,  81. 

vol.  i.  28 


434  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOIIX   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XVL 

deputation,  considering  their  freedom  of  consultation 
prejudiced,  sent  to  the  emperor,  who  had  not  yet  left 
the  cloister,  to  know  if  they  were  free  to  act.  He 
replied,  that  as  for  the  French  they  might  enjoy  per- 
fect liberty  of  deliberation,  and  added  an  apology 
for  the  words  that  had  escaped  him  in  a  moment  of 
excitement.  But  as  to  those  who  were  not  of  the 
French  nation,  they  should  leave  the  assembly,  under 
pain  of  imprisonment.  This  threat  was  aimed  at  the 
five  cardinals  who  composed  the  Italian  deputation. 
The  French  nation  was  left  alone  to  its  own  deliber- 
ations, and  the  influence  of  Gerson  and  his  associates 
secured  a  decision  agreeable  to  the  emperor.  Three 
nations  now  united  in  their  demand,  that  the  pope 
should  appoint  attorneys  to  execute  his  act  of  cession. 
This  result  was  a  fatal  blow  to  the  last  semblance 
of  hope  which  John  XXIII.  might  have,  hitherto 
cherished.  Notwithstanding  the  reluctance  of  the 
cardinals  of  St.  Mark  and  Cambray,  who  had  bjeen 
the  leaders  of  the  anti-papal  party,  to  proceed  to  this 
ulterior  measure,  it  had  yet  been  adopted  by  a  ma- 
jority of  the  nations.  Flight  from  Constance  Avas 
the  only  method  which  was  left  to  John  XXIII.  of 
escaping  from  the  difficulties  of  his  position.  Upon 
this  he  was  fully  resolved.  His  friend  Frederic, 
Duke  of  Austria,  had  reached  the  city  but  a  few  days 
before,  and  all  were  suspicious  of  the  object  he  had 
in  view.  The  emperor  several  times  gave  him  warn- 
ing not  to  aid  the  pope  in  his  efforts  to  escape.  On 
the  evening  of  the  twentieth  of  March,  he  went  in 
person  to  confer  with  the  pontiff.  He  most  urgently 
dissuaded  him  from  the  idea  of  withdrawing  from 


Ch.  XVI.]  EVASION"   OF   THE   POPE.  435 

the  council.  Though  guards  were  stationed  at  the 
gates,  along  the  walls,  and  by  the  shores  of  the  lake, 
in  order  to  arrest  any  that  should  attempt  to  leave 
the  city,  Sigismund  could  not  yet  feel  entirely  sure 
of  his  prisoner.  He  wished,  if  possible,  to  secure  his 
promise  not  to  make  the  attempt.  John  XXIII.  was 
too  great  a  master  of  dissimulation  not  to  be  ready 
to  give  an  answer  with  which  the  emperor  was  fain 
to  be  satisfied.  He  replied  that  he  would  by  no 
means  leave  Constance  until  the  dissolution  of  the 
council.  The  ambiguity  of  his  language  left  it  after- 
wards to  be  inferred  that  he  considered  the  council 
dissolved  by  the  very  fact  of  his  departure.1 

Scarce  had  the  emperor  left,  when  John  XXIII. 
gave  way  to  his  passion.  Bitterly  did  he  utter  his 
reproaches  and  complaints  against  Sigismund  and 
his  adherents.  He  would  now  have  left  him  of  the 
golden  rose  nothing  but  the  thorn.  Sigismund 
heard  of  the  pope's  language,  but  discreetly  passed 
it  by.  It  may  have  been  that  there  was  some  truth 
in  the  oft-repeated  charge  of  John  XXIII.  that  the 
emperor  had  demanded  money  of  him  to  secure  him 
in  his  office.  The  probabilities  are  indeed  against  it, 
but  the  charge  was  boldly  made  and  was  not  denied, 
and  it  was  obvious  to  all  that  the  fate  of  John 
XXIII.  was  in  the  hands  of  Sigismund. 

John  XXIII.  had  complained,  in  his  last  interview 
with  the  emperor,  that  the  air  of  Constance  did  not 
agree  with  him.2  He  found  his  health  giving  way 
under  it.  Did  he  ever  feel  concern  for  the  health  of 
his  destined  victim,  not  like  himself  the  inmate  of  a 

1  L'Enfant,  88.  a  lb.,  82,  83. 


436  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [<n.  XIV. 

palace,  but  shut  up  in  a  prison  cell?  The  emperor, 
in  reply,  expatiated  to  him  upon  the  healthfalnese 

and  beauty  of  many  places  about  the  city  where  he 
might  walk  or  ride  for  his  refreshment.  He  even 
offered  to  accompany  him ;  but  undoubtedly  the  last 
companion  whom  the  pope  would  have  selected, 
would  have  been  the  emperor.  John  XXIII.  was 
not  particularly  select  in  the  terms  by  which  he 
characterized  his  persecutor.  He  called  him  drunk- 
ard, fool,  barbarian,  beggar,  and  names  still  more 
opprobrious. 

It  was  on  the  following  day,  March  21,  that  the 
pope  had  made  his  arrangements  for  flight.1  Fred- 
eric, Duke  of  Austria,  though  he  stoutly  denied  all 
complicity  with  him,  and  declared  that  he  cared  not 
a  straw  for  him  or  his  money,  had  yet  given  him  to 
understand  what  measures  were  to  be  taken.  He 
had  himself,  on  this  day,  appointed  a  tournament 
without  the  walls  of  the  city,  thus  giving  occasion 
for  multitudes  to  pass  the  gates,  among  whom  John 
XXIII.  might  escape  unsuspected. 

It  was  towards  evening  when  the  pope  was  pre- 
pared to  make  the  hazardous  attempt.  He  was  dis- 
guised as  a  groom  or  postilion.  He  rode  a  horse 
poorly  equipped,  and  was  himself  wrapped  in  a  large 
cloak,  with  a  crossbow  on  the  pommel  of  his  saddle. 
He  passed  on  undiscovered  till  he  reached  the  banks 
of  the  river,  where  a  boat  was  ready  to  convey  him 
to  Schafhausen,  which  he  reached  in  safety.  Fred- 
eric had  been  at  once  informed  of  the  pope's  flight, 

1  L'Enfnnt,  84,  85.      Floury,  xxv.  450.      Godeau,  xxxvi.  469.     Von  dor 
Hardt,  in  loco. 


CaXVI]  THE   POPE   ESCAPES.  437 

by  one  of  his  servants,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
observe  it,  and  who  came  and  whispered  the  intelli- 
gence in  the  duke's  ear.  No  one  suspected  the 
nature  of  the  message.  The  games  were  continued 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  In  due  time  the  duke  re- 
turned to  Constance,  and  at  length  rejoined  the  pope 
at  Schafhausen,  a  city  of  his  own  allegiance.1 

'Cormerin  (His.of  the  Popes)  says,  guarded  him  drunk,  and  thus,  in  his 

(ii.  107,)  I  know  not  on  what  author-  disguise  as  a  groom,  was  able  to  make 

ity,  that  on  the  night  of  his  escape  good  his   escape.     The   story  is   at 

the    pope  made    the    soldiers    who  least  not  improbable. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 


SUPREMACY  OF  THE  COUNCIL.     THE  POPE  SUSPENDED.     TREAT- 
MENT OF  HUSS.     ARREST  OF  JEROME. 

Consternation  at  the  Pope's  Flight.  —  Steps  Taken  by  the  Emperor  and 
Council. —  Duke  of  Austria. —  Gerson's  Discourse. —  The  Pope's  Letters. — 
His  Apology. —  Vain  Attempt  to  Dissolve  the  Council. —  Fourth  Session. — 
Decrees  Read.  —  An  Omission.  —  Dissatisfaction. — Protest  of  the  Pope. — 
He  Goes  to  Laufenburg.  —  A  New  Seal. — Fifth  Session.  —  Decrees  of 
the  Former  Session  Restored. — Wickliffe's  Books  to  be  Examined. — 
Measures  for  Bringing  Back  the  Pope.  —  The  Duke  of  Austria  Cited. — 
His  Disasters.  —  John  XXIII.  at  Freiburg.  —  Letter  to  the  Council. — 
Wickliffe's  Doctrines  Condemned.  —  Controversy  Occasioned  by  the  Form 
of  Sentence.  —  Cardinal  of  Cambray  and  Patriarch  of  Antioch.  —  De- 
mands Made  of  John  XXIII.  —  Commission.  —  Proposal  to  Exclude  the  Car- 
dinals.—  The  Pope  at  Breisach. — Misfortunes  of  the  Duke  of  Austria. — 
Inclined  to  Submit.  —  His  Advice  to  the  Pope. — Fruitless  Conference. — 
Council  Irritated.  —  Citation  of  John  XXIII.  —  Of  Jerome. — The  Duke 
of  Austria  Reconciled  to  the  Emperor. — The  Archbishop  of  Metz. —  The 
Pope  Deserted. —  Commission  to  Take  Testimony.  —  Force  to  be  Employed. — 
Evasion. —  Tenth  Session. —  Suspension  of  the  Pope. —  Heresy. —  Huss 
Veglected.  —  Bohemians  and  Sigismund.  —  Prison  Interview.  —  Huss  at 
GtOttlieben.  — Jerome  at  Constance.  — His  Flight.  —  Demands  a  Safe-Con- 
ouct. —  Reply. —  His  Citation. —  Leaves  for  Prague. — Arrest  at  Hirschau. — 
Taken  to  Constance.  —  Charges  Made.  —  Gerson.  —  A  Doctor  of  Cologne. — 
A  Doctor  of  Heidelburg.  —  The  Bishop  of  Saltzburg.  —  Confusion.  —  Peter 
mz  Notary  Finds  Jerome. — Vitus. — Jerome's  Cruel  Imprisonment. 

March  22,  1415-Mat  24,  1415. 

The  flight  of  John  XXIII.  from  Constance  pro- 
duced no  little  consternation  in  the  city.  Many  ex- 
pected the  immediate  dissolution  of  the  council.  The 
merchants,  sensitive  to  the  least  popular  excitement 
which  threatened  riot,  closed  their  shops  or  packed 


CaXVII.]  THE   DUKE    OF   AUSTRIA.  439 

up  their  goods,  in  order  to  be  ready  to  depart.  It 
was  in  this  emergency  that  the  prudence  and  decision 
of  the  emperor  were  manifested.  Attended  by  the 
elector  Palatine  and  most  of  the  court  nobility,  he 
marched  with  the  sound  of  trumpet  in  procession 
through  the  streets  of  the  city,  giving  his  royal  word 
that  personal  security  should  be  still  enjoyed,  that 
the  council  was  not  dissolved  by  the  flight  of  the 
pope,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  defend  it  to  the  last 
drop  of  his  blood.  At  the  same  time  a  writing  was 
nailed  to  the  gates  of  the  palace  to  which  public  at- 
tention was  called.  It  was  an  able  invective  against 
the  conduct  of  John  XXIII.  It  exposed  his  bad 
faith,  intrigues,  and  projects  fov  breaking  up  the 
council,  and  closed  with  a  plea  for  the  continuance 
of  the  council  and  the  judgment  of  the  pope  accord- 
ing to  his  deserts. 

A  congregation  was  soon  held  to  determine  what 
measures  should  be  adopted  in  the  emergency.  It 
seemed  essential  to  persuade  John  XXIII.  to  return 
to  Constance,  or  at  least  to  appoint  his  attorneys  to 
execute  the  act  of  cession.  A  deputation  of  six  was 
appointed  to  confer  with  him,  of  whom  three  were 
cardinals,  one  of  the  latter,  Cardinal  St.  Mark. 

Measures  were  the  same  day  taken,  in  an  assembly 
of  the  princes  of  the  empire,  to  prosecute  the  Duke 
of  Austria  for  his  complicity  in  the  flight  of  the  pope. 
The  emperor  urged  the  matter  with  great  energy. 
The  duke  was  accused  of  treason  and  disloyalty  to 
the  council,  the  church,  and  the  empire,  and  was 
summoned  to  appear  and  answer  for  his  conduct  be- 
fore the  emperor  and  the  council.     Thus  the  pope 


440  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOIIX   HUBS.        [Ch.  XVII. 

was  to  he  punished  in  the  prostration  of  the  only 

powerful  friend  on  whom  he  could  rely,  Many  of 
the  duke's  cities  at  once  withdrew  their  allegiance. 

The  deputation  to  the  pope  had  not  yet  left  Con- 
stance, when  some  of  the  ablest  minds  of  the  council, 
disdaining  any  longer  to  demean  themselves  "by  con- 
troversy or  negotiation  with  him,  proposed  bolder 
and  more  decisive  measures.  The  well-known  views 
and  unquestionable  ability  of  Gerson  *  marked  him 
out  as  their  leading  advocate.  The  proposition  now 
advanced  was,  that  a  general  council  was  superior  in 
authority  to  the  pope,  and  might  depose  him.  Ger- 
son made  it  the  subject  of  a  public  discourse,  which 
the  members  of  the  deputation,  although  invited,  de- 
clined to  hear.  The  discourse  was  able  and  to  the 
point.  It  was  enforced,  moreover,  by  papers  drawn 
up  by  the  representatives  of  the  university  of  Paris. 
One  of  these,  Benedict  Gentian,  a  man  of  eminent 
ability,  and  a  doctor  of  decrees,  produced  a  separate 
document  of  similar  purport,  in  which  he  declared 
John  XXIII.  "a  stone  of  stumbling,  and  a  rock  of 
offence."  "  Who  more  than  he,"  he  indignantly  asks, 
"  has  scandalized  the  church  of  God  ? "  He  then  con- 
cisely argues  his  "  perfect  heresy"  from  the  gross  and 
aggravated  crimes  of  which  he  is  undoubtedly  guilty. 

Meanwhile  the  pope  on  his  part  was  not  idle.  The 
next  day  after  his  arrival  at  Schafhausen,  he  wrote 
to  the  emperor,  his  "dearest  son,"  informing  him 
that  'by  the  favor  of  Almighty  God  he  was  now 
in  the  enjoyment  of  a  healthful  and  salubrious  at- 
mosphere.'   He  exculpated  the  Duke  of  Austria  from 

1  Fleury,  xxv.  453. 


Ch.  XVII.]  THE   POPE'S    APOLOGY.  441 

all  complicity  in  his  flight,  and  declared  that  '  now  in 
the  enjoyment  of  health  and  liberty,  he  had  no  pur- 
pose to  evade  his  promise.' 

The  cool  impudence  of  such  ostentatious  affection 
could  certainly  have  contributed  but  little  to  calm 
the  indignation  or  change  the  purpose  of  Sigismund. 
Scarcely,  however,  could  he  have  perused  this  extra- 
ordinary letter,  when  another  missive  from  Schaf- 
hausen  reached  Constance,  and  one  more  clearly  in- 
dicative of  the  pope's  purpose.      He  cited  all  the 
officials  and  retainers  of  the  pope's  court,  under  pain 
of  excommunication    and   deprivation   of  all   their 
offices,  to  meet  him  within  six  clays  at  Schafhausen. 
It  was  plain  that  his  object  now  was  to  break  up 
the  council.     In  obedience  to  his  requisition,  many 
left  Constance.     At  the  same  time  he  put  forth  a 
skilful  and  specious  apology  for  his  flight,  which  he 
sent  to  the  king  of  France  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 
In  this  letter  he  sets  forth  the  difficulties  which  in- 
terested persons  had  placed  in  the  way  of  the  coun- 
cil's proceedings ;  complains  of  the  unprecedented 
measure  of  dividing  the   council  into  nations,  each 
having   an   equal   vote ;    objects    to   the   obstacles 
thrown  in  his  way  when  he  was  anxious  to  attend  to 
the  trial  of  Huss ;  remarks  upon  the  emperor's  in- 
trigues, his   control  over  the  English   and  German 
nations ;  skilfully  appeals  to  French  prejudice  in  an 
account  of  Sigismund's  attempt  to  overawe  the  de- 
liberations of  the  French  deputation ;  grows  indig- 
nant at  the  restraint  imposed  upon  his  own  liberty, 
as  well  as  the  insults  of  the  bishop  of  Sarum,  in 
broaching  the  proposition  which  Gerson  defended ; 


442  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    Hl'SS.        [Cii.  XVII. 

and  concludes  with  an  account  of  his  necessary  flight, 
in  which  he  contradicts  the  statements  of  his  pre- 
vious letter,  addressed  to  the  emperor,  as  to  the  com- 
plicity of  the  Duke  of  Austria.1  John  XXIII.  could 
scarcely  find  fault  with  Benedict  Gentian  for  calling 
him  a  great  liar. 

But  the  doctrine  which  the  bishop  of  Sarum  had 
ventured  to  state  in  the  pope's  presence,  and  of  which 
Gerson  was  the  public  and  avowed  champion — the 
superiority  of  the  council  to  the  pope — did  not  pass 
unquestioned.  Many  who  had  hitherto  acted  with 
the  majority,  began  to  waver.  Was  it  not  evident 
that  such  a  doctrine  would  allow  the  council  to 
annul  all  that  the  pope  had  done,  and  what  security 
had  the  cardinals  that  they  should  not  be  deposed 
as  well  as  their  master?  The  question  was  already 
secretly  agitated,  soon  to  be  brought  to  a  public  dis- 
cussion, whether  the  cardinals,  at  least  those  who 
were  adherents  of  John  XXIII.,  should  be  allowed 
to  participate  in  the  deliberations  of  the  council. 
Already  they  had  taken  the  alarm.  The  members 
of  the  deputation  refused  to  attend  the  assembly 
where  Gerson  was  to  discourse.  The  emperor  invit- 
ed the  cardinals  to  meet  and  confer  with  him.  Ap- 
prehensive of  some  scheme  against  the  pope  in  which 
they  could  not  participate,  they  declined  the  invita- 
tion. The  patriarch  of  Antioch,  whom  the  pope 
did  not  regard  with  any  peculiar  confidence,  and 
whom  he  had  called  a  false  friend,  drew  up  an  elab- 
orate argument  to  the  effect  that  the  pope  is  not 
subject  to  a  general   council.     It  was  an  answer  to 

1  Von  der  ITardt  gives  the  document  in  full 


Ch.  XVII.]  CASE    OF   THE   POPE   DISCUSSED.  443 

Gerson's  discourse.  Not  without  the  dissent  of  some 
of  his  colleagues,  especially  the  cardinal  D'Ailly,  he 
presented  one  copy  to  the  emperor,  and  took  good 
care  to  send  another  to  the  pope. 

The  deputation  to  Schafhausen  set  out  on  their 
journey  on  the  afternoon  of  March  23d.  The  dis- 
tance they  had  to  travel  was  four  German  or  twenty- 
three  English  miles.  They  spent  the  next  day  in 
conference  with  the  pope.  One  of  their  number,  the 
archbishop  of  Rheinis,  returned  on  the  25th  to  Con- 
stance. He  found  the  emperor  and  the  principal 
members  of  the  council  assembled  to  deliberate. 
His  report  was  far  from  satisfactory.  John  XXIII. 
still  professed  his  readiness  to  execute  the  act  of 
cession,  but  made  propositions  in  regard  to  tho 
method  of  it  which  were  quite  inadmissible.  From 
day  to  day  the  subject  was  discussed,  sometimes  giv- 
ing rise  to  strange  scenes  of  altercation  and  confusion. 
Many  of  the  cardinals,  among  whom  was  D'Ailly, 
were  unwilling  as  yet  entirely  to  break  with  the  pope. 
They  professed  their  determination  to  adhere  to  him 
until  they  were  satisfied  of  his  purpose  to  refuse  to 
appoint  procurators,  in  which  case  they  would  aban- 
don him  and  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  council. 
They  insisted  that  no  definite  action  should  be  taken 
previous  to  the  return  of  the  deputation.  On  one 
occasion,  while  they  were  pleading  for  delay,  and 
urging  the  cause  of  the  pope,  a  copy  of  the  pope's 
citation,  addressed  to  his  officials  and  requiring  them 
to  leave  Constance,  was  brought  into  the  assembly. 
It  had  just  been  nailed  upon  the  gates  of  the  cathe- 
dral church.     Its  announcement  took  all  by  surprise. 


444  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN    EU88.       [Oh,  XVII. 

Even  three  of  the  deputation  who  had  just  returned 
from  Schafhausen  were  not  prepared  for  it,  though 
apprehensive  that  some  such  a  step  was  intended. 
The  members  of  the  council  were  indignant  at  this 
attempt  to  dissolve  it.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  car- 
dinals urged  the  good  intentions  of  the  pope,  or  the 
concessions  which  he  had  authorized  them  to  make. 
No  faith  was  reposed  in  his  word.  The  call  was 
loud  and  repeated  for  a  public  session  :  "No  matter 
about  these  ;  let  there  be  a  session,"  was  the  cry.  It 
was  in  vain  to  resist  the  demand  ;  the  only  concession 
that  was  granted  was,  that  instead  of  being  held  on 
the  twenty -eighth,  it  was  deferred  to  the  thirtieth  of 
the  month. 

Up  to  the  noon  of  the  last-mentioned  day,  en- 
croaching upon  the  time  of  the  session,  and  in  desecra- 
tion of  the  sacred  hours  of  the  Sabbath  on  which  it 
was  to  be  held,  the  altercations  continued.  Various 
questions  provoked  the  passions  of  the  disputants. 
Some,  and  especially  the  cardinals,  contended  that 
by  the  pope's  flight  the  council  was  ipso  facto  dis- 
solved. "What  they  could  not  effect  by  reason," 
says  Niem,  "  they  attempted  by  their  clamor."  A 
question,  equally  vital,  was  next  raised — the  one 
which  Gerson  had  made  the  subject  of  his  discourse. 
Immense  results  depended  on  its  decision.  The  car- 
dinals woe  not  blind  to  the  nature  of  a  measure  in 
which  they  were  personally  so  deeply  interested. 
But  public  sentiment  was  against  them.  The  im- 
perial will  and  Gerson's  logic,  not  unaided  by  the 
duplicity  of  the  pope,  carried  the  day.  The  majority 
of  the  nations — the  Italians  as  well  as  the  cardinals 


Ch.  XVII.]  MEASURES    ADOPTED.  445 

dissenting — agreed  to  report  for  adoption,  at  the 
approaching  session  of  the  council,  measures  neces- 
sary to  its  continuance  and  the  vindication  of  its  au- 
thority. These  were,  the  supremacy  of  the  council, 
in  matters  vital  to  the  church,  over  every  kind  of 
estate  and  dignity,  even  the  papal ;  the  guilt  and 
deserved  punishment  of  the  pope  for  attempting  to 
set  it  aside  ;  and  a  third  article  on  the  execrable  flight 
of  the  pope,  of  which  Gerson  secured  the  insertion, 
but  which  was  afterwards  dropped  at  the  instance  of 
the  cardinals.  The  question  of  adopting  these,  re- 
newed all  the  previous  bitterness  of  feeling.  Neither 
party  was  inclined  to  yield.  The  odium  against  the 
cardinals  was  increased  by  their  obstinacy.  Some 
had  refused  to  attend  the  deliberations,  under  pre- 
texts too  shallow  to  couceal  their  suspected  purpose 
of  treating  the  council  as  dissolved.  Others  could 
not  go  so  far,  even  in  their  strong  attachment  to  the 
council,  as  to  betray  the  papal  prerogative. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  fourth  ses- 
sion of  the  council  was  held  on  the  thirtieth  of  March. 
In  the  absence  of  the  pope,  cardinal  Jordan  de  Ursinis 
was  appointed  to  preside.  The  decrees  were  read  by 
Zabarella,  cardinal  of  Florence.  The  cardinals  had 
taken  the  liberty  to  modify  the  form  in  winch  they 
had  been  received  from  the  congregation  of  the 
nations.  As  published,  they  were,  in  substance,  that 
the  council,  deriving  its  power  as  the  representative 
of  the  universal  church  from  Christ  himself,  was  su- 
perior to  all  other  authority  or  dignity,  even  that  of 
the  pope;  that  John  XXIII.  might  not  recall  his 
officials,  or  remove  the  sessions  of  the  council  from 


44G  I. HE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.       {Oe.  XVIL 

Constance,  under  penalty  of  ecclesiastical  censure,  or 
measures  more  severe;  that  no  promotions  or  de- 
privations were  allowable  on  his  part,  to  the  preju- 
dice of  the  council,  or  of  those  that  adhered  to  it; 
that  no  new  cardinals  should  be  created-,  and  that 
those  officials  of  the  papal  court,  who  were  present 
in  Constance,  should  enjoy,  as  before,  full  and  undis- 
turbed liberty  of  deliberation  and  action.  Besides 
these,  before  or  after  the  session,  several  article-  were 
presented  to  the  cardinals,  ostensibly  looking  to  and 
providing  for  the  execution  of  the  act  of  cession  on 
the  part  of  John  XXIII.1 

On  the  following  day,  when  the  nations  were  as- 
sembled, complaint  was  made  of  the  strange  omis- 
sions and  changes  in  the  decrees  as  read  by  Zabarella. 
On  their  part  the  cardinals  demanded  fuller  consid- 
eration on  the  omitted  points,  while  the  presidents 
of  the  nations,  after  conference  with  Zabarella,  ex- 
pressed their  reprehension  of  the  audacity  of  the 
cardinal.  It  was  promptly  resolved  that  the  omit- 
ted parts  should  be  at  once  restored,  and  the  decrees 
be  reproduced  in  their  integrity.2 

Meanwhile  the  pope,  who  had  obtained  information 
of  the  proposed  measures  of  the  council,  through  fear 
or  policy,  determined  to  leave  Schafhausen.  lie 
deemed  himself  safer  at  a  greater  distance  from  Con- 
stance, or  at  least  wished  to  have  it  so  believed.  It 
gave  him  opportunity  to  sting  the  emperor  by  the 
reproach  implied  in  the  statement  afterward  made, 
that  he  considered  his  freedom  endangered  at  Schaf- 
liausen.    He  left  the  place  at  about  the  hour  when 

1  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  86,  91.  a  lb.  92. 


Ch.  XVII/j  SECOND    FLIGHT    OF    THE    POPE.  447 

the  fourth  session  of  the  council  was  opened.  None  of 
his  cardinals  accompanied  him  except  for  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  city.  He  made  them  there  witnesses 
to  a  written  protest  against  the  binding  obligation 
of  what  he  had  sworn  or  promised  at  Constance,  as 
extorted  from  him  by  force  and  threats.1  Thus  his 
double  game  was  now  fully  and  finally  exposed.  In 
a  storm  of  rain,  and  on  horseback,  with  few  attend- 
ants, he  hurried  on  to  Laufenberg,  thus  placing  more 
than  double  the  former  distance  between  himself  and 
the  council.  Many  of  the  officers  of  his  court  re- 
turned to  Constance.  Benedict  Gentian  says2  they 
did  not  find  a  good  kitchen  at  Schafhausen,  and  so 
came  back.  Some  however  remained,  undecided 
what  policy  to  adopt.  No  sooner  were  the  pope's 
second  flight  and  his  protest  known,  than  several  of 
the  cardinals  and  officers  of  the  papal  court,  and 
numbers  of  the  Italian  clergy,  stole  away  from  the 
council,  most  of  them,  however,  soon  to  retrace  their 
steps,  "  not  without  shame." 

This  second  flight  of  the  pope  gave  the  emperor 
and  council  the  new  advantage  of  showing  how 
John  XXIII.  had  contradicted  himself,  in  the  reasons 
given  for  his  flight,  first  from  Constance  and  after- 
ward from  Schafhausen.  It  encouraged  them  to  an 
act  which  was  a  virtual  declaration  of  entire  inde- 
pendence of  the  papal  authority.  A  new  seal  was 
provided,  with  which  to  authenticate  the  documents 
of  the  council.  For  a  device  it  had  on  one  side  the 
heads  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  on  the  other  the 


1  Fiem  in  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  ii.,  fol.  400.     *  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  ii.,  fol. 
281. 


448  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.        [Cn.  XVII. 

words  "  The  seal  of  the  most  holy  council  of  the  city 
of  Constance."  The  decision  of  the  emperor,  and 
the  persevering  energy  of  the  anti-papal  party,  had 
now  placed  tliein  in  the  ascendant.  The  cowardly 
flight  of  John  XX  II  I.,  his  inconstancy,  notorious  du- 
plicity, and  falsehood,  had  dispirited  his  partisans. 
War  was  declared  against  his  powerful  friend  the 
Duke  of  Austria,  and  the  emperor  was  making  the 
necessary  preparations  for  carrying  it  on. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  things  when  the  fifth 
session  of  the  council  was  opened,  on  Sunday,  the 
sixth  of  April,  1415.  The  cardinal  Jordan  de  Ursi- 
nis  again  presided.  Eight  cardinals  were  present. 
As  it  had  been  resolved  to  restore  the  parts  of  the 
decrees  which  had  been  omitted  in  the  previous  ses- 
sion, Cardinal  Zabarella  refused  to  read  them.  The 
bishop  of  Posnania  was  appointed  to  fill  his  place. 
The  decrees,  as  originally  agreed  upon,  were  read, 
and  unanimously  adopted.  The  most  important  of 
the  previously  omitted  portions  was  the  one  which 
declared  the  authority  of  the  council  to  reform  the 
church  in  its  head  and  members.  The  supremacy  of 
the  council  over  the  papal  dignity,  which  was  thus 
embodied  in  the  decree,  was  most  offensive  to  the 
partisans  of  John  XXIII.  Four  centuries  have  still 
left  the  principle  a  disputed  one.  The  interest  of 
the  popes  has  ever  placed  them  in  the  ranks  of  its 
bitter  opponents. 

In  this  session  it  was  resolved  to  affirm  and  ap- 
prove the  sentence  of  the  council  of  Rome  in  regard 
to  the  books  and  doctrine  of  Wickliffe.  A  commis- 
sion was  appointed  to  investigate,  and  report  the  steps 


Ch.  XVII.]  THE   DUKE    OF    AUSTRIA    CITED.  449 

which  should  be  taken.  It  was,  moreover,  resolved 
to  write  letters  in  the  name  of  the  council  to  kings 
and  princes,  giving  a  statement  of  the  flight  of  the 
pope,  and  vindicating  the  body  from  the  charges 
which  he  had  brought  against  it. 

As  it  was  evident  that  John  XXIII.  had  no  dispo- 
sition to  return  to  Constance,  the  council  besought 
the  emperor  to  attempt  to  bring  him  back.  Sigis- 
lnund  replied  that  he  would  do  it,  intimating  at  the 
same  time  that  force  might  be  necessary  to  take  him 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Duke  of  Austria.  He  then 
stated  the  steps  which  he  had  taken  to  reduce  the 
duke  to  obedience, — well  pleased,  undoubtedly,  to 
have  the  approval  of  the  council  in  an  enterprise 
inspired  as  much  by  policy  as  concern  for  the 
church. 

Meanwhile  John  XXIII.  had  reached  Laufenberg. 
From  that  place  he  issued  a  bull,  in  which  he  still 
kept  up  his  well-feigned  anxiety  to  restore  the  church 
to  peace  and  unity.  Nor  can  we  be  surprised  at  his 
expressing  his  apprehension  of  danger  to  his  personal 
freedom  when  he  knew  that  the  troops  of  the  empe- 
ror were  already  on  their  march  to  Schafhausen. 
Sigismund  had,  in  fact,  entered  upon  the  execution 
of  his  purpose  with  resolute  energy.  He  was  deter- 
mined to  subdue  the  pride  and  power  of  the  pope's 
most  powerful  champion.  On  the  seventh  of  April, 
a  citation  of  the  duke,  in  which  he  is  put  under  the 
ban  of  the  empire,  and  all  his  subjects  are  absolved 
from  their  oath  of  allegiance,  was  nailed  upon  the 
doors  of  all  the  churches  of  Constance.  Letters  were 
written  to  different  cities  of  Swabia  and  the  Swiss 
VOL.  i.  29 


-I"'1'  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.       [Cii.  XVII. 

cantons,  urging  them  to  proceed  against  Frederic  as 
an  enemy  of  the  church  and  empire,  and  a  disturber 

of  the  council.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  French  am- 
bas8adors  and  many  powerful  nobles  interceded  in 

his  behalf.  Some,  who  had  formerly  been  under 
great  obligations  to  the  duke,  manifested  their  in- 
gratitude by  the  readiness  with  which  they  aban- 
doned a  sinking  cause.  Forty  thousand  men,  in 
several  bodies,  were  precipitated,  upon  the  cities 
which  owed  allegiance  to  the  duke.  City  after  city 
was  taken  from  him.  The  Swiss  were  forced,  by  ter- 
rible threats,  to  abandon  their  neutrality  and  take  up 
arms.  John  XXIII.  did  his  best  to  encourage  hi* 
poor  bewildered  ally.  He  looked  with  confidence 
yet  to  the  dissolution,  of  the  council,  imagining  that 
his  absence  would  reduce  it  to  a  nullity.  In  such  a 
case  it  was  probable  that  the  power  and  influence  of 
the  emperor  would  cease  to  preponderate,  and  Fred- 
eric mietfit  be  able  to  recover  what  he  had  lost.  But 
he  soon  saw  himself  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  sub- 
mission. John  XXIIL,  on  his  part,  deeming  himself 
no  longer  safe  at  Laufenberg,  fled  to  Freiburg,  a 
place  strongly  fortified.  On  his  arrival,  he  again 
sent  to  the  council  the  terms  on  which  he  would  exe- 
cute his  act  of  cession.  But  his  demands  were  too 
extravagant  for  the  council  to  allow.  They  saw 
themselves  made  the  sport  of  the  pope's  duplicity ; 
so  that  his  last  letter  only  served  to  confirm  and 
strengthen  the  opposition  against  him.  The  cardi- 
nals, moreover,  were  now  more  inclined  than  hereto- 
fore to  abandon  the  pope.  The  proceedings  of  the 
council   were  continued    in    his  absence   with   their 


Ch.  xvii.]    wickliffe's  articles  condemned.         451 

former  regularity,  a  commission  being  appointed  to 
act  in  his  place. 

Meanwhile  the  question  of  the  relative  authority 
of  the  pope  and  council  was  agitated  anew.  The 
occasion  of  it  was  the  proposed  condemnation  of 
Wickliffe's  writings.  As  we  have  already  seen,  a 
commission  was  appointed,  (April  7th,)  who  were 
clothed  with  full  authority  to  examine  the  doctrines 
of  the  English  heretic,  and  report  the  form  of  pro- 
cess to  be  adopted  for  the  condemation  proposed. 
This  commission,  consisting,  among  others,  of  Cardi- 
nals St.  Mark  and  Cambray,  to  whom  the  cause  of 
Huss  was  also  committed,  had  made  their  report  on 
or  about  the  eighteenth  of  the  month.  By  the  ad- 
vice of  many  eminent  doctors  who  were  consulted  in 
the  examination  of  Wickliffe's  works,  it  was  agreed 
that  forty-five  articles  extracted  from  them  should  be 
condemned.1  These  articles,  which  were  read  in  the 
session  held  on  the  fourth  of  May,  and  there  pro- 
nounced heretical,  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  fair  repre- 
sentation of  the  views  of  Wickliffe.  Some  of  them 
are  evidently  garbled  extracts  from  his  writings, 
while  a  portion  of  the  others  are  so  distorted  as  to 
lose  their  original  meaning.  It  is  obvious,  however, 
in  comparing  them  with  the  opinions  and  doctrines 
of  Huss,  that  the  English  reformer  was  by  far  the 
most  thorough  Protestant. 

It  was  proposed  also  to  condemn  two  hundred  and 
sixty  other  articles  drawn  from  Wickliffe's  writings ; 
but  the  reading  of  them  for  this  purpose  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  French,  who  complained  that  they  had 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  150. 


452  I.H'i:    AM)    TIMKS    of    JOHN    HUBS.       [On.  XVII 

not  had  the  opportunity  t<>  examine  them.  It  ap- 
pears, however,  that  the  new  list  of  article-,  as  well 
as  the  principal  treatises  of  Wickliffe,  were  likewise 
condemned.1 

It  was  indeed  a  foregone  conclusion  that  "Wickliffe 
should  be  anathematized  as  a  notorious  and  scanda- 
lous heretic;  that  his  memory  should  be  condemned  ; 
and  that  his  body  and  bones,  if  they  could  be  distin- 
guished from  others,  should  be  disinterred  and  cast 
out  from  ecclesiastical  burial.  Such  was  the  defini- 
tive sentence  pronounced  by  the  council  in  its  eighth 
session,  held  on  the  fourth  of  May. 

But  in  drawing  up  the  form  of  the  sentence,  the 
question  was  raised  whether  Wickliffe's  condemna- 
tion should  be  pronounced  in  the  name  of  the  pope 
or  the  council.  Most  of  the  cardinals,  and  the  entire 
party  yet  in  sympathy  with  the  pope,  were  united  in 
favor  of  the  former.  Thus  the  controversy  in  regard 
to  a  principle  fundamental  to  the  constitution  of  the 
whole  church  was  again  opened.  By  order  of  the 
council  the  previous  conclusions  of  the  cardinals  in 
regard  to  the  supremacy  of  the  church  of  Rome,  as 
well  as  to  their  own  privileges,  had  been  answered 
and  refuted.  The  patriarch  of  Antioch,  who  had 
gone  with  the  council  so  far  as  to  be  called  a  false 
friend  by  John  XXIIL,  now  came  forward  as  the 
champion  of  the  papal  party.  "  Church  power,"2  he 
maintained,  "  was  given  to  the  mystic  body  of  the 
church,  so  as  to  pertain  especially  to  St.  Peter;  from 
him,  as  the  head,  it  is  diffused  through  the  whole 
body.     But  nowhere  do  we  find  that  Peter  ever  gave 

1  LKufaiit,  Vol.  ■  Von  der  Ilardt,  ii.  295. 


Ch.  XVIL]         supremacy  of  the  council.  453 

a  general  council  power  over  the  pope ;  consequently 
the  pope  is  not  subject  to  it.  To  him  belongs  pleni- 
tude of  power.  Others  are  therefore  subject  to  him, 
and  not  he  to  them.  Councils,  moreover,  receive 
their  power  from  the  pope.  None  but  God  is  his 
judge.  A  council  cannot  judge  him  without  his 
authority."  These  positions  are  sustained  by  a  mul- 
titude of  references  to  decisions  of  the  popes,  opinions 
of  eminent  doctors,  the  canon  law,  decretals,  etc. 
Such  were  the  views  concurred  in  by  a  large  majority 
of  the  cardinals,  and  favored  by  all  the  partisans  of 
the  pope,  embracing  probably  the  majority  of  the 
Italian  nation.  The  cardinal  of  Cambray  came  for- 
ward to  confute  them.  Manfully  did  he  undertake 
the  task,  well  aware,  however,  that  stronger  than  his 
logic  was  the  will  of  the  council,  resolved  to  enforce 
it.  "  To  continue  obstinately  in  schism,"  said  he,  "  is 
a  heresy,  and  even  an  idolatry.  In  this  case  it  is  al- 
lowable that  a  pope  should  be  judged.  Besides,  is 
not  the  pope  judged  by  a  human  being  in  the  tribu- 
nal of  his  own  conscience  ?  The  council,  moreover, 
represents  the  entire  church,  of  which  the  pope  is 
but  a  part." 

The  contention  on  this  matter  grew  warm  and 
fierce.  Only  twelve  members  out  of  forty,1  compos- 
ing the  commission  of  doctors,  agreed  with  the  car- 
dinal of  Cambray.  But,  in  spite  of  contradictions 
even  to  his  face,  he  was  resolved  to  maintain  his 
ground. 

But  the  policy  forced  upon  the  council  by  the 
emergency  was  stronger  than  arguments  drawn  from 

1  Several,  undoubtedly,  were  absent.     The  full  number  was  fifty. 


454  I. Hi:    A\I>   TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUSS.       [i'ii.  XY1L 

reason  or  precedent.  The  question,  so  earnestly  dis- 
cussed then,  has  been  variously  determined  since,  ac- 
cording to  the  preponderance  of  parties.  It  is  still 
the  touch-me-not  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church.  But 
in  spite  of  the  overwhelming  majority  against  him  in 
the  college  of  cardinals,  D'Ailly  was  triumphant  in 
the  council.  Its  members  were  irritated  by  the  fre- 
quent subterfuges  and  delays  of  the  pontiff.  They 
were  more  than  satisfied  that  he  had  no  intention  to 
cede  his  office.  The  only  measure  that  now  remained 
for  them  was  the  assertion  of  the  rights  and  the 
maintenance  of  the  authority  of  the  council. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  April  the  council  had  delib- 
erated on  the  terms  upon  which  John  XXIII.  had 
wished  to  negotiate.  He  demanded  of  the  emperor 
a  safe-conduct,  drawn  up  in  such  terms  as  he  should 
dictate  ;  that  the  council  should  decree  his  freedom 
as  well  after  as  before  his  abdication  ;  that  the  war 
against  his  friend,  the  Duke  of  Austria,  should  cease ; 
and  that  he  himself  should  remain  cardinal  and 
Italian  legate,  with  thirty  thousand  florins  yearly 
revenue,  with  authority  also  over  an  Italian  province. 
Such  terms  as  these  the  council  was  by  no  means  dis- 
posed to  grant.  The  emperor  was  resolved  that  the 
Duke  of  Austria  should  be  humbled,  while  few  im- 
agined that  the  pope  would  abide  even  by  the  terms 
he  had  offered. 

In  the  session  held  on  the  seventeenth  of  April, 
the  council  drew  up  a  form  by  which  the  pope  Mas 
to  confer  a  power-of-attorney  to  execute  his  cession. 
The  persons  <<»  whom  this  power  was  to  1"'  granted 
were  named  in  an  after  decree,  and  consisted  of  four 


Car  XVII.]  DEMANDS    OF    THE    COUNCIL.  455 

from  each  of  the  four  nations.  A  committee,  consist- 
ing, besides  the  cardinals  of  St.  Mark  and  Florence, 
of  eminent  theologians  and  bishops  from  the  differ- 
ent nations,  was  appointed  to  present  to  the  pope,  for 
his  acceptance,  the  form  which  had  been  drawn  up. 
They  were  instructed,  moreover,  to  demand  that  he 
should  return  from  his  flight,  and  select  one  of  the 
three  cities,  Ulm,  Ravensburg,  or  Basle,  as  his  place 
of  residence,  where  the  council  by  its  ambassadors 
might  have  access  to  him.  Two  days  were  allowed 
him  in  which  to  make  his  choice.  In  case  of  his 
refusal  to  comply  with  the  demands  of  the  council,  it 
was  resolved  that  he  should  be  cited  to  appear  and 
answer  to  the  accusations  brought  against  him.  This 
process,  which  looked  to  his  deposition,  was  to  be 
stayed  only  until  answer  should  be  received.  In  case 
of  his  compliance,  however,  no  further  steps  would 
be  taken. 

Meanwhile  the  council  were  encouraged  in  their 
course  by  letters  from  the  university  of  Paris,  the 
only  power  in  Europe  the  authority  and  influence  of 
which  rivalled  that  of  the  papacy.  They  were  ad- 
dressed, one  to  the  council,  one  to  the  emperor,  and 
one  to  John  XXIIL,  and  fully  endorsed  the  policy 
hitherto  pursued.  The  council  on  their  part  drew 
up  letters  to  kings  and  princes,  giving  a  statement 
of  the  doings  of  the  council  and  the  difficulties  with 
which  it  had  to  contend,  in  which  they  endeavored 
to  secure  their  allegiance  and  support.  It  was  in 
these  circumstances  that  an  event  occurred  which 
showed  to  what  a  point  the  influence  of  the  cardinals 
had  declined,  in  consequence  of  their  extreme  reluc- 


45G  LIFE    A.M»   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.       [Oa.  XVH 

tance  to  proceed  against  John  XXIII.  In  the  sixth 
session,  on  the  seventeenth  of  April,  a  prelate, — sup- 
posed to  have  been  Benedict  Gentian  of  the  univer- 
sity of  Paris, — rose  and  read  a  paper  in  which  it  was 
proposed  that  the  cardinals  should  be  excluded  from 
the  deliberations  of  the  council.  It  was  urged  against 
them,  that  if  their  presence  were  allowed  they  would 
be  judges  in  their  own  cause  ;  that  in  their  election, 
of  John  XXIII.  they  had  abused  their  office,  and 
scandalized  the  whole  church  ;  that  on  the  pope's 
flight  from  Constance  they  bad  followed  him,  and 
rendered  themselves  justly  objects  of  suspicion  to 
the  council ;  that  such  as  had  returned,  had  main- 
tained that  the  council  was  dissolved  by  the  flight 
of  the  pope,  thus  virtually  arguing  tlieir  own  exclu- 
sion ;  and  finally,  that  while  the  adherents  of  John 
are  fet/d  by  his  gold,  their  influence  will  defeat  the 
reform  of  the  church. 

No  action  was  taken  by  the  council  upon  this 
startling  proposition.  But  the  very  fact  that  it  could 
be  made  with  impunity,  and  without  exciting  a  mur- 
mur except  among  those  directly  affected  by  it,  is 
quite  significant.  On  the  other  hand,  the  cardinals 
were  indignant  at  what  they  considered  the  insult 
that  had  been  offered  them.  They  assembled  to 
deliberate  in  regard  to  their  own  rights,  and  resolved 
at  all  hazards  to  vindicate  their  own  and  the  papal 
authority.  An  "  Apology  and  Vindication"  was  con- 
sequently drawn  up,  and  presented,  on  the  eighteenth 
of  the  month,  in  an  assembly  of  the  nations.  It  was 
publicly  opposed  by  the  cardinal  of  Cambray.  But 
the  answer  to  it  was  not  given  until  the  second  of 


Ch.  XVII.]      SLIGHT   PUT   UPON   THE    CARDINALS.  457 

May.  Previous  to  this,  the  cardinals  had  become 
more  fully  sensible  of  the  slight  which  had  been  put 
upon  them.  Matters  had  been  determined  in  the 
assembly  of  the  nations  of  which  they  were  allowed 
no  knowledge  until  a  short  time  before  the  public 
session,  when  there  was  no  time  to  deliberate.  They 
demanded,  therefore,  that  inasmuch  as  the  council 
was  composed  of  the  four  nations,  of  which  the  Eng- 
lish had  but  three  prelates,  the  college  of  cardinals 
should  be  allowed  an  equal  authority,  and  be  per- 
mitted to  deliberate  and  vote  as  a  nation  by  them- 
selves. Such  a  demand  was  little  to  the  taste  of  the 
majority  of  the  council.  It  was  consequently  refused. 
The  cardinals  might  deliberate  and  vote  with  the 
nation  of  their  birth,  but  were  not  allowed  recogni- 
tion as  a  distinct  body. 

Meanwhile  the  ambassadors  to  the  pope  had  set 
out  on  their  journey.  It  was  on  the  nineteenth  of  the 
month  that  they  received  their  final  instructions,  and 
a  safe-conduct  for  John  XXIII.  in  case  of  his  com- 
pliance with  the  demands  of  the  council.  But  the 
pope  was  no  longer  at  Freiburg.  Haunted  by  his 
fears,  and  apprehensive  of  arrest  by  the  imperial 
army  in  the  neighborhood,  he  had  fled  to  Breisach.  It 
was  his  evident  purpose  to  escaj^e  from  the  territories 
of  the  empire  and  seek  refuge  in  France,  or  put  him- 
self under  the  protection  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy. 
The  ambassadors  of  the  council  followed  him  in  his 
flight.  They  reached  Breisach  on  the  twenty-third  of 
April.  On  the  following  day  they  laid  the  demands 
of  the  council  before  him.  They  were  informed  that 
an  answer  would  be  given  the  next  day.     In  the  in- 


458  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF    JOHN    BUSS.        [Oh.  XVil 

terval,  however,  the  pope  disguised  himself  and  fled, 
leaving  as  an  excuse  to  the  embassy,  that  during  the 
night  he  had  received  intelligence  of  danger  which 
threatened  him  at  Breisach.    His  first  Btopping-place 

was  at  Nienburg,  a  village  two  leagues  distant.  But 
here  asrain  his  fears  would  allow  him  no  rest.  Nor 
was  the  ground  of  his  apprehensions  merely  imagina- 
ry. The  friend  on  whom  he  had  hitherto  relied, the 
Duke  of  Austria,  was  unable  any  longer  to  protect,  and 
was  in  fact  about  to  desert  him.  One  city  after  anoth- 
er had  withdrawn  from  him  its  allegiance.  The  im- 
perial armies  were  closing  around  him.  If  the  con- 
flict was  to  be  continued,  he  could  only  offer  the 
resistance  of  despair.  He  had  relied  on  the  fidelity, 
or  at  least  the  neutrality  of  the  Swiss ;  but  the  terr<  >ra 
of  excommunication  and  the  imperial  ban  had  forced 
them  to  take  up  arms  against  their  ally.  Frederic 
saw  the  daily  defection,  and  began  to  despond. 
John  XXIII.  alone  exhorted  him  to  a  manly  resist- 
ance, and  promised  him  whatever  amount  of  money 
he  might  need.  He  endeavored  to  persuade  him 
that,  at  the  report  of  the  war,  the  council,  deprived 
of  its  head,  would  be  dissolved,  and  that  those  who 
had  revolted  would  return  to  their  allegiance. 

But  Frederic  had  another  adviser  in  Louis  of  the 
Palatinate,  whose  sister  he  had  married.1  Though 
armed  on  the  side  of  the  emperor,  and  ostensibly 
the  enemy,  Louis  was  really  the  friend  of  Frederic 
He  represented  to  the  latter  the  desperate  condition 
of  his  affairs,  the  readiness  with  which  the  chief 
cities  would  throw  oil'  their  yoke  and  declare  theni- 

1  Van  der  Ilardt,  iv.  136. 


Ch  xvti]    the  pope  abandoned  by  the  duke.       459 

selves  free  if  the  occasion  was  longer  allowed;  the 
folly  of  introducing  foreign  troops  whose  presence 
would  only  offend  and  alienate  his  own  party ;  the 
fatal  policy  of  allowing  the  emperor  to  stir  up  his 
subjects  to  rebellion, — slaying  the  duke  as  it  were 
with  his  own  sword  ;  the  security  to  be  attained  by 
a  reconciliation  with  the  emperor,  a  thing  by  no 
means  to  be  despaired  of;  and  the  wise  policy  of 
going  at  once  to  Constance  and  throwing  himself 
upon  the  mercy  of  the  emperor,  aided  and  sustained 
as  he  would  be  by  the  intercession  of  powerful  friends. 
These  arguments  and  persuasions  of  Louis  were  en- 
forced by  the  friends  and  servants  of  Frederic.  He 
at  length  yielded  to  their  force,  thus  leaving  John 
XXIIL,  unprotected,  to  manage  his  own  negotiations. 
He  determined  to  secure  his  pardon  at  whatever  cost. 
After  having  connived  at,  if  not  aided,  the  pope  in 
his  flight,  and  used  him  as  his  tool  till  he  discovered 
that  he  was  but  a  broken  staff,  he  resolved  to  deliver 
him  up  to  the  emperor  as  a  mark  of  his  submission ; 
and  it  was  with  this  view  that  he  returned  to  Con- 
stance. A  Swiss  historian1  declares  that  by  Freder- 
ic's intervention  the  pope  was  prevented  from  escap- 
ing to  France.  He  wished  to  hold  him  as  a  pledge 
to  secure  his  own  pardon.  Under  the  semblance 
of  friendship  he  wrote  to  John  XXIIL  a  letter,  the 
results  of  which,  if  not  so  intended,  fully  accorded 
with  the  interests  of  the  council.  He  told  him  that 
he  could  no  longer  warrant  his  security  at  Nienburg, 
nor  on  his  proposed  route,  inasmuch  as  the  troops  of 
the  emperor  were  stationed  to  intercept  him.     The 

1  Muller. 


400  liit:  axi>  TTME8  op  joiix  hubs.      [Cb.  xvn. 

duke  consequent])-  volunteered  the  advice,  equivalent 
to  a  command  in  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  that 
the  pope  would  best  consult  his  safety  by  returning 
to  Freiburg.  No  other  course  was  left  for  John 
XXIII.  than  to  accept  the  advice,  however  unpal- 
atable. 

Meanwhile  the  embassy  from  the  council,  deserted 
at  Breisach  by  the  man  with  whom  they  had  been  sent 
to  confer,  and  indisposed  to  follow  up  the  fugitive  in 
what  they  deemed  a  fruitless  chase,  had  set  out  on 
their  return  to  the  council.  They  had  already  reached 
Freiburg,  and  were  about  to  continue  their  journey, 
when  they  were  agreeably  surprised  by  information 
from  Louis  of  Bavaria,  who  met  them  at  that  place, 
that  if  they  would  remain  a  short  time  longer,  they 
might  have  the  desired  opportunity  of  meeting  the 
pope,  and  executing  their  commission.  In  a  few 
hours  John  XXIII.  arrived.  He  was  extremely  morti- 
fied at  findiug  here  the  men  to  whom  he  had  shown 
such  antipathy  at  Breisach,  and  whom  he  dreaded 
almost  equally  with  the  imperial  troops.  They  now 
repeated  their  demand  of  a  power-of-attorney,  and  a 
choice  of  the  proposed  cities  in  which  he  might  reside 
and  treat  with  the  council,  declaring  that  in  case  of 
his  refusal  the  council  would  proceed  against  him. 
The  mortification  of  the  pope  was  extreme.  There 
was  no  longer  any  possible  method  of  evading  the 
demand.  An  answer  must  be  given.  It  was  prom- 
ised by  John  XXIII.,  and  the  ambassadors  of  the 
council  were  to  receive  it  on  the  following  day.  The 
day  came,  but  no  answer.  The  ambassadors  at  once 
went  to  search  for  the  pope.     They  found  him  yet 


Ch.  XVII.]  OBSTINACY    OF    THE   POPE.  461 

in  bed,  where  he  received  them,  as  Nieiii  reports,  in 
the  most  indecent  manner.  He  still  refused  to  grant 
them  a  power-of-attorney  to  execute  his  act  of  cession, 
but  promised  to  send  it  to  the  council  after  them. 
He  merely  placed  in  their  hands  a  list  of  the  demands 
which  he  made  for  himself  as  the  condition  of  com- 
pliance with  the  wishes  of  the  council.  Unable  to 
obtain  anything  more  satisfactory,  the  ambassadors 
returned  to  Constance.  At  an  assembly  of  the  na- 
tions, held  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  April,  their 
report  was  made.  The  irritation  against  John  XXIII.. 
was  now  extreme.  All  professed  to  see  in  the  result 
of  this  embassy  another  illustration  of  the  duplicity 
and  obstinacy  of  the  pope.  It  was  resolved,  there- 
fore, that  the  process  against  him  should  be  com- 
menced, and  that  he  should  be  cited  before  the 
council  to  answer  to  the  accusations  brought  against 
him.  Before  the  citation  was  issued,  however,  the 
papal  grant  of  a  power-of-attorney  arrived.  But  it 
was  loaded  with  conditions  wholly  inadmissible. 
The  council  voted  it  unsatisfactory,  in  spite  of  the 
remonstrance  of  the  cardinals. 

On  the  second  of  May,  the  seventh  public  session 
of  the  council  was  held.  It  was  in  this  session  that 
Jerome,  whose  arrest  was  not  yet  known  at  Constance, 
was  cited  for  the  second  time.  The  citation  of  John 
XXIII.  was  likewise  issued,  in  which  he  was  charged 
with  the  crimes  of  heresy,  simony,  corrupt  adminis- 
tration of  his  office,  favoring  the  present  schism,  and 
other  grave  offences,  scandalous  to  the  Catholic  church. 
He  was  accused,  moreover,  of  gross  immoralities.  His 
flight,  his  evasion  of  the  demands  of  the  council,  and 


462  LIFE   A>T)   TLMES    OF   JOHN   HU5S.        [Cu.  XVII. 

his  opposition  to  the  reformation  of  the  church  were 
not  forgotten  in  the  catalogue  of  his  crimes ;  and  he 
was  summoned  by  a  public  edict,  to  be  published  in 
the  usual  manner,  to  appear  within  nine  days  before 
the  council  and  submit  to  trial.  His  refusal  to  ap- 
pear should  not  stay  the  process. 

The  second  citation  of  Jerome,  to  which  we  have 
referred  as  issued  at  this  session,  was  urged  forward 
by  that  enemy  of  the  Bohemian  reformers,  Michael 
de  Causis.  He  personally  attended  to  the  publica- 
tion of  the  citation,  nailing  it,  during  the  hours  of 
public  worship,  on  the  doors  of  St.  Stephen's  church 
and  the  church  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  His  assistants 
in  the  work  were  two  fellow-priests  of  Prague, 
George  de  Walschim  and  Paul  de  Horowitz.  It  was 
not  without  reason  that  Jerome  complained,  on  his 
trial,  that  he  was  persecuted  by  individual  envy  and 
malice. 

While  these  things  were  taking  place,  Frederic  of 
Austria  was  industriously  looking  after  his  own  inter- 
ests. Abandoning  the  pope  to  his  fate,  he  hastened 
to  Constance.  It  was  on  the  thirtieth  of  April  that 
he  reached  the  city ;  but  nearly  a  week  passed  be- 
fore he  could  find  access  to  the  emperor.1  On  the 
fifth  of  May,  Sigismund  had  assembled  the  Italian 
ambassadors  and  a  great  number  of  the  prelates  of 
the  four  nations  at  a  banquet,  in  the  large  hall  of  the 
Franciscan  monastery.  He  was  seated  at  the  further 
end  of  the  hall  when  the  vanquished  prince  appeared 
at  the  threshold.  Frederic  advanced,  conducted  by 
Duke  Louis  of  Bavaria  and  the  elector  of  Brandeu- 

1  L'Enfant,  158. 


Ch.  xvii.]  submission  of  the  Duke.  463 

burg.  As  he  approached  the  emperor,  he  bent  his 
knee  thrice  to  the  ground.  "What  do  you  want?" 
said  Sigismund.  "  Powerful  king,"  replied  Louis  of 
Bavaria,  "  the  Duke  Frederic,  my  cousin,  here  pres- 
ent, implores  your  royal  clemency.  He  is  ready  to 
bring  •  back  the  pope ;  but  he  requires,  for  his  honor, 
that  no  violence  be  offered  the  holy  father."  Fred- 
eric confirmed  what  was  thus  advanced,  and  at  last 
moved  the  emperor,  who  tendered  him  his  hand. 
The  prince  gave  up  all  his  domains  in  Alsace  and 
the  Tyrol  to  Sigismund,  and  swore  fidelity  to  him  as 
his  lord  suzerain.  The  emperor,  whose  pride  was 
flattered  by  this  scene  of  Frederic's  submission,  and 
who  wished  to  make  the  most  of  it,  turned  to  the 
personages  there  present,  and  said,  "Gentlemen  of 
the  Italian  nation,  you  are  acquainted  with  the  name 
and  power  of  the  dukes  of  Austria,  yet  observe  how 
I  tame  them ;  and  learn  from  this  what  a  king  of  the 
Germans  can  do."  Sigismund  wished  to  make  an 
impression  that  should  overawe  the  partisans  of  the 
pope.  To  this  end  he  sacrificed  his  true  dignity  to 
the  bombast  of  power. 

Frederic's  submission  had  been  preceded  by  that 
of  John,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  who  saw  no  further 
hope  of  success  in  his  attempts  to  obstruct  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  council.  He  had  been  one  of  the 
pope's  warmest  partisans,  but,  like  Frederic,  had  no 
disposition  to  invite  his  own  ruin  by  clinging  to  a 
sinking  cause.  Thus  John  XXIII.  saw  himself  en- 
tirely deserted,  save  by  the  few  partisans  and  cardi- 
nals whose  voice  was  drowned  in  the  loud  murmurs 
of  the  council.     During  the  nine  days  allowed  for  his 


4G4  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN'    HISS.        [Cii.  XVII. 

appearance,  the  process  against  "Wickliffe  and  his 
writings  was  pressed  forward.  Their  condemnation, 
referred  to  already,  took  place  at  the  eighth  session 
of  the  council,  held  on  the  fourth  of  May.  The  cita- 
tion of  John  XXIII.  had  alarmed  even  the  friends 
who  had  still  followed  him  in  his  flight,  and  had 
hitherto  adhered  to  his  falling  fortunes.  Day  by 
day  some  prelate  or  cardinal  might  be  seen  strag- 
gling back  to  Constance.  Otho  de  Colonna,  after- 
ward elected  pope  in  the  place  of  John  XXIIL,  was 
one  of  the  last  to  desert  him.  The  semblance  of  a 
court  which  had  hitherto  attended  the  fugitive  pon- 
tiff now  disappeared.  Yet,  hopeless  as  his  case  was, 
John  XXIIL  still  obstinately  refused  to  submit  to 
the  council.  The  ninth  session  was  held  on  the  day 
fixed  for  his  appearance.  Prelates,  appointed  for  the 
purpose,  called  at  the  doors  of  the  church  for  John 
XXIIL  to  appear ;  and,  when  no  person  came  forward 
to  answer  the  summons,  three-and-twenty  commis- 
sioners, amongst  whom  were  Cardinals  de  Ursinis 
and  St.  Mark,  were  designated  to  hear  the  witnesses 
against  the  pope. 

But  the  council  were  not  disposed  to  be  content 
with  John's  absence.  His  reluctance  to  appear  was 
foreseen,  and  the  citation  was  enforced  by  methods 
of  a  more  effective  kind.  Soon  after  it  was  issued, 
the  council  sent  the  archbishops  of  Besancon  and  of 
Riga  to  use  their  influence  with  him,  to  persuade  him 
to  return,  while  the  emperor  reinforced  their  persua- 
sions by  sending  along  with  them  three  hundred 
men,  with  the  Burgrave  of  Nuremberg  at  their  head. 
If  argument  and  persuasion  could    not  avail,  they 


Ch.  XVII.]  CONTUMACY    OF   JOHN    XXIII.  -ISo 

were  to  employ  force.  On  their  arrival  at  Freiburg, 
their  first  precaution  was  to  station  guards  at  all  the 
approaches  of  the  city,  from  fear  that  the  pope 
might  escape  their  hands.  The  prelates  exhausted 
their  eloquence  in  urging  John  XXIII.  to  return  to 
Constance,  but  in  vain.  The  pope  received  them  in 
the  most  affable  and  cheerful  manner,  assuring  them 
of  his  readiness  to  comply  with  their  solicitations, 
meanwhile  resolved  to  play  out  his  last  card  of  nego- 
tiation before  giving  up  the  game.  Again  he  sent 
propositions  to  the  council ;  but  these  were  again  re- 
fused. His  letter,  giving  notice  of  his  conferring  the 
power-of-attorney  on  three  cardinals,  St.  Mark,  Cam- 
bray,  and  Florence,  was  read.  But  the  cardinal  of 
Cambray  was  absent.  The  cardinal  St.  Mark  de- 
clared that  he  never  had  performed  the  office,  and 
would  not  do  it  now ;  while  the  cardinal  of  Florence 
declared  his  wish  to  proceed  according  to  the  will  of 
the  council;  but,  as  there  was  no  reply,  at  length 
added  that  it  was  hard  to  be  advocate  against  the 
whole  world.  In  these  circumstances,  the  whole 
thing  was  allowed  silently  to  drop.  The  power-of- 
attorney  was  not  read,  or  even  produced. 

The  tenth  session  of  the  council  was  held  on  the 
fourteenth  of  May.  The  ceremony  of  the  previous 
session,  calling  on  the  pope  to  answer  to  the  citation, 
was  repeated.  He  did  not  appear,  and  was  declared 
guilty  of  contumacy.  The  commission  for  examining 
witnesses  against  him  reported  to  the  council  that 
testimony,  had  been  heard  sufficient  to  warrant  bis 
suspension.  Ten  witnesses  had  been  examined.  Their 
words  had  been  reduced  to  writing,  and  their  depo- 

VOL.  I.  30 


4:GG  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.       [Cn.  XVIL 

sit  ions  were  read.  The  allegations  against  the  pope, 
as  contained  in  the  citation,  were  considered  to  be 

fully  sustained,  and  his  suspension  from  the  pontifical 
office  was  pronounced.  Among  the  charges  against 
him  was  that  of  heresy.  To  this  the  cardinal  St. 
Mart  excepted,  declaring  that  no  witnesses  had  been 
heard  upon  that  point.  The  council,  aware  of  the 
maxim  of  the  common  law  that  a  pope  can  be  de- 
posed only  for  heresy,  and  considering  John  XXIII. 
guilty  of  this,  at  least  by  implication,  were  unwilling 
to  allow  the  force  of  the  cardinal's  objection,  and  the 
discussion  of  the  matter  was  deferred,  to  another  oc- 
casion. 

The  controversy  between  the  council  and  John 
XXIII.  had,  for  the  time,  absorbed  the  interest  and 
anxiety  of  all  parties.  Meanwhile  Huss  had  been  re- 
moved from  the  Dominican  monastery  to  that  of  the 
Franciscans  only  that  John  XXIII.  might  more  con- 
veniently expedite  his  processes  against  him,  and  thus 
divert  the  attention  of  the  council  from  his  own 
affairs.  At  the  time  of  the  pope's  flight,  he  was 
under  the  charge  of  officers  of  the  papal  court. 
These,  when  they  learned  that  the  pope  had  fled, 
deserted  their  post  to  follow  their  master.  The 
keys  of  Huss'  prison  consequently  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  emperor.1  The  opportunity  was  one 
not  to  be  lost.  The  reformer's  faithful  friend,  De 
Chlum,  accompanied  by  other  Bohemian  nobles,  im- 
mediately waited  upon  Sigismund  in  the  hope  of 
procuring  his  release.  They  pointed  out  to  him  the 
favorable  occasion   now   afforded  of  delivering   an 

1  A  German  Life  of  llisa ;  also,  Von  der  Ilardt,  torn.  iv.  66. 


Ch.  XVII.]  PEISON   CONFERENCE.  407 

innocent  man  from  indescribable  sufferings,  while  lie 
vindicated  his  own  honor  and  that  of  the  empire 
from  the  contempt  to  which  they  had  been  subjected. 
Sigismund  listened  in  embarrassed  silence.  He  pro- 
tested, not  without  a  confusion  excited  by  a  sense  of 
his  own  injustice,  that  the  future  destiny  of  the  pro- 
fessor lay  not  in  his  hands,  but  in  those  of  the  four 
presidents  of  the  several  nations  of  the  council.  All 
that  he  himself  would  consent  to  was,  that  the 
nobles  should  pay  the  invalid  a  short  visit  in  the 
presence  of  witnesses.  Conducted  by  the  emperor's 
attendants,  the  Bohemians  proceeded  to  the  Francis- 
can convent.  There  they  found  Huss,  to  outward 
view,  a  pitiable  object.  He  lay  stretched  on  a  mis- 
erable couch,  emaciated,  and  wasted  almost  to  a 
skeleton.  On  the  ground  before  him  lay  a  small 
strip  of  paper.  They  picked  it  up,  and  though 
the  writing  upon  it  was  scarce  legible,  it  told  the 
story  of  the  neglect  which  would  soon  have  saved 
the  stake  a  victim.  "  If  you  still  love  me,  entreat 
the  emperor  to  allow  his  people  to  provide  for  me, 
or  else  enable  me  to  find  sustenance  for  myself." 
Such  w^ere  the  words  they  read. 

Huss  had  formerly  been  scantily  supplied  from  the 
pope's  kitchen,  but  since  his  flight  had  been  entirely 
overlooked.  For  three  days  the  weak,  enfeebled 
prisoner  had  been  without  food.  Meekly  and  un- 
complainingly did  he  endure  what  God  had  seen  fit 
to  suffer  wicked  men  to  inflict  upon  him.  At  the 
melancholy  sight,  the  bearded  warriors  were  melted 
into  tears,  but  their  resentment  was  roused.  "  With 
uplifted  hands   and   eloquent  eyes,  they  besought 


4G8  LIFE    A.\:>   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HT78S.       [Ch.  Xv* 

Heaven  to  give  them,  at  some  future  period,  an  op- 
portunity of  avenging  with  their  swords"  such  in 
human  cruelty  and  injustice.  Undoubtedly  Sigis- 
mnnd  might  thank  his  own  policy,  in  allowing  such 
treatment  of  Hnss,  for  the  hitter  wars  that  afterward 
ravaged  his  Bohemian  dominions.  The  meeting  of 
Hnss  and  his  friends,  says  the  chronicle,  was  very 
melancholy,  and  the  parting  was  still  more  sad;  for 
all  those  brave  men  loved  IIuss  as  their  father,  and 
their  hearts  were  full  of  gloomy  forebodings.  When 
the  sufferer  had  received  the  last  embrace  of  his 
countrymen,  he  sank  back  fainting  on  his  chains. 
The  next  day  he  was  given  over  by  the  emperor  and 
the  council  to  the  rigid  custody  of  the  bishop  of 
Constance.  By  the  order  of  the  latter  he  was  con- 
veyed by  water  to  the  castle  of  Gottlieben.  Armed 
men  accompanied  the  prisoner  till  they  reached  the 
spot  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  three  miles  distant 
from  Constance.  He  was  thrown  into  the  tower,  and 
treated  with  a  severity  which  would  have  been 
harshness  even  to  the  greatest  criminal.  Irons  were 
fastened  to  his  feet,  and  during  the  day  he  might 
move  the  length  of  his  chain,  but  at  night  he  was 
chained  by  his  arms  to  the  wall.  With  such  inhuman 
cruelty, — enough  to  crush  the  boldest  spirit, — IIuss 
was  to  be  prepared  to  stand  up  alone  against  a  host 
of  enemies  that  thirsted  for  his  blood.  Undoubtedly 
there  were  men  among  them  who  would  deliberately 
prefer  to  browbeat  an  invalid,  or  argue  with  one  too 
weak  to  defend  his  own  cause,  than  contend  with  the 
liviug,  vigorous  energy  of  thought  and  action  that 
had  electrified  a  whole  kingdom.<34) 


Cii.  XVII.]  JEROME    AT   CONSTANCE.  469 

It  was  but  a  few  days  after  the  removal  of  Huss  to 
Gottlieben, — on  the  fourth  of  April, — that  his  friend 
and  associate,  Jerome  of  Prague,  arrived  at  Constance. 
The  misfortunes  and  sufferings  of  Huss  had  become 
known  in  Bohemia.  An  intense  sympathy  was  felt 
in  his  behalf.  His  cruel  treatment,  and  the  danger 
to  which  he  was  exposed,  became  the  subjects  of 
daily  conversation.  Men  began  to  blame  Jerome 
that  he  should  have  left  his  companion  and  brother 
in  faith  to  contend  alone  and  unsupported  against  a 
host  of  enemies.  But  their  complaint  was  ill-founded, 
as  the  event  showed.  On  his  departure  from  Prague, 
and  more  especially  after  his  imprisonment,  Huss  had 
exhorted  his  friend  to  preserve  himself  for  better 
times.1  He  was  ready  and  willing  himself  to  become 
a  sacrifice,  if  one  was  demanded,  but  he  could  not 
consent  to  have  the  cause  of  truth  deprived  of  so 
able  and  faithful  a  champion  as  Jerome.  In  the 
generous  mind  of  the  latter,  however,  the  blame  im- 
puted to  him,  and  to  which  he  was  so  sensitive,  out- 
weighed every  other  anxiety.  He  immediately  quit- 
ted Bohemia  and  hastened  to  Constance.  His  coun- 
trymen, to  whom  he  presented  himself,  were  terrified 
by  his  arrival.  They  knew  too  well  the  spirit  that 
had  been  shown  in  the  treatment  of  Huss  to  dare  to 
trust  it  further.  They  at  once  pronounced  his  jour- 
ney useless,  since  all  hopes  of  his  friend's  release  from 
prison  were  at  an  end.  But  Jerome  was  resolved  to 
see  Huss  if  possible,  and  exert  himself  on  his  behalf. 
By  some  means  he  seems  to  have  secured  admittance 
to  him ; 2  but  when  he  saw  his  gloomy  prison,  the 

1  Hon.  Hussi,  i.  15,  Epis.  liv.  2  Von  der  Hardt,  torn.  iv.  103. 


470  LIFE   AUD    TIMES    OE    JOEQ*    HUBS.       [«"n.  XVIi. 

chains  npon  his  limbs,  and  the  harsh  treatment  to 

which  he  was  subjected,  his  apprehensions  of  the 
vanity  of  any  effort  in  his  behalf  enforced  the  per- 
suasions of  the  Bohemian  nobility,  and  he  withdrew 
from  Constance,  where  his  own  liberty  was  endan- 
gered, and  where  spies  were  on  his  track. 

Yet  he  had  already  learned  from  other  sources, 
facts  that  excited  all  his  fears.  Since  his  arrival  in 
the  city,  he  had  mingled,  without  being  known,  with 
the  crowds  of  people  about  the  streets,  and  had  over- 
heard disastrous  intelligence.  It  was  said  that  John 
Huss  would  not  be  admitted  into  the  presence  of  the 
council ;  that  he  would  be  judged  and  condemned  in 
secret ;  that  he  would  leave  his  prison  only  to  die. 
Jerome  was  struck  with  alarm,  and  thought  that  all 
was  lost.1  A  violent  terror  seized  on  him,  and  he 
took  to  flight  as  suddenly  as  he  had  come.  It  is 
even  stated,  so  precipitate  was  his  departure,  that  he 
left  his  sword  at  the  inn  where  he  had  alighted.9 
The  news  of  his  arrival  had  already  spread  abroad', 
and  he  was  searched  for  in  every  direction.  But  it 
was  soon  ascertained  that  he  had  left  the  city. 

By  the  aid  and  counsel  of  his  friends,  the  Bohe- 
mian magnates,  he  withdrew  to  the  neighboring  free 
city  of  Uberlingen.  Here  deeming  himself  more  se- 
cure, his  calmer  reflection  led  him  to  take  those  Bteps 
which  his  generous  and  impulsive  nature  had  caused 
him  to  overlook  on  his  depart  hit  from  Prague.  The 
precaution  was  indeed  tardy,  ami  one  from  which  he 
could  not  expect  any  great  result ;  yet  the  sanguine 
hope  of  contributing   to   aid   Huss,  the   bitter   fear 

1  Bonnechose,  72.  ■  Mod.  llussi,  ii.  349,  35-i. 


Ch.  XVII.]  A    STEANGE    "  SAFE-CONDUCT."  471 

that  without  such  aid  as  he  might  render  his  doom 
would  be  sealed,  and  the  shame  of  fleeing  for  his 
life  only  to  bear  back  the  sad  message  of  hopeless 
effort  to  his  friends  at  Prague,  impelled  him  to  do 
what  he  could  in  his  friend's  behalf.  He  wrote  to 
the  emperor  and  the  council,  asking  each  to  grant 
him  an  open  and  unequivocal  safe-conduct,  provided 
with  which  he  might  appear  at  Constance  and  justify 
himself  and  Huss  from  all  calumnious  accusations 
brought  against  them.  He  grounded  his  claim  ol 
the  fact  of  his  having  come  to  Constance  of  his  owl 
accord,  without  being  summoned  there  like  Huss. 
The  answer  he  received  was  too  ambiguous  to  allow 
him  to  repose  any  confidence  in  it.  The  emperoi 
made  the  only  reply  that  could  reasonably  have  beet 
expected  from  him  after  what  had  occurred.  He  re- 
fused a  safe-conduct.  Most  probably  it  was  his  wish 
that  Jerome  would  remain  as  far  away  from  Con- 
stance as  possible.  The  affair  of  Huss  had  already 
given  him  too  much  trouble,  and  Sigismund  was 
anxious  for  the  attainment  of  an  object  with  which 
the  trial  of  Jerome,  or  the  confusion  incident  to  his 
presence  at  Constance,  might  be  expected  to  inter- 
fere.1 

The  council  replied  to  Jerome's  request  in  strange 
terms.  They  granted  him  what  they  chose  to  call  a 
"  safe-conduct,"  but  what  was,  in  reality,  a  document 
of  quite  another  character,  and  which  illustrates  only 
too  well  the  real  object  in  view — the  arrest  and  con- 
demnation of  Jerome  himself.  It  was  a  very  differ- 
ent document  from  that  which  Huss  had  received : — 

1  L'Eofant,  iii.     Mon.  Hussi,  ii.  355. 


472  LIFE   AM)    TIMES   OF   JOHN   HUBS.       [Oa  XVII. 

"Tlie  sacred  synod,  funning  a  general  council  at 
Constance,  assembled  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  repre- 
senting the  universal  church  militant,  recommends 
Jerome  of  Prague,  calling  himself  master  of  arts  in 
several  universities,  to  be  well-conducted,  even  unto 
sobriety,  and  to  do  nothing  beyond  what  is  necessary 
for  being  well-conducted.  .  .  .  As  we  have  nothing 
more  at  heart  than  to  catch  tlie  foxes  which  ravage  the 
vineyard  of  the  Lord  of  liosts,  we  summon  you,  by 
these  presents,  to  appear  before  us  as  a  suspected 
person,  and  violently  accused  of  having  rashly  ad- 
vanced several  errors ;  and  we  order  you  to  appear 
here  within  a  fortnight  from  the  date  of  this  sum- 
mons, to  answer,  as  you  have  offered  to  do,  in  the 
first  session  that  shall  be  held  after  your  arrival.  It; 
is  for  this  purpose  that,  in  order  to  prevent  any  vio- 
lence being  offered  you,  we,  by  these  presents,  give 
you  a  full  safe-conduct,  as  much  as  in  us  lies,  excepting 
always  the  claims  of  the  Imo,  and  tliat  the  orthodox 
faith  does. not  in  any  way  prevent  it ;  certifying  to 
you,  besides,  that  whether  you  appear  within  the 
specified  time  or  not,  the  council,  by  itself  or  its  com- 
missioners, will  proceed  against  you  as  soon  as  the 
term  shall  have  elapsed.  Given  at  Constance,  in 
public  session,  the  17th  of  April,  1415,  under  the 
seals  of  the  presidents  of  the  four  nations."  l  Another 
account  informs  us  that  the  cardinals  wrote  under 
Jerome's  petition,  "  We  grant  you  our  protection  to 
this  place,  but  not  back  again."  This  was  at  least 
candid. 

Dissatisfied  with  the  answer  which  had  been  re- 

1  Von  der  HarJt,  iv.  106-119.     Also  L'Enfant,  i.  12?. 


Ch.  XVII.]  JEROME   LEAVES    CONSTANCE.  473 

turned  to  his  petition,  Jerome  determined  to  make 
one  more  effort.  Our  historian *  assures  us  that  he  re- 
turned to  the  council,  and  affixed  his  appeal  for  a 
safe-conduct  in  all  the  public  places, — on  the  city 
gates,  the  doors  of  the  churches,  the  monasteries,  and 
palaces  of  the  cardinals.  If  he  did,  indeed,  for  a 
few  hours  return  to  Constance,  it  must  have  been  by 
stealth ;  and  his  appeal,  we  may  presume,  was  made 
public  by  means  of  the  Bohemian  nobility.  It  was 
unquestionably  the  same  in  substance  with  that 
which  he  had  previously  presented. 

The  answer  of  the  cardinals  to  the  application  of 
Jerome  was  somewhat  delayed.  As  no  answer  ar- 
rived for  several  days,  the  Bohemian  knights  repre- 
sented to  him  the  uselessness  of  his  attempt,  and 
earnestly  pressed  his  return  home.  Sad  at  heart,  he 
commenced  his  journey  back  to  Prague.  He  saw 
the  uselessness  of  all  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  Huss, 
and  was  uneasy  at  the  manner  in  which  he  appre- 
hended his  return  would  be  interpreted.  He  was, 
however,  bearer  of  a  document  in  which  seventy 
Bohemian  nobles,  present  at  Constance,  gave  testi- 
mony to  his  having  come  there ;  that  he  had  done 
all  in  his  power  to  render  reasons  for  his  faith ;  and 
that  he  had  departed  from  Constance  only  because 
he  could  not  remain  there  in  safety.2 

Such  disappointment  and  provocation  as  he  had 
experienced  at  Constance  had  not  increased  his  pru- 

1  Von  der  Hardt.     L'Enfant,  i.  3.  his  first  examination,  it  seems  evident 

I  cannot  but  express  my  doubt  on  that  he  never  received  the  council's 

this  point.     Jerome's  return  is  very  safe-conduct,  although  it  is  not  im- 

improbable,  and  the    placards  were  probable  that  he  may  have  learned 

affixed  as  early  as  May  7.     Besides,  the  tenor  of  it  from  his  countrymen, 

from   his  own  statements,  given  on  2  L'Enfant,  i.  136. 


474  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.       [Cu.  XVII. 

dence.  He  proceeded  on  his  way,  declaiming  every- 
where openly,  and  without  precaution  or  moderation, 

against  the  council.  He  was  still  the  same  man  as 
ever,  full  of  generous  and  noble  impulses,  but  often 
impetuous  and  violent.  Conscious  of  his  integrity, 
and  listeniug  only  to  his  own  strong  convictions,  his 
words  and  acts  were  rarely  regulated  by  a  calculat- 
ing or  cautious  prudence. 

On  the  24th  of  April,  Jerome  had  reached  Hirsch- 
au,  a  small  village  of  the  Black  Forest,  situated  on 
the  Rhine.  It  was  here  that  the  cure  persuaded  him 
to  stay  and  dine  in  his  house,  where  he  had  in- 
vited several  others  of  the  clergy.1  Common  prudence 
wrould  have  led  Jerome  to  decline  the  invitation. 
He  accepted  it,  however,  and  took  his  seat  at  the 
table  with  men  whose  suspicions  were  soon  excited 
by  what  they  deemed  the  heretical  language  of  the 
stranger.  The  course  of  conversation  led,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  to  a  discussion  of  the  merits  of 
the  council  then  assembled  at  Constance.  The  mind 
of  Jerome  was  at  once  carried  back  to  the  prison 
and  the  wrongs  of  Huss.  His  indignation  mastered 
his  discretion.  He  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to  call 
the  council  "  a  school  of  the  devil,  a  synagogue  of 
iniquity."  Such  terms  could  not  fail  to  give  deep 
offence.  Some  of  the  priests  went  at  once  and  laid 
them  before  the  officer  in  command  of  the  town,  by 
whose  orders  Jerome  was  arrested. 

Ilirschau  was  a  city  of  the  upper  Palatinate,  and 
it  was  not  long  before  intelligence  of  what  had  oc- 
curred reached  the  palgrave  then  residing  at  Saltz- 

1 1/Eiifant,  i.  136. 


Co.  XVII.]  JEKOME   BEFORE   THE    COUNCIL.  4^0 

back  By  his  orders  Jerome  was  cast  into  prison 
and  bound  with  chains,  while  information  of  his 
arrest  was  sent  to  the  council.  The  latter  imme- 
diately besought  the  palgrave  to  send  him  bound  to 
Constance.  He  promptly  complied.  Jerome  was 
chained  to  a  cart,  his  heavy  irons  clanking  upon  his 
limbs,  and  conveyed  to  the  city — which  he  reached 
on  the  24th  of  May.  Here  Louis,  Duke  of  Baviria, 
brother  of  the  count  Palatine,  waited  the  arrival  of 
the  victim.  Surrounded  by  a  multitude  equally 
brutal  with  himself,  he  began  to  pull  and  drag 
Jerome  by  his  chains.1  He  led  him  about  in  this 
cruel  and  savage  manner  through  the  whole  city. 
At  length  he  stopped  at  the  convent  of  the  Minor 
Friars,  where  the  priests  were  assembled  to  rcceii  e 
him.  Jerome  was  led  in  like  a  wild  beast  by  his 
chain  fastened  to  a  manacle,  in  order  to  be  examined. 
The  letter  of  the  palgrave  informing  the  council  of 
Jerome's  arrest,  and 2  his  citation  published  after  his» 
withdrawal  from  Constance,  were  read  to  him.  (Xe 
of  the  bishops  then  addressed  the  prisoner,  demand 
ing  of  him  why  he  had  fled  and  not  obeyed  the  cita- 
tion to  appear  before  the  council.  "  I  withdrew," 
replied  Jerome,  "  because  I  had  not  obtained  a  safe- 
conduct  either  from  you  or  the  emperor,  and  besides, 
I  was  aware  that  I  had  here  a  great  number  of  mortal 
enemies.  I  never  received  the  summons  of  the  coun- 
cil. Had  I  known  of  it,  I  swear  to  you  that  I  should 
at  once  have  returned,  aye,  if  I  had  already  reached 

-  Op.  Hussi,  ii.  350,  355.  L'Enfant,  citation  was  on  April  IS;  the  second, 

i.  182.  on  May  2  ;  and  the  third,  on  May  4. 

2  Jerome  \ras  cited  three  times  to  On  May  23  he  was  brought  back  to 

appear  before  the  council.     The  first  Constance. 


476  LI  IK    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.        [Ch.  XVII. 

ray  own  country." l  In  evidence  of  the  refusal  of  a 
safe-conduct  and  of  the  danger  of  his  appearing  be- 
fore the  council,  Jerome  referred  to  the  document 
presented  to  him  by  the  Bohemian  nobles,  which  had 
been  taken  from  him  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  and 
which  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  council. 

The  reply  of  Jerome  produced  much  sensation. 
Great  noise  and  confusion  ensued.  A  multitude  of 
persons  accused  Jerome,  and  volunteered  to  give  evi 
deuce  against  him.  He  had  visited  all  the  universi- 
ties of  Europe,  and  the  fame  of  his  eloquence,  if  not 
the  vanquishing  force  of  his  arguments,  had  excited 
the  jealousy  and  envy  of  many  who  were  here  pres- 
ent. He  had  the  rancor  of  the  doctors  and  the 
petty  passions  of  former  antagonists  arrayed  against 
him.  The  illustrious  Gerson  did  not  neglect  the 
occasion  which  his  present  position  afforded  him,  to 
exult  over  a  man  whose  pride  of  intellect  was  fully 
equal  to  his  own. 

After  the  tumult  had  somewhat  subsided,  the 
Parisian  doctor  addressed  the  prisoner.  Gerson  was 
not  unaware  of  Jerome's  argumentative  skill,  for  they 
had  known  each  other  at  Paris.  He  therefore  recur- 
red at  once  to  the  old  subject  of  dispute  on  Univer- 
sals  and  Ideas.  Gerson  was  a  Nominalist,  Jerome  a 
Realist.  "  Jerome,"  said  the  former,2  "  when  you  came 
to  Paris,  you  fancied  yourself  with  your  eloquence  to 
be  an  angel  from  heaven.  You  troubled  the  univer- 
sity, broaching  in  our  schools  many  erroneous  propo- 
sitions with  their  corollaries,  and  especially  in  the 
matter  of  Universale  and  Ideas,  beside  many  other 

1  L'Eufant,  i.  183.     a  Mon.  Hussi,  ii.  350,  365.     Von  dor  ITardt,  iv.  "215,  216. 


Ch.  XVII.]  QUESTIONS    AND    KEPLIE8.  477 

things  of  a  scandalous  nature."  "Master  Gerson," 
replied  Jerome,  "  I  answer  you,  that  what  I  proposed 
in  the  schools  of  Paris,  and  what  I  answered  to  the 
arguments  of  the  masters,  I  proposed  philosophically, 
and  as  a  philosophical  thinker  and  a  master  of  that 
university.  And  if  I  proposed  anything  which  I 
ought  not  to  propose,  let  me  be  instructed  in  what 
respect  it  is  erroneous,  and  I  will  be  corrected  and 
set  right  with  all  humility."  At  this  point  Jerome 
was  interrupted  by  a  doctor  of  the  university  of 
Cologne,  who  rose  and  said,  "  When  you  were  at  Co- 
logne, you  brought  forward  several  erroneous  argu- 
ments." "  Will  you  mention,  first  of  all,  one  error 
that  I  maintained  ? "  asked  Jerome.  "  None  occurs 
to  me  at  present,  but  they  shall  be  objected  to  you 
hereafter,"  was  the  reply  of  the  doctor,  disconcerted 
by  the  unexpected  question.  A  doctor  from  Heidel- 
berg now  became  Jerome's  accuser.  "When  you 
were  at  Heidelberg,"  said  he,  "  you  maintained  grave 
errors  with  regard  to  the  Trinity.  You  represented 
it  there  under  the  figure  of  a  kind  of  shield,  com- 
paring the  Trinity  of  persons  in  the  divine  nature  to 
water,  snow,  ice,  etc."  "What  I  wrote  and  repre- 
sented at  Heidelberg  "  said  Jerome,  "  I  am  ready  to 
assert,  write,  and  represent  again.  Let  me  know  in 
what  respect  I  have  erred,  and  I  will  humbly  recant 
the  error."  A  murmur  now  arose  in  the  assembly, 
several  calling  out,  "  Let  him  be  burned,  let  him  be 
burned."  "  If  it  be  your  pleasure  that  I  should  die," 
resumed  Jerome,  "  in  the  name  of  God,  be  it  so." 
The  bishop  of  Saltzburg,  the  only  one  of  the  council 
who  showed  the  least  feeling  of  compassion,  here 


478  LIFE   AM)   TIMES    OF   JOIIN   HUBS.       [Ch.  XVIL 

interposed  between  the  judges  and  the  prisoner. 
"Not  so,"  said  he,  "not  so;  for  it  is  written  'I  will 
not  the  death  of  a  sinner,  but  rather  that  he  should 
turn  and  live.'"  This  single  tone  of  mercy  was 
drowned,  however,  in  the  redoubled  noise  and  vocif- 
erations of  the  assembly.  The  clamor  and  tumult 
of  the  accusations  brought  against  him  were  such 
that  all  orderly  proceedings  were  at  an  end.  Jerome 
was  committed,  bound,  to  the  charge  of  offict-rs  of 
the  city,  and  the  assembly  broke  up.1  Towards  eve- 
ning, Peter  Maldoniewitz,  better  known  by  the  name 
of  Peter  the  Notary,  an  attendant  on  John  de  Chlum, 
and  a  faithful  friend  of  Huss  and  Jerome,  roamed 
about  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  house  where  the 
latter  had  for  the  time  been  lodged.2  Drawing  close 
to  one  of  the  windows,  Peter  called  out  to  Jerome, 
who  heard  and  recognized  his  voice.  "  Welcome,  bro- 
ther," was  Jerome's  instant  exclamation.  Welcome, 
indeed,  must  one  have  been  who  came  to  cheer  and 
encourage  him  in  the  gloomy  prospect  now  before  him. 
M  Strengthen  thy  soul,"  continued  Peter ;  "  be  mind- 
ful of  that  truth  which  thou  hadst  so  often  in  thy 
mouth  when  thou  wert  at  liberty,  and  thy  limbs  were 
free  from  shackles.  My  friend,  my  master,  do  not 
fear  even  to  face  death  for  it."  "  Yes,"  said  Jerome, 
"  you  know  that  I  do  not  fear  death.  We  have  often 
spoken  of  it,  but  now  must  we  see  what  it  can  do  to 
us."8 

The  soldiers  interrupted  this  moving  conversation 

1  The  account  of  this  scene  may  be  Mon.  Hussi,  ii.  851,  he  is  called  imhi 
found  in  Von  derllardt  and  L'Enfant.  ilr  familia  M,  Huss.  nis  name  ia 
Also  Mon.  Hussi,  ii.  354,  355.  afterwards  spoken  of  as  Peter. 

2  In    the    narrative    contained   in         3  Mon.  Uussi,  ii.  351,  356. 


Ch.  XVII.]  JEROME    IN   PRISON.  479 

between  the  friends,  by  repulsing  Peter  with  violence 
and  threats.  He  mournfully  bade  farewell  to  Je- 
rome, and  withdrew.     His  heart  was  filled  with  grief. 

Scarcely  had  he  gone,  when  another  person  came 
up, — a  servant  of  John  de  Chlum,  named  Vitus. 
Scarcely  had  be  begun  to  speak  with  Jerome,  when 
he  was  seized  by  the  soldiers,  and  found  no  small 
difficulty  in  recovering  his  liberty. 

The  charge  of  Jerome  was  committed  to  John 
Wallendrod,  archbishop  of  Riga.  The  selection  of 
such  a  man  for  the  office,  although  it  fell  to  him 
probably  as  president  of  the  German  nation,  was  in 
keeping  with  the  harsh  treatment  which  Jerome  had 
already  received  from  the  council.  The  archbishop 
removed  him  the  same  night  from  his  temporary 
prison  to  the  dungeon  of  a  tower  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Paul,  where  he  ordered  him  to  be  heavily 
ironed.  His  chains  were  riveted  to  a  lofty  beam  in 
such  a  way  as  to  prevent  his  sitting  down,  whilst  his 
arms  were  forced  by  fetters  to  cross  on  his  neck  be- 
hind, compelling  him  to  incline  his  head  forward  and 
downward.  Such  is  the  description  given  by  old 
authors  and  by  those  who  were  spectators  of  his  im- 
prisonment, in  their  accounts  of  his  life.  For  two 
days  he  was  kept  in  this  posture.  His  only  food 
was  bread  and  water.  No  one  of  his  Bohemian 
friends  knew  or  could  ascertain  where  he  was.  At 
last  Peter  Maldoniewitz  discovered  his  circumstances 
through  one  of  the  keepers  of  the  prison.  By  his 
means  Jerome  was  allowed  the  indulgence  of  better 
food.1 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  2  8. 


480  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JO] IX    HUSS.       [Ch.  XYH. 

Had  tlie  council  resolved  to  establish  against  them- 
selves  the  truth  of  the  charge  made  by  Jerome  ? 
Had  they  determined,  by  their  treatment  of  their 
prisoner,  to  make  it  manifest  that  they  were  indeed 
11  a  school  of  the  devil,  a  synagogue  of  iniquity  ? " 
They  were  murdering  their  prisoner  by  inches.  Na- 
ture could  not  long  endure  such  aggravated  and 
cruel  inflictions.  Jerome's  health  soon  gave  way. 
His  life  was  at  length  in  imminent  danger.  He  now 
demanded  that  a  confessor  should  be  allowed  him, 
and  his  request  was  granted.  Some  of  his  irons  were 
taken  off.  His  health  at  length  was  restored,  and 
for  a  whole  year  he  was  the  tenant  of  a  prison. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE    COMMUNION  OF  THE   CUP.      THE  BOHEMIANS  AT 
CONSTANCE. 

Communion  of  the  Cup.  —  Matthias  op  Janow. —  Origin  of  the  Restoration 
of  the  Cup. — Jacobel  and  Peter  of  Dresden.  —  Theses  Discussed  Before 
the  University.  —  Prevailing  Opinion  in  Favor  of  the  Cup.  —  Jacobel  De- 
fends it. —Reply  to  Him. — Broda's  Treatise.  —  Jacobel's  Refutation. — 
His  Constant  Reference  to  Scripture  Authority.  —  His  Reprehension  of 
Appeal  to  the  Secular  Arm.  —  His  Eloquent  Conclusion.  —  Huss  Con- 
sulted.—  He  Sustains  Jacobel.  — The  University  Vindicated  by  Jacobel. — 
Alarm  at  Constance. — John  the  Iron,  of  Leitomischel. — His  Election  as 
Bishop.  —  An  Enemy  of  Huss.  —  The  Bohemians  Indignant.  —  The  Bishop's 
Written  Reply.  —  Answer  to  This  and  "  The  Apology  for  the  Council," 
by  the  Bohemians.  —  The  Safe-Conduct  of  the  Emperor.  —  Evidence  of 
John  de  Chlum. — Case  of  Huss. — Falsehoods  Circulated  in  Respect  to 
his  Course  in  Regard  to  the  Citation  from  Rome.  —  Claim  that  his  Safe- 
Conduct  should  be  Regarded  and  he  be  Freely  Heard. 

May  14,  1415-May  18,  1415. 

It  was  in  this  tenth  session  of  the  council,  (May 
14th,)  that  a  new  subject  was  presented  for  discus- 
sion. This  was  the  use  of  the  cup  in  the  eucharist, 
a  practice  long  discontinued  by  the  church,  but  now 
revived  at  Prague.  This  practice,  or  communion  in 
both  kinds,  as  it  was  called,  had  prevailed  in  the 
Greek  church  from  the  earliest  times ;  and  the  inti- 
mate relations  which  had  subsisted  between  that 
church  and  the  churches  of  Bohemia  had  not  been 
without  their  influence  in  introducing  it  anew  in  the 
city  of  Prague.  The  Bohemians,  moreover,  had  not 
all  forgotten  their  traditions  of  a  Sclavonic  Bible,  and 
VOL.  i.  31 


482  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX   IIU5S.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

religious  service*,  celel » rated  in  their  national language. 

Even  when  the  Latin  practice  had  become  prevalent 
under  Charles  IV.,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
the  communion  in  both  kinds  was  no  longer  publicly 
allowed,  there  were  still  those  who  sought  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  Christian  liberty  in  the  secrecy  of  pri- 
vate dwellings,  and  in  the  depths  of  forests.1 

As  the  Bible  became  more  known  and  read,  the 
minds  of  men  were  led  to  ponder  over  the  original 
institution  of  the  sacrament.  The  difference  between 
the  ancient  original,  and  the  modern  corrupted  prac- 
tice, could  not  escape  their  notice.  Discussion  neces- 
sarily arose,  and  a  doctrine  so  palpably  appealing  to 
the  senses  as  the  use  of  the  cup  could  not  fail  to 
make  a  deep  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  mul- 
titude. The  result  was,  that  wherever  the  Bohemian 
reformation  triumphed,  there  was  a  disposition  favor- 
able to  arguments  for  the  restoration  of  the  cup. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  practice  did  not 
originate  with  Hum  We  find  no  reference  made  to 
it  in  connection  with  his  name,  previous  to  his  arrival 
at  Constance.  He  may  have  considered  it  a  matter 
of  minor  importance,  or,  without  having  made  a  care- 
ful examination  of  it,  may  have  silently  acquiesced 
in  the  prevalent  opinions.  Doubtless  it  would  not 
have  been  wise  to  have  made  the  claims  of  a  mere 
outward  rite  the  basis  of  an  appeal  which  could  be 
enforced  only  by  a  living  apprehension  of  the  spirit- 
ual truths  of  the  gospel.  IIuss  was  already  a  prisoner 
at  Constance,  when  the  doctrine  of  the  cap  began  t<> 
be  discussed  at  Prague.     Two  of  his  friends,  both  of 

1  Giesclcr  expresses  doubt  on  these  points,  maintained  by  Schrockh. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  THE    USE    OF   THE    CUP.  483 

them  doctors,  and  numbered  among  his  adherents, 
were  the  leaders  of  the  new  movement.  As  to 
Jacobel,  the  most  noted  of  these,  we  scarcely  need 
the  testimony  of  one  who  was  afterward  a  pope,1 
that  he  was  a  man  of  the  highest  eminence  for  learn- 
ing and  integrity.  He  was  a  zealous  defender  of 
evangelical  views,  and  an  uncompromising  enemy  of 
ecclesiastical  corruption.  He  sought  the  purity  of 
the  church,  and  carefully  studied  its  original  consti- 
tution. His  views  and  feelings  led  him  strongly  to 
sympathize  with  Huss,  and  his  study  of  the  Bible 
opened  his  eyes  more  and  more  clearly  to  the  prev- 
alent errors  of  the  times.  After  the  departure  of 
Huss  for  Constance,  he  seems  to  have  succeeded,  in 
great  measure,  to  his  position  in  the  esteem  and 
regard  of  the  people.  He  was  curate  of  the  parish 
of  St.  Michael,  in  the  city  of  Prague,  and  was  also 
connected  with  the  university.  Scarcely  had  Huss 
left  the  city,  when  Jacobel,  undeterred  by  fear  of 
consequences,  began  to  propose  and  defend  the  use 
of  the  cup.  The  subject,  if  we  are  to  believe  iEneas 
Sylvius,  was  first  brought  to  his  notice  by  Peter  of 
Dresden.  This  man  seems  to  have  cultivated  the 
acquaintance  of  Jacobel,  as  one  of  spirit  kindred  to 
his  own.  He  seized  a  fitting  occasion  to  speak  to 
him  on  the  subject  of  the  use  of  the  cup,  and  ex- 
pressed his  surprise  that  a  man  of  his  learning  and 
devotion  had  not  detected  the  error  that  had  so  long- 
prevailed  in  the  church.  He  pointed  out  the  incon- 
sistency between  the  present  practice  of  the  church 
and  the  original  institution  of  the  sacrament,  quotiug 

1  iEneas  Sylvius.     His.  Bohem. 


484  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JoIIX    HU88.      [Cii.  XVIII. 

the  language  of  Christ,  "Except  ye  eat  the  flesh  of 
the  Son  of  man,  and  drink  his  bloody  ye  have  no  life 
in  you."  The  attention  of  Jacobel  was  at  once  ar- 
rested, lie  determined,  therefore,  to  investigate  the 
subject.  lie  found  the  early  traditions  of  the  church 
and  the  authority  of  the  fathers  altogether  on  the 
side  of  the  original  form  of  the  ordinance.  His  res- 
olution was  quickly  formed,  and  he  immediately  took 
measures  to  secure  the  restoration  of  the  cup  in  the 
eucharist.  His  influence  was  great  among  his  own 
congregation,  and  his  popularity  might  have  secured 
the  adoption  by  them  of  his  own  views  without  tedi- 
ous discussion.  He  chose,  however,  to  bring  the  sub- 
ject in  the  first  place  before  the  university,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  customs  of  the  day  proposed  theses 
upon  the  subject,  which  he  was  prepared  to  maintain 
and  defend  (March  25.)  Meanwhile  one  of  his  col- 
leagues1 came  over  to  his  views,  which  he  no  longer 
hesitated  to  present  to  the  people  from  the  pulpit 
(March  29.)  It  was  not  long  before  he  ventured  on 
the  introduction  of  the  cup,  a  measure  which  the 
mass  of  the  people  readily  approved,  and  which  was 
applauded  highly  by  a  great  majority  of  the  meml  >ers 
of  the  university.  It  was  from  the  clergy  that  the 
opposition  with  which  he  had  to  contend  sprang. 
Jacobel  was  driven  out  from  his  own  church,  but  the 
doors  of  the  St.  Martin's  church  were  opened  to  him, 
and  lie  was  here  received  with  a  hearty  welcome. 
He  continued,  therefore,  to  publish  and  defend  his 
views,  in  spite  of  all  the  obstacles  thrown  in  his  way. 
The  next  step,  therefore,  against  him  was  to  attempt 

1  Sigiamimd  Raepanaky,  of  tho  church  of  St.  Mary.  Becker,  94. 


Ch.  xviii.]  vain  opposition.  485 

to  write  hini  down.  The  doctors  were  urged  to  at- 
tack liiin  with  the  pen ;  but  Jacobel  did  not  fail  to 
answer  them  in  a  triumphant  manner.  The  contro- 
versy soon  attracted  the  attention  of  the  nation.  All 
Bohemia  was  interested  in  it.  Conrad,  the  arch- 
bishop of  Prague,  attempted  to  smother  the  flame 
by  excommunicating  its  author.  But  Jacobel  was 
not  thus  to  be  silenced.  He  only  preached  with  re- 
newed energy  in  contempt  of  the  sentence  launched 
against  him.  Supported  by  the  people,  he  continued 
his  labors  under  the  very  eye  of  the  archbishop.  The 
clergy,  driven  to  desperation,  had  but  one  resource 
left.  They  determined  to  apply  at  once  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  council.  It  was  a  countryman  of  Huss, 
and  one  of  his  bitterest  adversaries,  John,  bishop  of 
Leitomischel,  who  was  charged  with  the  commission 
of  denouncing  the  heresy  of  Jacobel. 

The  controversy  that  now  arose  was  one  that  the 
council  could  not  compose.1  First  the  pen,  and  then 
the  sword,  were  called  into  requisition ;  but  pen  and 
sword  both  proved  powerless  to  suppress  the  popular 
conviction  in  favor  of  a  rite  so  clearly  established  by 
scriptural  authority  and  ancient  precedent  as  the  use 
of  the  cup.  In  this  controversy  Jacobel  proved  him- 
self a  man  of  fearless  spirit  and  superior  ability.  He 
maintained  his  theses,  not  only  from  scripture,  but 
by  copious  references  to  the  fathers,  the  scholastics, 
some  of  the  popes,   and  the  canon  law.     From  all 

1  In  order  to  give  a  clearer  and  sioned,    anticipating    somewhat    the 

more  connected  view  of  the  proceed-  order  of  events.     Jacobel's  reply  to 

ings  connected  with  the  introduction  Broda  could  scarcely  have  seen  the 

of  the  use  of  the  cup  in  Bohemia,  I  light  before   the  death  of  Huss,  al- 

have  here  presented  the  early  history  though  it  must  have  been  produced 

of  the    controversy  which   it   occa-  at  about  that  time. 


486  LIFE   AXI>   TIMES    of   JOHN    HUBS.      [Cu.  XVIIL 

these  he  drew  the  conclusion  that  the  administration 

of  the  sacrament  to  all  Christians,  under  the  form  of 
bread  and  wine,  is  the  word,  the  law,  the  truth,  the 
ordinance,  and  the  gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
his  apostles,  and  the  primitive  church, — a  practice 
never  to  be  annulled  or  changed  by  any  custom, 
however  ancient,  of  the  Roman  church,  nor  by  the 
constitution  or  decree  of  any  pope  or  council. 

The  first  reply  to  Jacobel  was  anonymous,  and 
seems  to  have  been  written  at  Constance.  Its  tone 
indicates  that  matters  had  not  yet  proceeded  to  an 
open  rupture.  It  is  addressed  to  Jacobel  personally, 
and  in  it  he  is  styled  brother,  and  eloquent  preacher 
of  the  word  of  God.  Jacobel  is  reproved  for  his 
disregard  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  his  inno- 
vation upon  the  sacred  rites  of  the  church.  The  ap- 
plause which  he  met  is  incidentally  referred  to,  and 
in  a  manner  to  show  that  the  immense  majority  were 
ranged  upon  his  side.  His  contempt  for  the  arch- 
bishop's excommunication  is  then  noticed,  and  an 
attempt  is  made  to  refute  his  argument  in  his  own 
defence — the  argument  drawn  from  that  commission 
of  Christ,  "  Go  ye  into  all  the  world,"  etc. 

Other  subjects,  besides  the  one  of  the  cup,  are 
drawn  into  controversy.  Jacobel  is  reproached  for 
having  taught  that  tithes  are  merely  alms,  that  may 
be  withdrawn  by  the  secular  power  from  an  unworthy 
clergy.  His  conduct  in  preaching  beyond  his  own 
limits,  going  from  church  to  church  throughout  Bo- 
hemia, and  thus  spreading  his  views,  is  charged  as 
highly  reprehensible.  He  seems  to  have  strongly 
insisted  on  reducing  the  clergy  to  the  simplicity,  if 


Ch.  XVIII.]         ARGUMENT   OF    HIS    OPPONENT.  487 

not  poverty,  of  their  early  state,  that,  avoiding  pomp, 
avarice,  and  luxury,  they  may  more  freely  preach  the 
word  of  God.  His  antagonist  paradoxically  main- 
tains the  present  condition  of  the  church  to  he  su- 
perior to  that  of  its  primitive  state,  moulded  to  a 
more  ornate,  devout,  and  honorable  form,  and  that 
the  wealth  and  power  of  the  clergy  were  necessary 
and  useful  to  the  restraint  of  popular  vice  and  error. 
His  argument  against  the  communion  of  the  laity, 
under  the  form  of  the  cup,  shows  ingenuity,  if  not 
sophistry.  The  multitudes  in  the  desert  were  fed 
with  bread  alone.  Christ  at  Emmaus  broke  the 
bread,  but  nothing  is  said  of  the  wine.  Had  he 
wished  that  all  should  commune  under  both  forms, 
he  would  have  invited  his  own  mother,  as  well  as 
the  seventy  disciples,  to  be  present  at  the  institution 
of  the  ordinance.  The  only  argument  that  even 
seemed  to  bear  directly  upon  the  subject,  was  the 
practice  under  the  Old  Testament,  enjoined  by  the 
law,  that  the  priests  should  drink  the  wine  and  the 
honey  presented  in  offerings ;  and  to  none  but  the 
Levites  was  this  allowed. 

It  was  not  by  such  shallow  reasonings  and  incon- 
gruous citations  as  these  that  Jacobel  was  to  be 
driven  from  a  position  so  impregnably  fortified  as 
his  own,  by  the  plain  language  of  scripture.  His 
antagonist  can  meet  him  here  only  by  the  unsus- 
tained  assertion,  that  the  passage  on  which  he  relied 
was  addressed  solely  to  the  apostles  and  their  suc- 
cessors ;  and  his  interpretation  of  this  passage,  in  refer- 
ence to  spiritual  eating  and  drinking,  places  him  in 
a  position  where  consistency  would  require  him  to 


488  LIFE   AND    HUES    "i     J0HH    EU88.      [Cu.  XVIIL 

go  yet  further.  A  Quaker's  argument  would  have 
left  him  entirely  indefensible  in  observing  any  out- 
ward form  of  the  ordinance  whatever.  But,  aban- 
doning the  ground  of  scripture,  and  almost  altogether 
neglecting  the  argument  from  the  writings  of  the 
fathers,  he  enlarges  on  the  inconvenience  that  would 
result  from  allowing  the  cup  to  the  laity.  He  main- 
tains, that  caution  requires  to  avoid  the  incongruity 
and  the  great  guilt  that  are  in  danger  of  being  in- 
curred, from  spilling  the  blood  of  Christ  upon  the 
robes  of  the  women,  or  suffering  it  to  wet  the  beards 
of  the  men,  or  fall  to  the  ground.  He  cites  the  de- 
cree of  Pope  Pius,  that  if  a  drop  of  the  consecrated 
wine  should  by  negligence  be  spilt  upon  the  earth, 
or  upon  a  cloak,  the  sin  should  be  expiated  by  forty 
days  of  prayer  and  fasting,  with  abstinence  from  the 
mass  for  the  same  space  of  time.  If  the  drop  has 
fallen  upon  a  stone,  the  stone  is  to  be  rasped,  and  the 
fragments  deposited  with  the  sacred  relics.  If  it  fell 
upon  a  cloak,  the  cloak  was  to  be  burned.  If  upon 
the  sod,  it  was  to  be  licked  up  with  the  tongue,  and 
the  sod  laid  away  in  the  sacred  repository.  From 
all  this  Jacobel's  antagonist  infers,  that  if  a  layman 
should  spill  a  drop  of  the  consecrated  wine  upon  his 
beard  or  garment,  he  ought  with  his  beard  and  gar- 
ment to  be  burned  up  and  thrust  to  the  bottom  of 
hell,  unless  he  should  repent.  The  reason  given 
against  the  administration  of  the  cup  to  the  sick  at 
a  distance  is,  the  danger  of  the  fall  of  man  or  beast. 
If,  then,  the  sick  may  commune  under  one  form  only, 
why  not  all,  he  asks.  The  danger  of  the  wine  turn- 
ing to  vinegar;  the  difficulty  of  many  persons  in 


Ch.  XVIII.]  CHURCH   AUTHORITY.  489 

drinking  or  even  enduring  the  smell  of  wine ;  the 
great  size  of  the  vessels  that  would  be  necessary  if 
all  were  to  commune ;  the  difficulty  of  raising  the 
vessel  in  time  of  war,  when  thousands  were  to  par- 
take,— are  subjects  successively  noticed;  and,  to  con- 
clude all,  it  is  maintained  that  the  flesh  of  Christ 
necessarily  includes  the  blood,  so  that  the  laity  and 
clergy  do  in  reality  receive  the  same,  that  is,  Christ, 
and  one  no  less  or  more  than  the  other. 

The  writer  then  proceeds  to  sustain  his  positions  by 
the  authority  of  the  Roman  church — an  authority 
necessarily  binding  upon  the  consciences  of  all.  He 
cites  the  language  of  St.  Augustine,  "I  would  not 
believe  the  gospel  if  the  authority  of  the  Catholic 
church  did  not  induce  me  thereto,"  and  then  main- 
tains that  as  the  Catholic  and  Roman  church  has 
established  the  form  of  communion,  the  question  is 
thereby  finally  settled. 

In  this  reply  to  Jacobel,  we  find  by  incidental 
allusions  that  he  had  allowed  or  authorized  other 
changes  at  Prague  which  were  regarded  in  the  light 
of  innovations,  and  as  revolutionary  if  not  heretical 
in  their  nature.  He  had  taught  that  the  parishioner 
is  not  bound  to  confess  to  his  parish  priest,  or  receive 
the  communion  at  his  hands  only  ;  but  in  case  he  is 
unworthy  or  vicious,  another  may  be  applied  to. 
He  refused  to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  pope  as 
superior  to  that  of  the  parish  priest  in  the  matter  of 
absolution,  or  even  in  some  other  respects.  Popular 
songs  had  been  introduced,  which  were  sung  in  the 
streets,  the  markets,  and  the  churches, — some  of  them, 
we  are  given  to  understand,  far  from  complimentary 


490  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [Cu.  XVIII. 

to  the  character  of  the  prelates,  and  these  Jacobel 

refused  his  influence  to  suppress.  On  these  accounts 
also,  Lis  antagonist  reproves  him,  closing  his  treatise 

however,  in  language  which  shows  a  high  esteem  for 
Jacobel  as  his  brother,  asking  pardon  for  anything 
improper,  wrong,  or  displeasing  which  lie  may  have 
uttered,  and  expressing  his  willingness  to  be  correct- 
ed in  whatever  fault  he  may  have  fallen. 

This  anonymous  letter  to  Jacobel  was  soon  followed 
by  a  treatise  quite  similar  in  character  from  the  pen 
of  his  townsman,  Andrew  Broda,  residing  at  the 
time  at  Constance.1  The  similarity  is  indeed  so  strik- 
ing that  we  can  have  no  hesitation  in  ascribing  both 
to  the  same  source,  though  the  latter  treatise  is 
more  harsh  and  severe. 

Jacobel  does  not  suffer  Broda's  treatise  to  pass  in 
silence.2  He  commences  his  reply  by  protesting,  as 
he  declares  he  had  formerly  done  in  the  university 
when  the  subject  was  brought  before  it,  that  in  this 
most  important  matter,  as  in  every  other,  he  had  no 
intention  to  say,  write,  or  maintain  anything  pre- 
sumptuously in  opposition  to  the  holy  Catholic  church 
of  Jesus  Christ,  or  against  the  true  Christian  faith 
and  the  perfect  law  of  God ;  and  if  anything  of  this 
sort  should  escape  him,  through  ignorance,  inadver- 
tence, or  the  imperfection  to  which  he  confesses  him- 
self subject,  he  revokes  and  retracts  it,  subjecting 
himself  to  the  correction  of  those  to  whom  it  belongs 
to  restore  the  erring.  He  refers  to  the  numerous 
treatises  in  which  he  had  already  defended  the  use 
of  the  cup,  and  in  which  lie  had  sustained  himself  by 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iii.,  part  xv.  a  lb.  part  xvi. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  BKODA   REFUTED.  491 

the  authority  of  scripture  and  of  holy  men,  and  then 
proceeds  to  refute  the  arguments  of  Broda,  seriatim. 
This  he  does  in  a  manner  most  complete  and  trium- 
phant. He  adverts  to  Brocla's  false  glosses  on  the  au- 
thorities which  he  had  cited,  whether  from  scripture 
or  the  fathers,  exposing  his  gross  perversions  of  their 
original  meaning,  and  detecting  not  only  the  weak- 
ness of  his  opponent's  arguments,  but  the  dishonest 
reasoning  and  sophistry  by  which  the  author  himself 
could  scarcely  have  been  deceived.  Broda  had  ob- 
jected to  Jacobel  that  he  refused  to  receive  the  au- 
thority of  eminent  doctors,  but  the  latter  has  mani- 
festly the  advantage  when  he  exposes  his  opponent 
as  rejecting  the  authority  of  those  whose  words  he 
could  not  pervert.  Broda,  relying  upon  pontifical 
decrees  and  decisions,  had  held  that  the  pope,  with 
cardinals,  prelates,  and  bishops,  could  not  err.  Jaco- 
bel boldly  avowed  an  opposite  belief.  He  trium- 
phantly appealed  to  their  avarice  and  simony,  as  well 
as  other  vices,  which  plainly  showed  that  they  en- 
tered not  by  the  door  into  the  sheepfold.  Such  a 
church  as  the  one  called  the  Roman,  made  up  of  such 
materials,  Jacobel  boldly  asserted,  might  err  in  life 
and  doctrine,  calling  evil  good,  and  light  darkness. 
He  even  cites  papal  authority  from  the  decretals  to 
sustain  him  in  his  position.  Broda  had  demanded  of 
Jacobel  that  he  should  with  him  give  faith  to  the 
legends  of  the  church,  but  Jacobel,  without  absolute- 
ly rejecting  them  as  false,  everywhere  manifests  his 
decided  preference  for  the  authority  of  scripture. 
His  opponent  asks  him  when  the  church  first  began 
to  depart  from  the  purity  of  its  early  practice,  and 


492  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [Cii.  XVIII. 

for  how  long  a  time  the  use  of  the  cup  had  prevailed 
in  the  primitive  church.  "Why,"  answers  Jacobel, 
"  does  the  doctor  put  such  a  question  to  me,  when  by 
reason  of  the  malice  with  which  he  pursues  me  he 
would  not  receive  or  believe  the  truth  if  I  should 
utter  it  ? "  He  then  refers  Broda  to  the  scriptures 
for  an  answer.  "  When  the  abomination  of  desola- 
tion was  first  to  be  seen  in  the  holy  place ;  when 
iniquity  began  to  abound,  and  the  love  of  many  to 
wax  cold  throughout  the  whole  church  ;  when  im- 
pious men,  true  to  their  nature,  began  to  pollute  the 
sanctuary ;  when  fraud  and  forgery  found  their  way 
into  the  church,  then  this  sacrifice  was  taken  away 
from  the  people,  and  the  cup  was  withheld." 

Broda  had  called  him  a  disciple  of  Antichrist, 
because  he  would  not  obey  the  commands  of  those 
who  occupied  Moses1  seat.  Jacobel  replies  that  he 
had  never  refused  to  receive  their  commands  when 
accordant  with  the  gospel,  but  "  to  our  scribes  and 
Pharisees,  commanding  what  is  opposed  to  God's 
law,"  he  had  never  allowed  that  obedience  was  due. 
In  such  a  case  their  excommunication  was  frivolous 
and  vain.  The  seeming  curse,  humbly  endured  by 
the  innocent,  would  be  changed  to  a  blessing.  Here 
he  cites  the  example  of  Chrysostom,  who,  though  ex- 
communicated and  banished,  was  afterwards  recalled, 
against  the  will  of  his  superiors,  and  who,  while  thus 
pretendedly  excommunicated,  did  not  cease  to  preach 
to  the  people.  "  Why  then,"  he  asks,  "  should  not  I 
imitate  these  holy  men  in  preaching  and  ministering 
to  the  people,  notwithstanding  my  pretended  excom- 
munication ? " 


Ch.  xviii.]  jacobel's  aegument.  493 

Broda  had  charged  Jacobel  with  disturbing  the 
peace  of  the  church.  To  this  Jacobel  replies,  that  to 
observe  the  law  of  the  gospel  to  the  saving  of  souls 
and  the  glory  of  God,  is  not  to  sin  against  charity  ; 
while  Christ  himself,  in  saying  "  I  came  not  to  bring 
peace,  but  a  sword,"  showed  that  the  peace  of  wicked 
men  ought  to  be  disturbed.  It  was  better,  he  main- 
tained, that  offences  should  arise  than  that  the  truth 
should  be  betrayed. 

The  silence  of  Broda  on  the  corruptions  of  the 
church,  or  the  gentleness  with  which  he  treats  them, 
is  not  passed  over  by  Jacobel  in  silence.  He  main- 
tains that  his  opponent  is,  on  these  grounds,  in  dan- 
ger of  being  himself  suspected  of  simony.  As  to 
confessing  in  cases  by  law  reserved,  Jacobel  main- 
tains that  this  had  rarely  been  done  ;  but,  in  cases  of 
necessity,  he  could  not  refuse  those  who,  like  some 
of  the  priests  themselves,  had  been  pursued  by 
hatred,  because  they  had  zealously  congregated  to 
hear  the  preaching  of  the  word  of  Grod. 

Throughout  the  whole  argument  of  Jacobel  we 
are  struck  by  the  reverence  with  which  he  bows  to 
the  simple  authority  of  the  scriptures.  He  indeed 
refers  to  the  eminent  names  in  the  history  of  the 
church,  whose  views  upon  the  matter  in  dispute  man- 
ifestly coincided  with  his  own.  But  he  does  not  for- 
get that  even  Peter  and  Paul  were  once  at  variance ; 
and  the  name  of  Thomas  Aquinas  is  no  authority 
with  one  who  openly  points  out  his  gross  departure 
on  other  subjects  from  the  plain  doctrines  of  the 
gospel.  Laudable  practices  there  well  might  be,  in- 
stituted for  the  church,  to  promote  or  facilitate  the 


494  LIFE   AND   TIMES    <>r   JOHN   HUBS.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

observance  of  evangelical  truth;  but  never  could 
these  be  suffered  to  preponderate  over  the  authority 
of  Christ's  express  commandments.  Here  was,  in  re- 
ality, the  turning  point  of  the  whole  controversy. 
Jacobel  had  assumed  the  true  Protestant  ground. 
Broda's  position  was  utterly  indefensible,  unless  the 
authority  of  the  pope  and  of  the  Romish  church  was 
allowed  to  supersede  the  express  commands  of  the 
author  of  Christianity  himself. 

Nor  did  the  evident  aim  of  Broda  to  bring  in  to 
the  aid  of  his  arguments  the  power  of  the  secular  arm 
escape  the  notice  of  Jacobel.  He  showed  that  the 
restraint  which  Broda  spoke  of,  quoting  from  Augus- 
tine, was  but  another  name  for  the  adoption  of  vio- 
lent measures  on  the  part  of  the  civil  power  to  sup- 
press hated  opinions.  Jacobel  commits  his  cause  to 
the  Supreme  Judge,  who  alone  could  not  err,  while 
he  vindicates  the  language  of  St.  Augustine  from  the 
sense  in  which  it  was  employed. 

The  conclusion  of  Jacobel's  defence  displays  a  deep 
consciousness  of  the  rectitude  of  his  purpose,  the  dan- 
ger which  he  incurred,  and  the  unspeakable  impor- 
tance of  that  cause  in  which  the  individual  was  but 
a  humble  instrument  of  the  divine  glory. 

"  I  am  fully  aware,"  he  says,  "  that  by  what  I  have 
done  I  have  laid  myself  open  to  the  malicious  as- 
saults of  many,  who,  stung  by  envy,  will  taunt  where 
they  cannot  argue. 

"  I  know  that  I  am  thrusting  my  hand  into  the 
fires  of  hatreds ;  but  I  here  attest  that,  according  to 
my  ability  in  this  matter  of  faith,  I  preach  and  de- 
fend the  ministrations  of  the  cup  to  the  laity,  and  I 


Ch.  XVIII.]       CONCLUSION"    OF   THE   AKGUMEXT.  495 

exhort  others  to  do  the  same  to  the  end,  that  the 
kingdom  of  lust  and  of  Antichrist  may  to  some  ex- 
tent be  purged,  and  the  spirit  of  fervor  and  devotion, 
so  long  extinct  among  Christian  nations,  may  be  re- 
vived ;  and  that  some  may  be  moved  to  that  holy 
zeal  of  God  for  the  edification  and  restoration  of  the 
house  of  God,  that  will  cry  out,  '  Do  good  in  thy 
good  pleasure,  O  Lord,  to  Zion,  that  the  walls  of  Je- 
rusalem may  be  built ! '  I  beseech  each  reader, 
therefore,  to  prove  these  or  whatsoever  other  of  my 
words,  and  hold  them  each  even  to  the  end ;  and  I 
desire  to  be  corrected  by  any  such,  if  I  have  said 
anything  at  variance  with  the  truth,  or  anything  not 
accordant  with  the  rule  of  charity. 

"  I  therefore  request  all  to  whom  this  present  writ- 
ing shall  come,  piously  and  charitably  to  interpret 
and  accept  it  for  God's  sake.  And  whether  I  have 
lapsed  in  word,  assertion,  opinion,  or  superfluity  of 
words,  or  possibly  in  too  excessive  and  severe  repre- 
hension of  the  doctor,  or  in  any  words  of  a  satirical 
turn  employed  for  rebuke,  so  as  to  excite  passion,  or 
in  my  zeal,  if  perchance  not  according  to  knowledge, 
or  by  unfit  expression  of  truths, — for  all  these,  I  say, 
I  ask  pardon. 

"And  I  subject  myself  to  the  correction  of  him 
who  is  Lord  of  all,  and  of  his  creature  whom  he 
would  have  deputed  for  this  purpose. 

"  But  if  in  these  writings  there  be  that  which  is 
fit  and  useful,  for  this  be  praise  and  glory  to  God 
forever  and  ever.     Amen." 

The  discussion  upon  the  subject  was  kept  up  be- 
tween the  advocates  and  the  opponents  of  the  utraque. 


49G  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

The  adherents  of  IIuss  were  divided  in  opinion.  The 
Bnbject  was  one  which  the  practical  nature  of  his 
mind  had  never  led  him  closely  to  investigate.  The 
more  palpable  and  gross  corruptions  of  the  church, 
which  had  a  more  direct  and  obvious  bearing  upon 
morals  and  religion,  had  absorbed  his  attention. 
But  circumstances  had  now  arisen  in  which  it  was  no 
longer  permitted  him  to  remain  silent.  His  opinion 
was  requested.  What  it  would  be,  could  scarce  have 
been  to  his  friends  a  matter  of  doubt.  The  respect 
of  IIuss  for  the  scriptures,  as  the  sole  and  supreme 
authority  for  the  truth  of  doctrine,  was  not  inferior 
to  that  of  Jacobel.  He,  too,  would  decide  each 
question  by  the  law  of  Christ  as  laid  down  in  the 
written  word.  Throughout  his  trial,  his  appeal  was 
constantly  made  to  its  divine  authority ;  and  all  he 
asked  was  to  be  convicted  of  his  error  from  the 
sacred  page,  or  be  absolved  on  the  ground  of  con- 
formity to  its  doctrines.  The  answer  of  IIuss  to  the 
question  proposed  was  an  approval  of  Jacobel's  doc- 
trine. He  was  not  blind  to  the  danger  which  he  in- 
curred by  expressing  this  approval.  Yet  he  shrunk 
not  from  that  fidelity  to  his  convictions  which  was  so 
eminently  characteristic  of  hi  in.  From  his  prison  at 
Gottlieben  his  voice  was  heard ;  and  those  of  his  ad- 
herents who  had  withheld  their  approval  from  what 
they  regarded  as  an  innovation  of  Jacobel,  no  longer 
withstood  it.  The  doctrine  of  the  use  of  the  cup 
prevailed  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  The  voice 
of  the  university  was  almost  unanimously  in  its  favor. 
The  absence  at  Constance  of  the  most  virulent  oppo- 
nents of  Huss  allowed  it  greater  harmony  and  unan- 


Ca.  XVIII.]        MEMBERS    OF    THE    UNIVERSITY.  497 

iniity  iii  its  decisions.  What  support  and  sympathy 
Jacobel  received  from  this  quarter  may  be  judged 
from  the  manner  in  which  he  speaks  of  it  in  his  de- 
fence. "  The  members  of  our  university,"  said  he, 
"  do  not  strut  about  in  a  remarkable  and  sumptuous 
costume,  in  order  to  set  off  their  dignity  the  more. 
They  are  not  of  the  class  of  whom  our  Lord  speaks, 
as  loving  the  first  places  at  feasts  and  synagogues,  in 
order  to  be  saluted  at  public  places  and  to  hear  them- 
selves called,  Master !  Is  it  not  a  disgrace  to  the 
church,  as  St.  Jerome  says,  to  preach  Jesus  Christ, 
poor,  crucified,  in  want  of  everything,  with  bodies 
loaded  with  fat,  with  well-fed  faces  and  vermilion 
lips  ?  If  we  are  in  the  apostles'  places,  it  is  not 
merely  in  order  to  preach  their  doctrines,  but  to  imi- 
tate their  mode  of  life." 

Intelligence  of  the  state  of  things  at  Prague  had 
reached  Constance,  and  begun  to  excite  alarm.  Broda's 
interposition  had  proved  of  no  avail.  It  had  only 
given  occasion  for  a  triumphant  refutation,  which 
made  the  adherents  of  the  old  doctrine  feel  how 
untenable  was  their  position.  The  teachings  of  Jaco- 
bel, already  possessed  of  a  stronghold  in  the  univer- 
sity,  were  spreading  more  widely  every  day  through- 
out Bohemia.  It  was  at  this  period,  wrhen  the 
approval  of  the  new  doctrine  on  the  part  of  Huss 
was  strongly  suspected  but  could  not  be  proved,  that 
Broda  found  a  powerful  ally  in  a  fellow-countryman 
and  a  former  antagonist  of  Huss.  John  the  Iron,  as 
he  was  not  inappropriately  called,  bishop  of  Leito- 
mischel,  denounced  the  innovation  of  Jacobel  before 
the  council.     Personal  hostility  undoubtedly  embit- 

VOL.  i.  32 


498  i. hi:   and  timks  of  jonx  nuss.     [Cu.  xvm. 

tered  him  against  IIuss  and  JacobeL  His  election 
as  bishop  was  opposed  by  Wenzel  and  a  large  body 
of  the  reformers,  as  well  as  by  Conrad,  archbishop 
of  Prague.  The  council  of  Constance,  however,  de- 
cided in  his  favor;  and  the  energies  of  the  soldier, 
the  general,  and  the  bishop,  all  which  characters  he 
had  sustained,  broke  out  in  virulence  against  the 
Bohemian  reformers.  Although  without  any  author- 
ity as  yet  for  the  assertion,  he  sought  to  implicate 
IIuss  in  the  recent  transactions  at  Prague  by  ascrib- 
ing to  him  the  origin  of  the  innovations.  To  aggra- 
vate the  odium  against  the  reformers,  he  represented 
the  wine  for  the  communion, — 'the  blood  of  Christ,  as 
he  called  it, — as  carried  about  in  flasks  all  over  the 
kingdom,  and  exposed  to  innumerable  hazards. 

The  denunciations  of  the  bishop  could  not  be  passed 
over  in  silence.  They  excited  a  deep  feeling  of  indig- 
nation on  the  part  of  the  Bohemians  in  Constance,  who 
regarded  the  charge  as  utterly  unwarranted,  and  slan- 
derous to  their  nation.  It  did  not  escape  their  notice 
that  its  natural  effect  would  be  to  aggravate  the 
difficulties  of  Huss'  position,  and  excite  a  stronger 
prejudice  against  him  in  the  minds  of  his  judges. 
They  were  aware  of  the  severity  and  hardships  to 
which  he  was  subjected  in  his  prison  at  Gottlieben. 
They  knew  that  the  process  against  him  was  already 
commenced,  and  was  urged  forward  by  the  bitterest 
malice.  It  was  therefore  with  affectionate  solicitude 
for  his  welfare,  as  well  as  indignation  at  his  unjust 
treatment  and  apprehension  excited  by  the  denun- 
ciation of  the  bishop,  that,  in  the  afterpart  of  the 
day,  (May  14,  141"),)  on  which  the  latter  had  made 


Ch.  xviii.]  the  bishop's  defence.  499 

his  charges,  they  insisted  that  Huss  should  at  once 
be  set  free,  or  at  least  that  his  imprisonment  should 
"be  lightened,  and  a  public  audience  be  allowed  him. 
They  also  manifested  their  dissatisfaction  at  the  de- 
famatory reports  to  which  the  bishop  had  given  ut- 
terance to  such  a  degree  that  he  felt  called  upon  to 
make  some  reply. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  the  month,  two  days  later,  the 
opportunity  was  given.  The  bishop  presented  a 
written  answer.  The  substance  of  it  is  the  expres- 
sion of  his  zeal  against  the  followers  of  Wickliffe  and 
Huss.  This,  he  declares,  and  no  wish  to  defame  the 
Bohemian  nation,  is  the  motive  by  which  he  is  im- 
pelled. Of  the  abuses  which  he  declares  had  pre- 
vailed in  connection  with  the  communion  of  the  cup, 
all  is  narrowed  down  to  one  or  two  specifications, 
and  these  narrated  to  him  on  the  authority  of  others, 
in  all  probability  with  gross  exaggerations.  At  the 
worst,  they  could  fairly  be  regarded  only  as  excep- 
tional cases,  noticeable  for  their  very  singularity. 
But  besides  the  reply  of  the  bishop,  an  apology  for 
the  council,  drawn  up  by  its  order,  was  also  read. 
To  its  false  statements,  as  well  as  the  misrepresenta- 
tions of  the  bishop,  the  Bohemians  felt  constrained 
to  reply.  The  apology  denied  that  Huss  had  re- 
ceived his  safe-conduct  until  fifteen  days  after  reach- 
ing Constance,  and  expressed  astonishment  that  the 
Bohemians  should  speak  of  Huss  as  innocent  when 
he  had  already  been  condemned  and  excommuni- 
cated by  the  pope  on  the  ground  of  contumacy,  be- 
cause, his  life  endangered,  Huss  chose  to  appear  at 
Rome  only  by  his  procurators  !     For  this  cause,  and 


500  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [''"•  XVIII. 

for  venturing  to  'harangue'  after  his  arrival  at  Con- 
stance,  he  was  to  be  considered  an  arch-heretic,  in 
utter  violation  of  the  principle  thai  a  man  is  to  be  ac- 
counted innocent  until  tried  and  found  guilty.     The 
Bohemians  asked  a  delay  of  two  days  to  prepare 
their  answer.     The  request    was  -ranted,  although 
the    council  refused  to   set   Huss  at  liberty.      This 
confirmed    their   apprehensions  in   his   behalf,    and 
the  question  in  regard  to  the  cup  at  once  subsided, 
in  their  view,  into    one    of  secondary  importance. 
They  were  wise  enough,  moreover,  not  to  wish  to 
entangle  the  main  subject  in  new  difficulties,  and 
their  reply  turns,  therefore,  chiefly  upon  this  alone. 
They  declare  first,  in  regard  to  the  assertion  that 
they  had    been    ill-informed    as  to  several    matters 
which  had   been  made  grounds  of  complaint,  that 
they  wish  to  make  a  more  full  and  clear  statement 
of  the  case ;  not  to  retort  the  charge  upon  the  mem- 
bers of  the  council,  but  to  enable  them  to  discern 
and  judge  the  real  state  of  things.1     The  Bohemians 
first  propose  to  correct  the  error  of  the  council  in 
saying  that  they  had  been  ill-informed  in  regard  to 
the  safe-conduct,  and  that  it  had  been  secured  for 
Hu>s  by  his  friends  and  partisans  fifteen  days  after 
his  arrival   in  Constance.     To   this  the   Bohemian 
nobles  answer — especially  John    de    Chlum,   whom 
this  point  principally  concerned — that  on  the  very 
day  of  Huss'  arrest,  the  pope  had  asked,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  great  number  of  his   cardinals,  whether 
IIu<s  was    provided    with   a   safe-conduct  from  the 
emperor.      To  this  Chlum  had  replied,  "  Most  holy 

1  Von  dor  llaiilt,  iv.  '20S.     Et  seq. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  EEPLY    OF   THE    BOHEMIANS.  501 

father,  know  that  he  has  one."  And  when  the  ques- 
tion was  repeated,  the  same  answer  was  given.  No 
one,  however,  asked  to  have  the  safe-conduct  exhib- 
ited. On  each  of  the  two  following  clays,  Chluni 
had  complained  to  the  pope  that  Huss  was  detained 
in  violation  of  the  safe-conduct,  at  the  same  time 
exhibiting  it  to  the  view  of  many  persons.  And,  in 
confirmation  of  his  statement,  he  refers  to  the  testi- 
mony of  many  lords,  bishops,  soldiers,  officials,  and 
eminent  persons  of  the  city  of  Constance,  who  them- 
selves, on  that  occasion,  saw  the  document  and  heard 
it  read.  John  de  Chluni,  therefore,  was  prepared, 
under  any  penalty  whatsoever,  and  against  all  denial 
from  any  source,  to  prove  and  manifest,  in  the  clear- 
est manner,  the  truth  of  his  assertions.  The  Bohe- 
mian nobles,  moreover,  refer,  in  confirmation  of  their 
statement,  to  the  many  princes  and  nobles  attendant 
upon  Sigismund's  court,  who  were  present  when  and 
where  the  safe-conduct  was  given  by  the  royal  man- 
date. Hence  the  fathers  of  the  council  might  per- 
ceive that  not  the  Bohemian  nobles  had  been  ill-in- 
formed, but  rather  those  persons  who  had  carried  to 
the  fathers  such  false  reports,  and  who  really  do  in- 
justice to  Sigismund  and  his  chancellors  as  well  as 
the  Bohemian  nobility,  as  if  the  safe-conduct  had 
been  surreptitiously  obtained.  They  therefore  urge 
that  the  fathers  of  the  council  would  no  more  give 
ear  to  such  unfounded  reports,  undeserving  of  credit, 
but  hear  both  sides,  and  let  the  truth  be  manifest. 

They  then  proceed  to  consider  the  assertion  that 
Huss  was  already  condemned.  The  mockery  of  all 
the  forms  of  justice,  by  which  the  court  appointed  for 


502  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF    JOHN'    HISS.      [Cu.  XVIIj. 

his  trial  had  proceeded  to  sentence  him  unheard,  is 
exposed  to  a  just  reprehension.  The  facts  of  the  case 
are  simply  and  clearly  stated.  As  to  the  citation, 
the  Bohemian  nobles  profess  to  know  nothing  except 
by  common  fame.  But  as  to  his  non-appearance  per- 
sonally, they  declare  that  it  was  solely  owing  to  the 
danger  which  he  thereby  incurred.  His  procurators, 
who  had  appeared  for  him  at  Home,  had  been  shame- 
fully treated.  As  to  his  excommunication,  they 
knew  from  his  own  lips  that  he  did  not  meet  it  in  a 
spirit  of  contumacy,  but  endured  it  under  appeal. 
The  evidence  in  regard  to  this,  which  they  are  pre- 
pared to  exhibit,  is  perfectly  conclusive.  As  to  Hus3 
having  preached  in  Constance  after  his  arrival  in  the 
city,  as  his  enemies  had  reported  of  him,  the  Bohe- 
mians answer — and  especially  John  de  Chlum,  here 
present  with  Huss,  and  who  resided  with  him  from 
the  time  of  his  first  arrival  in  Constance 1 — that  he 
never  had  preached,  or,  from  the  time  of  his  arrival 
up  to  the  day  of  his  imprisonment,  had  even  set  foot 
beyond  his  own  lodgings.8 

The  fathers  of  the  council  had  professed  not  to 
understand  what  the  Bohemians  meant  by  the  tolera- 
tion and  courtesy  shown  to  heretics  condemned  by 


1  I  cannot  reconcile  this  -with  the  council.  The  natural  inference  -would 
statement  in  one  of  Huss'  letters,  un-  be  that  Huss  did  not  receive  a  safe- 
less  Lepka  and  Chlum  are  the  same,  conduct  till  after  lie  reached  Con- 
See  page  335.  stance.     But,  in  a  subsequent  letter, 

a  Von  der  Hardt.    Hues  says,  (Epis.  evidently  referring  to  the  perverted 

v.,)  in  his  letter  to  Prague,  written  ose  which  had  been  made  of  this,  he 

shortly  after    reaching  Constance —  says,  that  the  expression  was  designed 

"  Veniinus  sine  salvo  condtictu."  This  merely  with  reference  t<>  a  safe-eon- 

letter,  we  have  Btrong  reason  to  be-  dud  <>f  the  pope.    This  probably  af- 

lieve,  fell  into  the   hands  of  Causis,  fords  the  correct  explanation  of  tho 

and    was   by   him    exhibited   to   the  matter. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  EEPLY    OF   THE   BOHEMIANS.  503 

the  Pisan  council.  They  were  in  doubt  whether 
reference  was  had  to  the  contending  or  schismatic 
popes,  or  to  others,  but  asserted  that  even  heretics, 
coming  to  the  council  on  the  business  of  union,  were 
to  be  tolerated  and  respected.  The  Bohemians  re- 
ply, that  whichever  was  meant,  all  they  ask  is  that 
Master  John  Huss  may  enjoy  the  same  freedom 
which  they  enjoyed.  Coming  to  the  council  as  he 
did,  of  his  own  accord,  and  no  way  compelled,  only 
to  declare  his  faith,  and  in  whatsoever  respect  he 
might  be  shown  to  have  strayed  from  the  word  of 
God  and  the  unity  of  the  church,  to  be  reconciled 
and  restored ;  and  that  this  was  not  only  his  motive, 
but  that  of  his  favorers  and  adherents,  who  composed, 
in  fact,  a  majority  of  the  Bohemian  nation.1  He  had 
desired  also  to  purge  the  realm  from  the  infamy  at- 
tached to  it  by  false  reports. 

The  Bohemians  close  their  reply  by  thanks  to  the 
council  for  their  favorable  answer  to  their  principal 
request,  that  the  matters  concerning  Huss  should  be 
expedited — a  request  in  which  the  whole  kingdom 
of  Bohemia  is  united  with  them. 

But  the  papal  question  was  one  which  seemed  to 
the  council  most  important  at  the  present  juncture, 
and  it  was  to  this  that  their  attention  was  now  di- 
rected. 

1  Sympathy  for  Huss  was  by  no  strongly  attached  to  him,  and  were 

means  confined  to  Bohemia.     The  disposed   to   intercede    in    his    be- 

margrave  of  Moravia  for   several  half.    Palacky,  in.  i.  341.    Even  in 

years  before  his  death  (1411)  had  France,  the  inquisitors  complained 

been   his   warm  friend.     So  were  of  secret  partisans  of  Huss,  and  the 

many  of  the  Moravian  nobility.  He  circulation  of  errors  derived  from 

had,  especially  at  the  court  of  the  Bohemia, 
king  of  Poland,   those   who  were 


CHAPTER    XIX. 


THE  POPE  DEPOSED. 

TnE  Deposition  of  John  XXIII.  a  Necessity. —  TnE  Emperor's  Resolve. — The 
Contumacy  op  the  Pope  Declared.  —  Exception  of  Cardinal  St.  Mark.— 
Sitting  of  the  Commission  for  Procuring  Testimony.  —  The  Witnesses.  — 
List  of  Accusations.  —  Suppressed  Articles.  —  The  Fifty-four  Others. — 
The  Eleventh  Session.  —  Report  Approved. —  The  Result  Communicated  to 
the  Pope.  —  His  Reception  of  it.  —  Ihs  Reply.  —  Information  Sent  to  Him 
of  his  Proposed  Deposition.  —  His  Affected  Submission. — nis  Letter  to 
the  Emperor.  —  Inconsistency  of  the  Pope.  —  Frederic  Gives  the  Pope 
up. — He  is  Left  Guarded  at  Ratolfcell.  —  Abjectness  of  John  XXIII. 
in  Prison.  —  Eleventh  Session.  —  Report  from  the  Pope  to  TnE  Council. — . 
The  Sentence  of  Deposition  Read.  —  Unanimously  Assented  to.  —  TnE  Car- 
dinal of  Florence  Put  Down.  —  The  Sentence  Carried  into  Execution. — 
Precautions  in  Regard  to  a  New  Election. — The  Pope  Informed  of  his 
Deposition  by  the  Council. 


May   19,  1415-May  31,  1415. 

The  judicial  deposition  of  a  pope  by  the  assembled 
representatives  of  Christendom  stands  upon  the  page 
of  history  as  a  recorded  fact.  Yet  a  large  number 
of  those  assembled  at  Constance  had  regarded  the 
proposal  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  John  XXIII.  as 
something  sacrilegious.  To  them  he  was  the  Lord's 
anointed,  and  the  theory  of  papal  infallibility  was 
exalted  by  them  into  a  doctrine  of  faith.  But  the 
force  of  circumstances  was  too  strong  for  any  theory 
which  would  absolutely  block  the  progress  of  the 
council.  The  interests  of  Christendom,  or  at  least 
of  the  bishops  and  prelates,  absolutely  required  that 


Ch.  XIX.]         TESTIMONY   AGAINST   JOHN   XXIII.  505 

the  scandal  of  schism  should  no  longer  be  endured. 
It  was  a  nuisance  to  be  abated.  It  was  a  standing 
text  for  heresy.  It  was  a  grievance  to  the  nations ; 
and,  what  was  more  perhaps  in  the  eyes  of  the  em- 
peror, so  long  as  it  continued,  Europe  had  reason  to 
tremble  for  fear  of  Moslem  invasion. 

It  was  on  the  sixteenth  of  May,  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  that  the  commission  for  procuring  tes- 
timony against  the  pontiff,  in  order  to  his  deposition, 
held  their  first  session.  They  met  in  the  episcopal 
palace,  attended  by  the  proper  officers  of  their  court. 
Nearly  forty  witnesses  were  summoned  before  them, 
and  sworn  to  give  true  evidence.1  John  XXIII.  was, 
moreover,  cited  to  see  and  hear  the  testimony  which 
should  convict  him  of  the  crimes  with  which  he 
stood  charged.  These  crimes  were  recited  in  lan- 
guage shockingly  plain.  His  profligate  course  in  the 
alienation  and  plunder  of  ecclesiastical  property,  and 
his  scandalous  life  and  morals,  stained  with  simony 
and  almost  every  vice,  were  to  be  the  subject  of  in- 
vestigation. And  yet  even  this  statement  of  his 
crimes  was  too  lenient.  Truth,  however,  would  not 
consent  to  anything  less,  and  decency  could  tolerate 
no  more. 

But  John  XXIII.  had  no  disposition  to  hear  01 
see  the  testimony  to  be  produced  against  him.  The 
commission  for  examining  witnesses  therefore  pro- 
ceeded in  his  absence.  The  testimony  of  thirty- 
seven  persons  was  taken,  some  of  them  holding  dis- 
tinguished places  in  the  church,  and'  all  of  them  men 
of  note.     Ten  of  the  number   were  bishops.     One 

1  Only  ten  made  their  appearance  at  first. 


506  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [<  11.  XIX 

was  the  grand  master  of  Rhodes,  and  several  were 
officers  of  the  apostolic  chamber,  and  even  secretaries 
of  John  XXIII. 

The  list  of  accusations  was  composed  of  sixty-six1 
articles,  all  attested  and  proved.  The  conclusion  of 
all  was,  that  John  XXIII.  was  stiflnecked,  stubborn, 
a  hardened  and  incorrigible  sinner,  and  a  favorer  of 
schism,  and  as  such,  as  well  as  on  other  accounts,  was 
entirely  unworthy  to  hold  the  office  of  the  pontifi- 
cate. The  Vienna  manuscript  list  of  the  articles 
closes  with  the  just  reflection,  "  What  judgment  must 
be  formed  of  the  cardinals  who  elected  John  XXIIL, 
acquainted  as  they  were  with  his  simony  and  his  in- 
famy in  other  respects !  After  having  sworn  to  elect 
the  best  man  among  them,  what  must  they  them- 
selves have  been,  if  they  have  judged  that  among 
them  all  there  was  none  better  than  he  who  has 
been  proved  by  so  many  witnesses  to  have  been  si- 
moniacal,  a  traitor,  a  homicide,  guilty  of  rape,  arson, 
and  incest,  the  debaucher  of  members  of  religious 
orders,  and  a  man  guilty  of  a  sin  more  grievous  still 
than  these !"  Who  can  deny  the  justness  of  the  in- 
ference? What  invectives  of  Huss  could  be  so  se- 
vere as  a  simple  statement  of  the  facts  attested  before 
the  commission  ? 

In  fact,  several  of  the  articles  in  the  list  of  im- 
peachment were  suppressed  by  the  council.  At  least 
fourteen  of  the  most  odious  and  scandalous  charges 
which  had  been  reported  as  proved,  in  the  assembly 
held  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  May,  were  not  produced 
in  the  public  session  subsequent.     These  suppressed 

1  Von  der  Uardt  gives  seventy.     Some  are  mere  repetitions. 


Ch.  XIX.]  THE   SUPPRESSED    ARTICLES.  507 

articles  were  mostly  specifications  of  fact,  in  regard 
to  which  witnesses  could  not  be  mistaken.  They 
recited  the  reckless,  undutiful,  lying,  and  licentious 
conduct  of  this  pontiff's  youth,  precocious  in  almost 
every  kind  of  depravity ;  his  course  as  the  principal 
minister  and  agent  of  simony  for  Boniface  IX.,  by 
means  of  which  he  amassed  the  immense  wealth  that 
secured  him  a  cardinalate ;  his  proceedings  as  legate 
of  Bologna,  in  subjecting  that  city  and  church  to 
tyrannical  extortions  and  violence,  as  well  as  unheard- 
of  cruelties,  massacring,  torturing,  and  driving  into 
exile  many  of  its  citizens ;  his  actual  sale  of  several 
parochial  churches  and  many  ecclesiastical  benefices 
to  lay  persons,  who  took  possession  of  them,  and 
placed  priests  over  them  according  to  their  own 
caprice ;  his  conferring  an  important  office  upon  a 
bastard  son  of  the  king  of  Cyprus,  aged  only  five 
years,  revoking  the  grant  only  on  condition  that  the 
king  should  be  reimbursed  the  amount  of  the  pur- 
chase-money he  had  paid,  that  he  should  himself  re- 
ceive six  thousand  florins,  and  the  son  of  the  king  an 
annual  pension  of  two  thousand,  besides  an  office 
that  brought  in  a  revenue  of  ten  thousand  more ; 
his  poisoning  his  predecessor,  Alexander  V.,  as  well 
as  his  physician,  in  order  to  open  the  way  to  his  own 
election  as  pontiff;  his  acts  of  fornication,  adultery, 
incest,  and  sins  of  the  most  abominable  impurity, 
that  cried  to  heaven  for  vengeance;  his  sale  of 
unlawful  dispensations  for  enormous  sums ;  his  bar- 
gaining away,  alienating,  and  spending  the  revenues 
and  tribute  due  to  the  Roman  church  ;  his  sale  of 
the  sacred  relics  of  John  the  Baptist,  in  the  convent 


508  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.         [Cn.  XIX. 

of  St.  Sylvester,  for  fifteen  thousand  ducats,  and 
which  he  would  have  given  up  if  he  had  not  been 
miraculously  detected,  while  those  who  complained 
of  the  proceeding  had  been  banished  or  imprisoned; 
and  his  maintaining  Btnbbornly,  before  reputable 
persons,  that  there  was  no  future  life  or  resurrection, 
and  that  the  souls  of  men  perish  with  their  bodies, 
like  brutes. 

Such  were,  in  substance — as  decently  expressed  as 
possible — some  of  the  suppressed  articles.  Of  those 
not  suppressed,  and  which  were  made  the  ground  of 
his  deposition,  there  were,  in  all,  fifty-four ;  but  of 
these  it  must  suffice  to  give  a  few  as  specimens.  In 
these  his  course  is  recited  mainly  from  his  elevation 
to  the  pontificate.  It  was  maintained1  that  "he  is 
universally  regarded  as  an  oppressor  of  the  poor,  a 
perverter  of  justice,  the  supporter  of  iniquity,  the 
defender  of  simonists,  the  bond  of  vice,  the  enemy 
of  all  virtue,  the  mirror  of  infamy  as  well  as  a  slave 
of  lasciviousness ;  that  he  pays  no  heed  to  the  public 
consistories,  is  always  plunged  in  sleep  or  in  his  pleas- 
ures, and  that  all  who  know  him  speak  of  him  as  a 
'devil  incarnate;'  that  from  the  date  of  his  pontifi- 
cate he  has  been  guilty  of  the  most  scandalous  and 
reckless  simony,2  disposing  at  his  caprice  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  church,  selling  the  same  benefice  to  seve- 
ral persons  at  once,  and  forbidding  the  courts  to  hear 
parties  complaining,  or  to  render  them  justice  ;  that 

1  Von  dor  IIar.lt,  It.  197. 
*  Sir  Robert  Wnlpole  might  have     truiler,  who  broke  in   the   pontifical 
taken  lessons  of  bribery  from  John     gate  with  a  golden   axe.  ami    closed 
XXIII.     Venal  himself,  he  thought    the    jaws    of  the    Cerberases    who 

every  man  hid  his  price.      Nieiii  says     guarded    the     threshold,    by    easting 

of  lii in .  (Cormenic  UN.  of  the  Popes,    t"  them  the  remains  "t'  bis  festivals, 

ii.  100,)  "The   holy  father  \Vas  an  in-      to  prevent  their  barking  at  hhu." 


Ch.  XIX.]  CHARGES    AGAINST   THE   POPE.  509 

he  had  spurned  the  fraternal  exhortations  of  the  car- 
dinals, and  the  remonstrances  of  others,  urging  him 
to  desist  from  his  course  ;  that  he  had  sent  a  layman, 
a  merchant  of  Florence,  into  the  dioceses  of  Cam- 
bray,  Tournay,  Liege,  and  Utrecht,  empowered  to 
collect  tithes,  and  excommunicate  such  as  refused  to 
obey  him,  thus  amassing  prodigious  sums  of  money ; 
that  after  having  exhausted  the  revenue  of  the  patri- 
mony of  St.  Peter,  he  had  invented  new  imposts,  or 
increased  those  already  established,  in  a  most  oppres- 
sive manner,  and  had  finally  given  up  the  capital,  in 
spite  of  his  own  promise,  to  plunder  and  pillage,  fill- 
ing city  and  country  with  robbery,  murder,  and 
sacrilege,  leaving  the  women  exposed  to  a  brutal 
soldiery,  and  many  persons  of  the  court  to  assassina- 
tion, plunder,  the  gallies,  or  perpetual  imprisonment ; 
that  his  criminal  and  hateful  life  had  provoked  uni- 
versal complaint,  yet  when  the  emperor  Sigismund 
had  remonstrated  with  him  and  secured  the  promise 
of  reform,  he  had  violated  that  promise,  falling  back 
into  all  his  former  excesses.  The  list  of  charges  then 
recites  the  duplicity  and  falsehood  of  which  he  had 
been  guilty  after  his  arrival  at  Constance,  and  the 
utter  disregard  which  he  had  shown  to  his  own  en- 
gagements. On  such  grounds  as  these,  evidently  suf- 
ficient without  including  the  suppressed  articles,  the 
council  resolved  to  proceed  with  the  steps  necessary 
to  the  final  sentence — the  solemn  deposition  of  John 
XXIII. 

The  eleventh  session  was  opened  in  solemn  form 
on  the  twenty-fifth  of  May.  The  Cardinal  de  Vivieres 
presided ;  and  the  emperor,  w'ith  all  the  cardinals 


510  LIFE   AND   TEVIES    OF  JOHN   IICSS.         [Oh.  XIX. 

then  in  the  city,  the  princes,  envoys,  and  ambassadors, 
was  present.  The  commission  for  hearing  witnesses 
on  the  subjects  of  accusation  against  the  pontiff  were 
called  upon  for  their  report.  It  was  read  seriatim, 
each  charge  accompanied  by  a  mention  of  the  num- 
ber and  quality  of  the  witnesses  by  whom  it  was 
proved.  The  report  was  approved  by  the  council, 
and  five  cardinals  were  named  to  notify  the  pope 
of  what  had  been  done  by  the  council  in  its  present 
session. 

The  cardinals  departed  at  once  for  Eatolfcell, 
where  the  pope  was  residing.  As  he  had  already 
been  suspended,  and  had  laid  aside  the  insignia  of 
his  dignity,  their  greeting  was  not  as  usual  with  the 
kissing  of  his  feet,  but  only  of  his  mouth  and  hands. 
Some  authorities  intimate  that,  but  for  the  presence 
of  other  members  of  the  council,  the  cardinals  would 
have  rendered  him  the  usual  homage.  He  received 
the  proceedings  of  the  council  with  every  mark  of 
profound  submission.  He  saw  himself  in  their  hands, 
and  knew  all  further  resistance  was  hopeless  and 
could  but  aggravate  the  conditions  of  his  treatment. 
Undoubtedly  he  hoped,  by  an  assumed  contrition  and 
acquiescence,  to  soften  the  resentments  which  his 
conduct  had  excited.  To  the  communication  of  the 
cardinals  he  did  not  trust  himself — whether  from 
fear  or  prudence  or  exhaustion — to  reply  orally.  He 
sent  in  to  them  a  document  drawn  up  by  his  own 
hand,  and  which  the  cardinals  bore  back  with  them 
to  the  council.  In  this  reply  he  assumes  the  most 
penitent  and  submissive  airs,  showing  himself  still, 
in  this  most  desperate  condition  of  his  affairs,  the 


CH.XIX.]  A   NEW    COMMISSION   APPOINTED.  511 

consummate  actor  that  lie  was.  He  declares  'his 
purpose  to  submit  himself  absolutely  to  the  orders 
and  decisions  of  the  council ;'  expresses  his  readiness 
to  cede  his  office,  whether  at  Constance  or  any  other 
place  which  the  fathers  shall  be  pleased  to  appoint ; 
far  from  opposing  the  sentence  which  the  council 
should  pronounce  against  him,  promises  that  he  will 
ratify  it  by  all  means  in  his  power,  and  in  whatever 
form  should  be  prescribed ;  but  yet  prays  the  coun- 
cil, '  by  the  bowels  of  divine  mercy,  to  spare  his  honor, 
his  person  and  estates,  as  far  as  may  be,  without  preju- 
dice to  the  union  of  the  church.' 

It  was  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  May  that  the  cardi- 
nals, who  had  returned  from  Ratolfcell,  reported  to 
the  council  the  success  of  their  mission,  and  the  fa- 
vorable answer  of  the  pontiff.  A  new  commission 
was  then  appointed,  consisting  of  two  bishops  and 
two  abbots  accompanied  by  notaries,  to  lay  before 
him  the  articles  and  grounds  of  his  deposition,  in 
order  that  he  might  reply  to  them  if  he  saw  fit. 
They  were  also  to  inform  him  that  the  sentence  of 
his  deposition  would  be  read  on  the  day  following, 
which  he  might  be  privileged  to  hear  if  he  chose. 
But  John  XXIII.  had  heard  enough  already.  Man- 
ifesting toward  the  commission  the  same  spirit  of 
resignation  as  upon  a  former  occasion,  he  declined 
even  the  reading  of  the  articles  of  accusation  which 
had  been  presented  for  reply,  declaring  that  he  did 
not  need  to  see  them,  inasmuch  as  he  held  the  coun- 
cil to  be  infallible,  and  would  not  recede  from  the 
act  of  submission  which  he  had  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  cardinals.     He  only  begged  them  to  spare  his 


512  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUS3.         [Ca  XIX. 

honor  and  his  fortune,  and  present  the  emperor  with 
a  letter  Avhich  he  had  written  him  containing  the 
same  request. 

This  letter  is  valuable  as  another  illustration  of  the 
character  of  its  author.  He  wears  the  mask  to  the 
last,  with  the  same  easy  and  well  assumed  impudence. 
He  calls  the  emperor,  in  his  address,  his  dear  son, 
assuming  still  the  authority  of  pope.  After  pass- 
ing an  eulogy  upon  his  prudence  and  other  virtues, 
especially  the  clemency  and  generosity  with  which 
he  had  pardoned  the  most  grievous  offences,  he  re- 
minds him  of  their  former  friendship,  and  urges  the 
claims  upon  the  emperor  which  his  devoted  service 
and  fidelity  had  imposed. 

But  Sigismund  was  not  the  dupe  of  this  artful  and 
tardy  humiliation.  It  was  the  result  of  the  extreme 
measures  which  had  overtaken  its  author,  and  had 
been  preceded  by  a  course  of  conduct  on  his  part 
which  exposed  it  only  to  contempt.  He  had  spread 
his  accusations  of  the  bad  faith  of  the  emperor  all 
over  Europe.  He  had  employed  all  his  resources  to 
defeat  the  cherished  purpose  of  Sigismund  in  giving 
peace  to  the  church.  Yet,  with  a  kind  of  scrupulous 
honesty,  the  council  resolved  to  pay  him  back  a  fair 
price  for  his  submission.  He  was  informed  that,  in 
consideration  of  it,  the  sentence  of  his  deposition, 
which  was  to  have  taken  place  on  the  twenty-seventh 
of  May,  would  be  deferred  until  the  twenty-ninth, 
and  that  its  severity  would  be  somewhat  relaxed. 
John  XXIII.  received  the  announcement  with  the 
best  possible  grace,  but  his  condition  now  was  any- 
thing but  enviable.    He  was  a  prisoner  at  Ratolfcell, 


Ch.  xix.]  john  xxni.  IX  PEISOX.  513 

under  the  charge  of  four  guards  appointed  by  the 
council,  each  of  these  a  member  of  it  and  represent- 
ing one  of  the  four  nations.  Frederic,  the  duke  of 
Austria,  had  been  forced,  as  the  price  of  his  restor- 
ation to  favor,  to  take  the  pontiff  into  custody  and 
deliver  him  over  to  the  council.  Accompanied  by 
members  whose  fidelity  could  be  relied  upon,  and 
who  were  to  see  that  the  task  was  faithfully  executed, 
he  had  arrested  the  pontiff,  and  brought  him  as  far 
as  Ratolfcell.  Unwilling  himself  probably  to  appear 
in  Constance  with  his  prisoner,  he  sent  word  to  the 
council  that  John  XXIII.  refused  to  proceed  further, 
and  would  only  submit  to  the  necessity  of  force. 
The  council,  therefore,  averse  to  harsh  measures 
which  might  possibly  react  against  themselves,  per- 
mitted him  to  remain  at  Ratolfcell.  It  was  here 
that  the  deputations  of  the  council  had  met  him,  and 
it  was  from  this  place,  under  the  custody  of  his  guards, 
that  his  letters  of  submission  were  dated.  Their  true 
value  was  probably  accurately  appreciated  by  the 
council,  when,  in  consideration  of  them,  they  defer- 
red for  two  days  the  sentence  of  his  deposition. 

In  his  imprisonment,  John  XXIII.  seems  to  have 
sunk  into  almost  abject  despair.  Those  were  gloomy 
days  to  him  in  which  he  awaited  the  pronouncing 
of  his  sentence.  He  was  carefully  guarded  by  day 
and  by  night.1  His  old  servants,  with  the  exception 
of  his  cook,  were  all  removed,  and  new  ones  ap- 
pointed. Eight  members  of  the  council,  two  from 
each  nation,  were  appointed,  by  their  presence  and 
society,  to  relieve  the  tedium  and  solitude  of  his  inx 

1  Niem,  Lib.  ii.,  c.  xx.    See  Von  der  Hardt. 
VOL.  I.  33 


514  I.I  IE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX. 

prison n lent,  a  lmmane  regard  which  was  not  shown 
in  the  case  of  Huss;  yet  the  trembling  pontiff  could 
have  scarcely  appreciated  such  consideration,  as  he 
gave  up  into  their  hands  "the  ring  of  the  fisherman" 
and  the  insignia  of  his  office. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  May  the  twelfth  session  of 
the  council  was  held.  The  emperor,  with  all  the 
cardinals,  princes,  and  ambassadors,  was  present. 
The  passage  of  scripture  read  was  one  appropriately 
significant :  "  Now  is  the  judgment  of  this  world,  and 
the  prince  of  this  world  is  cast  out."  After  the  usual 
preparatory  ceremonies,  the  late  deputies  to  the  pope 
made  their  report.  They  stated  that  the  articles  of 
his  indictment  had  been  presented  to  him,  and  he 
had  been  informed  that  if  he  had  any  opposition  to 
offer  he  might  be  at  liberty  to  do  so;  to  which  he 
made  reply,  that  he  had  done  much  for  the  union 
and  welfare  of  the  church,  even  offering  to  cede  his 
office.  He  readily  acknowledged  that  he  had  basely 
abandoned  the  council,  and  now  he  would  rather — 
saving  the  welfare  of  his  soul — have  died  on  the  very 
day  of  his  flight,  than  have  done  a  thing  so  repre- 
hensible. Against  the  sentence  of  the  council  he 
had  nothing  to  offer  in  his  own  defence ;  but,  accord- 
ing to  the  tenor  of  a  writing  which  he  had  drawn 
up,  and  now  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  cardinals 
deputed  to  visit  him,  desired  and  promised,  standing 
in  their  presence,  to  conform  himself  to  every  ordi- 
nance, deliberation,  and  decision  of  the  said  holy 
council,  ratifying  every  process  issued  by  it  against 
himself,  and  asserting  that  to  the  articles  against 
him  he  had  no  other  answer  to  make.     The  council 


Ch.  XIX.]  SENTENCE    OF   DEPOSITION.  515 

he  declared  to  be  most  holy,  infallible,  and  a  contin- 
uation of  the  Pisan,  promising  that  neither  at  Bo- 
logna, nor  at  any  other  place  where  he  might  be 
present  in  person,  would  he  speak  a  word  against  it. 
Let  the  sentence,  he  said,  when  pronounced,  be  pre- 
sented to  him,  and  he  would  receive  it  with  head 
bared,  and  with  all  respect,  and  would,  as  far  as  lay 
in  his  power,  ratify,  confirm,  approve,  and  acknowl- 
edge it.  In  fact,  all  that  had  been  done  by  the 
council  against  him  he  did  at  once  and  from  that 
moment  ratify,  approve,  and  confirm,  promising  never 
at  any  period  to  oppose  it. 

After  this  report  was  given  in,  Martin  Porree, 
bishop  of  Arras,  arose  and  read  the  sentence  of  de- 
position. Three  bishops  and  the  patriarch  of  Anti- 
och  ascended  the  platform  with  him,  and  took  their 
places  by  his  side.  The  sentence  of  a  deposed  pope 
deserves  to  be  given  entire.  It  was  as  follows : 1  "In 
the  name  of  the  holy  and  indivisible  Trinity,  the 
Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  Amen. — The 
most  holy  general  council  of  Constance,  in  the  Holy 
Spirit  lawfully  convened,  invoking  the  name  of  Christ, 
and  having  the  fear  of  God  only  before  their  eyes, 
having  examined  the  articles  drawn  up  and  presented 
in  this  case  against  the  lord  pope,  John  XXIIL,  to- 
gether with  the  evidence  sustaining  them,  his  volun- 
tary submission,  with  the  entire  process  of  this  cause, 
doth,  after  mature  deliberation  upon  the  same,  pro- 
nounce, decree,  and  declare,  by  this  definitive  sen- 
tence, produced  in  writing,  that  the  clandestine  with- 
drawal of  the  aforesaid  lord  pope,  John  XXIIL,  from 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  281. 


51G  fill:    AMI    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XLV 

Constance,  and  from  this  sacred  council, — hia  depart- 
ing by  night,  at  a  suspicious  hour,  in  an  unbecoming 
and  disguised  garb, — was  unlawful,  and  to  the  church 
of  God  and  to  the  said  council  notoriously  scanda- 
lous, tending  to  disturb  and  obstruct  the  peace  and 
union  of  the  church  itself,  an  encouragement  to  its 
protracted  schism,  inconsistent  with  the  vow,  promise, 
and  oath  given  by  Pope  John  to  God,  the  church,  and 
this  holy  council ;  that  Pope  John  himself  is  a  noto- 
rious simonist,  squandering  the  goods  and  disregard- 
ing the  rights,  not  only  of  the  Roman,  but  of  other 
churches — a  perverse  administrator  of  the  spirituali- 
ties as  well  as  temporalities  of  the  church — by  his 
shameful  life  and  detestable  conduct,  grossly  scandal- 
izing Christian  people,  both  before  and  since  his  ac- 
cession to  the  papacy,  even  down  to  the  present  time ; 
that,  after  proper  and  kindly  admonitions  again  and 
frequently  repeated,  he  has  pertinaciously  persevered 
in  his  aforesaid  wickedness,  thereby  rendering  him- 
self notoriously  incorrigible ;  and  that  he,  on  account 
of  the  aforesaid  and  other  crimes  set  forth  in  the 
process  of  the  said  cause  against  him,  ought,  as  un- 
worthy,  useless,   injurious,  to  be  deprived   and   de- 
posed from  the  papacy,  and  its  entire  administration, 
both  spiritual  and  temporal ; — and  the  said  hoi)'  coun- 
cil doth  remove,  deprive,  and  depose  him,  declaring 
all  Christians,  of  what  state,   condition,  or  dignity 
soever,  absolved  from  all  obedience,  fidelity,  or  oath 
of  allegiance  ;  forbidding  all  the  faithful  from  receiv- 
ing, naming,  adhering  to,  or  obeying  him,  thus  de- 
posed, any  longer  as  pope.     The  said  holy  council 
also  makes  good,  from  certain  knowledge  and  pleni- 


Ch.  XIX.]  COXCLUSIOX    OF   SENTEXCE.  51 7 

tude  of  power,  eacli  and  every  defect  in  this  preced- 
ing sentence ;  and  condemns  him  by  this  same  sen- 
tence to  stay  and  remain  in  some  good  and  fitting 
place,  under  the  safe  custody  of  the  emperor  Sigis- 
inund,  the  most  devoted  champion  and  defender  of 
the  Catholic  church,  as  lon^  as  in  the  view  of  the 
said  holy  general  council  the  welfare  and  the  union 
of  the  church  of  God  shall  require.  Other  fitting 
penalties  to  be  inflicted  for  the  said  crimes  and  enor- 
mities, according  to  canonical  sanction,  the  said  coun- 
cil reserves,  to  be  declared  and  inflicted  at  its  own 
good  pleasure,  as  the  rigor  of  justice  or  the  measure 
of  mercy  shall  require." 

Such  was  the  sentence  that  invaded  the  sanctuary 
of  infallibility,  and  dragged  down  "  the  Lord's  anoint- 
ed "  from  his  throne.  It  was  the  deliberate  and  well- 
weighed  act  of  representative  Christendom,  urged  on 
by  the  most  catholic  emperor  Sigismund,  and  sanc- 
tioned by  the  ablest,  wisest,  and  best  men  whom  the 
council  could  boast  anions  its  members.  When  the 
sentence  had  been  read,  the  president  of  the  council, 
Cardinal  John,  bishop  of  Ostia,  arose  and  asked  if  any 
one  then  present,  great  or  small,  rich  or  poor,  had 
anything  to  say  against  the  aforesaid  definitive  sen- 
tence, or  against  its  being  pronounced.  If  any  such 
were  present,  he  invited  them  to  arise  and  declare 
their  views  in  the  name  of  the  council,  allowing  them 
full  liberty  of  expression :  and  in  case  no  one  arose, 
each  was  to  be  considered  as  consenting  to  the  sen- 
tence. Not  a  voice  was  heard.  If  any  still  felt  an  at- 
tachment to  the  unfortunate  pontiff,  they  were  unwill- 
ing to  testify  it  before  the  council  in  this  hour  of  his 


518  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX   HUBS.         [Cu.  XIX. 

desperate  fortunes.  John  XXIII.  had  not  a  John  de 
Chlnm  to  stand  by  him  to  the  last,  and,  at  the  risk 

of  all  tilings  earthly,  vindicate  his  innocence.  He,  at 
least,  fell  unpitied  and  unwept.  No  prayers  like 
those  which  commended  the  imprisoned  Hnss  to  the 

care  of  Heaven,  were  breathed  forth  with  sighs  'and 
tears  in  his  behalf.  He  fell  as  a  criminal ;  Huss  as  a 
martyr. 

After  the  momentary  silence — more  eloquent  than 
words — which  ratified  the  judgment  of  the  council 
by  a  tacit  but  unanimous  consent,  the  several  presi- 
dents of  the  nations  arose,  and  in  their  behalf  re- 
sponded their  placet  to  the  sentence  that  had  been 
read.  The  presiding  cardinal  answered  in  behalf  of 
the  college  of  cardinals.  The  vote  was  taken  thus 
by  the  whole  council.  •  At  this  moment  the  cardinal 
of  Florence  arose.  He  was  the  youngest  member  of 
the  college  of  cardinals,  a  man  of  great  ability  and 
daring.  He  had  ventured  on  a  previous  occasion  to 
set  himself  as  the  organ  of  the  will  of  the  college, 
against  the  whole  council,  omitting  the  reading  of  a 
portion  of  one  of  the  decrees  of  that  body  —a  portion 
exceedingly  important  as  bearing  upon  the  pope  and 
cardinals — on  his  own  authority.  The  council  had 
resented  the  proceeding;  and  now,  when  Zabarella 
arose  with  a  written  document  in  his  hand,  and  asked 
permission  to  read  it,  their  former  jealousies  and  sus- 
picions were  reawakened.  He  was  greeted  from 
every  side  by  an  almost  unanimous  shout  "  Non 
place?'6t.v  He  was  thua  forced  to  resume  his  seat, 
and  Bilently  acquiesce  in  what  had  been  done. 
Doubtkss  his  purpose  was  to  present  in  some  form  a 


Ch.  XIX.]       THE  SENTENCE  EXECUTED.  519 

protest,  but  such  was  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  coun- 
cil that  he  was  not  allowed  to  proceed.  Whatever 
it  might  have  been,  it  could  scarcely,  from  such  a 
source,  have  had  any  influence  to  change  the  result. 

It  now  only  remained  to  carry  the  sentence  into 
execution.  So  far  as  the  council  itself  was  concerned, 
there  was  no  delay.  The  archbishop  of  Riga,  the 
keeper  of  the  seal  and  arms  of  John  XXIIL,  present- 
ed them  to  the  council.  It  was  then  demanded  by 
Henry  de  Piro,  the  procurator  of  the  council,  that 
the  seal  should  be  broken  and  the  armorial  bearings 
effaced.  This  was  done  on  the  instant,  with  unani- 
mous consent,  by  the  hands  of  Arnold,  the  goldsmith 
of  the  pope.  Five  cardinals  were  at  the  same  time 
appointed  to  notify  John  of  his  deposition.  They 
were  instructed  to  urge  him  to  acquiesce  in  his  sen- 
tence with  a  good  grace,  and  to  threaten  him  with 
more  severe  treatment  if  he  offered  any  resistance. 
The  council  knew  how  to  manage  their  prisoner. 
They  could  take  the  measure  of  his  hopes  and  fears, 
but  Huss,  they  were  soon  to  find,  was  not  a  man  of 
the  same  stamp. 

Nothing  more  was  done  at  this  session  except  to 
take  some  precautionary  measures  in  regard  to  the 
election  of  a  new  pope.  The  council  resolved  and 
decreed  that  no  steps  should  be  taken  towards  such 
an  election  without  their  advice  and  consent,  or,  in 
case  they  should  be,  they  were  to  be  accounted  null 
and  void.  It  was  forbidden  to  recognize  as  pope 
any  person  who  might  be  elected  in  such  a  case, 
under  the  severest  penalties.  All  customs,  statutes, 
or  privileges  interfering  with  this  decision,  were  pro- 


520  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Cn.  XIX. 

nounced  invalid.  Thus  the  democratic  principle  in 
the  council,  under  the  lead  of  men  like  Gentian 
and  Gerson,  triumphed.  The  monarch  of  the  church 
was  deposed,  and  the  oligarchy  of  the  cardinals  at 
the  same  time  suspended  from  the  exercise  of  their 
authority  as  electors  of  the  ecclesiastical  sovereign. 

A  decree  also  was  passed  forbidding  the  reelec- 
tion of  either  of  the  three  contendents  for  the  papacy, 
and  a  commission  appointed  to  summon  and  secure 
the  attendance  of  the  absent  prelates.  The  last  was 
a  wise  and  necessary  measure.  The  council  was  in 
danger  of  dissolution,  and  coercion  was  necessary  to 
keep  it  together  after  the  deposition  of  the  pope, 
and  in  the  expected  absence  of  the  emperor  on  his 
journey  to  Spain,  where  he  was  to  take  steps  for 
reducing  Benedict,  the  most  refractory  of  the  popes. 

John  XXIII.  awaited  in  his  prison  at  Ratolfcell 
the  announcement  of  his  sentence.  On  the  thirty- 
first  of  May,  the  cardinals  deputed  to  make  it  dis- 
charged their  commission.  They  presented  his  sen- 
tence to  him  in  writing,  and  asked  whether  it  met 
with  his  approval,  or  whether  he  had  anything  to  say 
against  it.  He  took  the,  to  him,  dismal  document 
from  their  hands,  and  read  it  in  silence.  He  promised 
them  a  reply  within  the  space  of  a  few  hours.  Early 
in  the  afternoon  he  sent  for  them  to  receive  his  an- 
swer. It  was  the  answer  of  one  reduced  to  submit 
to  the  most  humiliating  terms,  yet  true  to  his  habit- 
ual hypocrisy,  striving  to  gloss  his  answer  with  the 
fairest  show  of  repentance  and  sincerity.  "The 
tyrant  of  Bologna,"  "the  poisoner  of  Alexander  V.," 
"  the  incarnate  devil,"  gave  his  full  confirmation  to 


Ch.  XIX.] 


ACQUIESCENCE    OF    JOHN. 


521 


the  sentence;  acknowledged  himself  deposed  from 
the  papacy,  and  ratified  his  expressed  purpose  to 
submit  to  the  council's  decisions,  by  a  long  and  te- 
dious document  subscribed  by  his  own  hand.  The 
most  overbearing  of  tyrants  had  become  the  most 
abject  of  slaves.1 


1  For  an  elaborate  vindication  of 
the  supremacy  of  the  council  over  the 
papal  authority  and  dignity,  see  Ri- 
cherius  (vol.  ii.)  on  the  council  of 
Constance.  He  enumerates  the  prac- 
tical decisions  of  the  body  by  which 
this  principle  is  endorsed,  and  the 
sanction  which  Martin  V.  extended 


to  its  proceedings.  It  is  difficult  to 
evade  the  force  of  his  conclusions. 
Either  the  proceedings  of  the  council 
were  the  merest  farce,  and  more  than 
savored  of  heresy,  or  papal  supremacy 
and  infallibility  must  split  on  this 
rock. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

HUSS  AT  GOTTLIEBEN.     PRISON  EXAMINATION. 

Condition  op  Huss  at  Gottlieben. —  His  Remarks  on  the  Deposition  of  John 
XXIII.  —  On  the  Profligacy  of  the  Council.  —  Views  of  Clemengis.  —  Of 
Niem. —  Huss  Cites  the  Proceedings  of  his  Enemies  in  his  own  Justifica- 
tion.—  His  Cheerful  Courage.  —  Strength  of  his  Faith. — His  Love  of 
Truth.  —  His  Humility.  —  New  List  of  Accusations. — Charged  with  the 
Heresy  of  the  Cup.  —  Petition  of  Huss'  Friends.  —  His  Protestation. — 
Falsehood  of  the  Charges.  —  Demand  that  Huss  should  be  Set  Free  or 
Heard.  —  Sigismund  Engages  to  Secure  for  Huss  a  Public  Audience. — 
The  Answer  of  the  Council. — Advice  of  Chlum.  —  Confidence  of  Huss. — 
His  Main  Anxiety.  —  His  Visions.  —  Anxiety  of  Chlum.  —  Bitter  Malice 
of  Paletz  and  Causis.  —  John  XXIII.  Removed  to  Gottlieben. — False 
Honor  Done  Him.  —  Strange  Juxtaposition  by  the  Side  of  Huss. — Con- 
trast of  the  two  Men. — Lament  of  the  Pope. — Just  Retribution. — Re- 
moval of  the  Pope.  —  Huss  on  the  Cup.  —  The  Friends  of  Huss  Present 
their  Document  to  the  Council. — False  Report. — Prison  Examination. — 
Anxiety  of  Huss'  Friends.  —  His  Constancy  and  Answer.  —  Account  of  the 
Examination. — What  was  Meant  by  Submission. — Explained  by  his  Protes- 
tation. —  Gerson  and  D'Ailly.  —  Their  Agreement  with  Huss  on  Many 
Points. — Their  Nomination.  —  Scholastic  Antagonisms. — Huss  Less  Tram- 
melled by  such  Prejudices. 

May  31,  1415-June  1,  1415. 

The  case  of  John  XXIII.  was  now  disposed  of,  and 
the  council  was  ready  to  proceed  with  the  trial  of 
Huss.  In  his  prison  at  Gottlieben  the  Bohemian  re- 
former, conscious  of  his  innocence,  had  somewhat  im- 
patiently awaited  the  hour  when  he  might  declare 
and  vindicate  his  faith  before  the  assembled  council. 
For  more  than  two  months  he  had  been  removed 
from  nearly  all  communication  with  his  friends  at 


Ch.  XX.]  HUSS    OX    THE    POPE^    DEPOSITION.  523 

Constance.  He  was  closely  confined,  and  his  treat- 
ment was  such  as  might  have  been  expected  from 
the  harsh,  stern  character  of  the  man  to  whom  he 
was  given  in  custody.  During  the  day  he  was  only 
allowed  to  move  the  length  of  the  chain  attached  to 
his  feet.  By  night,  his  arms  were  made  fast  to  the 
wall.  Well  might  his  Bohemian  friends  earnestly 
remonstrate,  and  seek  to  have  his  trial  expedited. 

But  even  in  his  prison,  Huss  was  a  watchful 
observer  of  the  remarkable  events  that  were  tran- 
spiring around  him.  He  investigated  and  approved 
the  doctrine  of  Jacobel  in  regard  to  the  cup,  and  ex- 
horted his  friends  to  acquiesce  in  the  seeming  inno- 
vation, which  only  restored  to  its  simple  complete- 
ness a  sacrament  which  had  been  mutilated  during 
the  corrupt  ages  of  the  church.  He  did  not  neglect, 
moreover,  to  make  use  of  the  sentence  against  John 
XXIII.  to  confirm,  in  this  hour  of  trial,  the  faith  and 
devotion  of  his  disciples  at  Prague.  The  unveiled 
crimes  of  that  wretch  whose  excommunications  had 
been  launched  against  him,  were  a  more  than  suffi- 
cient justification  for  his  own  course  and  language. 
"  Courage,"  says  he ;  "  you  can  now  give  an  answer  to 
those  preachers  who  declare  that  the  pope  is  God 
on  earth ;  that  he  can  sell  the  sacraments,  as  the 
Canonists  assert ;  that  he  is  the  head  and  heart  of 
the  church  by  vivifying  it  spiritually  ;  that  he  is  the 
fountain  from  which  all  virtue  and  excellence  issue  ; 
that  he  is  the  sun  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  sure  asy- 
lum where  all  Christians  ought  to  find  refuge  !  Be- 
hold !  already  is  this  head  severed  as  it  were  with 
the  sword ;  already  is  this  terrestrial  God  bound  in 


524  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  XX. 

chains ;  already  are  his  sins  unveiled — the  gushing 
fountain  is  dried  up — the  heavenly  sun  is  dimmed — 
the  heart  is  torn  out,  that  no  one  may  again  seek  an 
asylum  there."1 

Huss  then  adverts  to  the  cruelty  of  his  persecutors, 
as  well  as  to  the  corruption  of  his  judges.  In  a  tone  of 
indignant  invective,  he  exclaims,  "The  council  has 
condemned  its  chief — its  proper  head — for  having 
sold  indulgences,  bishopricks,  in  fact,  everything; 
and  yet  among  those  who  have  condemned  him  are 
many  bishops  who  are  themselves  guilty  of  the 
shameful  trafic !  .  .  .  O  profligate  men !  why  did 
you  not  first  pull  out  the  beam  from  your  own  eye. 
.  .  .  They  have  declared  the  seller  to  be  accursed, 
and  have  condemned  him,  and  yet  themselves  are 
the  purchasers.  They  are  the  other  party  in  the 
compact,  and  yet  they  remain  unpunished." 

This  language  of  Huss  is  fully  sustained,  nay,  is  far 
exceeded  in  keenness  and  sting  of  invective,  by  men 
who  were  members  of  the  council,  or  who  carefully 
and  anxiously  observed  it  from  a  distance.  Gerson 
himself,  in  his  treatise  written  at  a  later  period,  han- 
dles the  council  if  possible  more  severely.  Cleinen- 
gis 2  describes  those  assembled, — but  "  not  truly  in 
Christ's  name," — to  seek  the  peace  and  unity  of  the 
church,  as  "  carnal,  for  the  most  part  bent  on  their 
pleasures,  not  to  say  their  lusts."  "These  carnal 
sons  of  the  church  do  not  only  have  no  care  or  appre- 
hension of  spiritual  things,  but  they  even  persecute 
those  who  walk  after  the  Spirit,  as  has  been  the  case 
from  the  days  of  just  Abel,  and  will  be  to  the  end  of 

1  Epis.  xiii.  a  Clem.  Op.  p.  69. 


Ch.  XX.]  CHARACTER    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  525 

time.  These  are  the  men  who  fly  together  to  the 
church  merely  to  seize  upon  temporalities,  who  lead 
in  the  church  a  secular  life,  conspire,  covet,  plunder, 
rejoice  in  preeminence,  not  in  profiting  others,  oppress 
and  rob  their  subjects,  glory  in  the  honor  of  promo- 
tion, riot  in  pomp,  pride,  and  luxury,  who  count  gain 
godliness,  sneer  at  such  as  wish  to  live  holily,  chastely, 
innocently,  spiritually,  calling  them  hypocrites.  .  .  . 
Of  such  men  the  church  is  full  this  day,  and  scarcely, 
in  whole  chapters  or  universities,  can  you  find  any 
others.  .  .  .  Are  men  like  these,  the  ones  to  exert 
themselves  for  a  reformation  of  the  church — men  who 
would  account  such  a  reformation  the  greatest  calam- 
ity to  themselves  ? "  Such  was  the  language  of  one 
of  the  ablest  and  best  men  of  his  day.  And  yet 
even  this  scarcely  equals  in  severity  that  of  Niem, 
former  secretary  of  John  XXIII.,  and  present  as  a 
personal  attendant  upon  the  sessions  of  the  council. 
He  speaks  of  the  prelates  as  pastors  that  feed  them- 
selves and  scatter  the  flock.  He  lays  bare  the  rot- 
tenness of  the  church,  from  the  sole  of  the  foot  to 
the  crown  of  the  head,  from  the  plain  tonsure  of  the 
priest  to  the  tiara  of  the  pope.  Well  might  Huss, 
supported  by  such  testimony,  and  with  a  keener 
sense  of  spiritual  purity  and  corruption  than  even 
these  men  possessed,  declare,  "Such  are  those  spirit- 
ual princes,  who  declare  themselves,  forsooth,  to  be 
the  true  vicars  and  apostles  of  Christ — who  give 
themselves  the  appellation  of  '  holy  church,  and  the 
most  sacred  and  infallible  council ;'  which,  however, 
proved  itself  fallible  enough  when  they  adored  John 
XXIII.,  and  bent  the  knee  before  him,  kissing  his 


52G  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Cu.  XX. 

feet  and  calling  him  the  ' Most  Holy,'  whereas,  all 

the  time  they  knew  him  to  be  a  homicide,  a  man  of 
most  flagitious  life,  stained  with  simony,  and  a  her- 
etic, as  their  judgment  dec-lares.  .  .  .  May  God  for- 
give them  ;  for  witli  such  knowledge  of  the  man,  they 
liamed  him  pope  !  .  .  .  And  now  Christendom  is  with- 
out a  head  on  earth — possesses  Jesus  Christ  alone  as 
chief  to  direct  it ;  as  the  heart  to  give  it  life ;  as  the 
fountain  to  water  it  with  the  seven  gifts  of  the  Holy 
Spirit ;  as  the  always  sufficient  refuge,  to  which  I 
have  recourse  in  my  misfortunes,  firmly  believing 
that  there  I  shall  always  find  direction,  assistance, 
and  plenteous  vivification ;  and  that  God  will  fill  me 
with  an  ineffable  joy  in  delivering  me  from  my  sins 
and  from  a  wretched  existence.  Happy  then  are 
they  who,  iu  observing  his  law,  perceive  and  detest 
the  vain  pomp,  avarice,  and  hypocrisy  of  the  Saviour's 
enemies,  and  patiently  wait  for  the  coming  of  the 
Sovereign  Judge  and  his  angels." * 

It  is  difficult  for  us  to  withhold  our  sympathies 
from  this  prisoner  at  Gottlieben,  calm  in  conscious  in- 
nocence, and  firm  in  an  integrity  of  purpose  which 
all  his  misfortunes  were  insufficient  to  crush.  There 
he  is,  within  those  cold,  damp  walls,  a  helpless  victim 
in  the  hands  of  his  foes,  and  his  doom  predetermined. 
Sharing  now,  as  he  had  not  at  first,  the  well-ground- 
ed fears  of  his  friends,  his  mind  is  fully  made  up  to 
meet  the  worst.  Not  a  word,  implying  doubt  or  fear, 
escapes  his  lips.  Not  a  sentence  of  bravado  drops 
from  his  pen.  He  is  at  peace  with  himself  and  God. 
Not  even  the  harshness  of  his  treatment  provokes  a 

1  Epis.  xix. 


Ch.  XX.]        CALM   AND    FIRM   BEARING    OF   HUSS.  52  7 

single  utterance  inconsistent  with  his  habitual  gentle- 
ness and  charity.  He  cherishes  no  resentments. 
Without  a  single  trace  of  obstinacy — willing  ever  to 
listen  to  argument — inviting  correction  if  he  has 
erred — he  is  yet  true  to  his  convictions,  resolved 
sooner  to  perish  himself  than  sacrifice  one  iota  of 
the  truth.  All  his  letters  from  this  Patmos  of  his 
exile  breathe  a  noble  Christian  spirit.  Christ  is  his 
"sufficient  refuge,"  to  which  he  has  recourse  in  his 
misfortunes.  He  cannot  expose  the  iniquity  of  his 
persecutors,  but,  like  his  Master,  he  at  the  same  time 
exclaims,  "  May  God  forgive  them."  If,  in  some  of 
his  previous  acts  and  writings,  violent  or  bitter  ex- 
pressions had  been  provoked  by  the  zeal  of  his  indig- 
nation, no  trace  of  them  is  any  longer  to  be  found. 
Barely  has  even  a  martyr  faith  won  more  signal  tri- 
umph than  when,  in  the  castle  of  Gottlieben,  a  patient 
endurance  was  crowned  with  grateful  hope  and  even 
joy.  "This  declaration  of  our  Saviour,"  says  he,  "is 
to  me  a  great  source  of  consolation ;  '  Blessed  are  ye 
when  men  shall  hate  you,  and  shall  reproach  you, 
and  cast  out  your  name  as  evil  for  the  Son  of  man's 
sake.  Rejoice  ye  in  that  day,  for  behold,  your  re- 
ward is  great  in  heaven.'  " 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  anywhere  more  clear 
and  decisive  evidences  of  a  simple  love  of  truth  for 
its  own  sake  than  were  exhibited  by  Huss.  His  was 
not  the  self-importance  of  a  leader,  or  the  pride  of 
a  champion.  He  possessed,  indeed,  a  clear  and  strong 
intellect,  a  fearless  spirit,  a  fervid  and  powerful  elo- 
quence, but  his  estimate  of  himself  was  always  hum- 
ble.    His  own  life,  in  his  esteem,  was  nothing  by  the 


528  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cu.  XX. 

side  of  that  cause  to  which  he  was  willing  to  devote 
it 

Such  was  the  man  who,  the  moment  John  XXIII. 
was  deposed,  claimed  the  attention  of  the  council. 
Scarcely  was  the  sentence  pronounced,  when  his  case 
was  brought  before  them.  His  bitter  enemy,  Michael 
De  Causis,  had  not  been  idle.  While  Huss  was  in 
prison,  new  grounds  of  accusation  against  him  were 
sought  out.  The  former  list,  however  it  may  have 
been  modified,  was  now  prefaced  with  the  charge 
of  heresy  in  the  use  of  the  cup.  It  was  inferred  that, 
inasmuch  as  the  adherents  of  Huss  at  Prague  had 
adopted  this  innovation,  he  was  therefore  its  author. 
Many  of  the  council  may  have  supposed  the  inference 
just,  and  perfectly  conclusive.  Causis  himself,  how- 
ever, must  have  known  its  falsehood.  But  the  design 
of  the  measure  was  manifest.  It  was  intended  to 
prejudice  the  council,  and  poison  the  minds  of  his 
judges  against  the  prisoner.  Undoubtedly  it  did  have 
this  effect,  although  its  falseness  was  subsequently  de- 
tected. The  other  articles,  the  character  of  which  will 
soon  be  noticed,  were  drawn  up  with  great  care  and 
skill,  and  betray  the  malice  in  which  they  originated. 

The  friends  of  Huss  were  aware  of  what  was  going 
on.  They  saw  the  skilful  web  of  accusation  which 
the  cunning  art  of  his  enemies  was  weaving  to  entrap 
him.  Nor  on  their  part  were  they  idle.  Again  and 
again  they  had  remonstrated  against  the  injustice  of 
Huss'  imprisonment.  On  this  day  (May  31)  they 
again  appeared,  still  more  solicitous  in  their  petitions 
that  Huss  might  be  enlarged,  and  a  hearing  be 
granted  him.     The  emperor  was  absent  at  the  open- 


Cn.  XX.]  THE   BOHEMIANS1    PLEA    FOE    IIUSS.  529 

ing  of  the  congregation,  when  their  petition  was  read, 
and  consequently  did  not  hear  it.  The  Bohemians, 
therefore,  as  the  assembly  broke  np,  gave  a  copy  of 
it  into  his  hands  for  his  private  inspection.  It  was 
the  production  of  the  Bohemian  nobility  present  in 
Constance,  and  was  signed  by  them  in  behalf  of  their 
countrymen.  It  was  a  candid  and  manly  plea  for  the 
reformer.  It  sets  forth,  first,  the  fact  that  their  former 
communications  had  been  treated  with  neglect ;  that 
in  vain  they  had  requested  the  fathers  of  the  council 
to  consider  the  lame  and  impotent  charges  against 
Huss  the  productions  of  malice  and  envy  on  the  part 
of  his  jealous  rivals  ;  that  the  reformer  himself,  in  all 
his  acts,  scholastic  and  ecclesiastical,  and  especially  in 
his  preaching,  had  made,  and  was  wont  to  make, 
protestations  of  his  readiness  to  yield  to  the  truth 
whenever  convinced  of  it.  It  was  hence  fair  to  be 
inferred,  in  regard  to  his  intentions,  that  he  neither 
would  nor  did  wish,  in  his  books,  treatises,  instruc- 
tions, and  public  preaching,  to  write,  speak,  or  main- 
tain anything  wdiick  he  clearly  knew  to  be  erroneous, 
scandalous,  seditious,  offensive  to  pious  ears,  or  heret- 
ical, as  the  malice  of  his  enemies  had  charged ;  but 
that  his  grand  aim  and  purpose  had  been,  in  all  re- 
spects, to  conform  himself  to  the  teaching  of  gospel 
truth,  and  the  holy  doctors  who  had  commented  on 
the  Sacred  Scriptures.  And  if,  in  any  respect,  he 
should  be  found  in  fault,  or  by  others  ill-understood, 
he .  wished  from  these  sources  to  be  corrected,  di- 
rected, informed,  and  enlightened,  and  by  no  means 
to  defend  or  sustain  any  article  contrary  to  the  most 
holy  Roman  church  and  to  Catholic  faith. 

VOL.  i.  34 


530  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHM    HUBS.  [Cu.  XX. 

"Wherefore,"  the  Bohemian  nobles  proceed,  "since, 
Righl  Ri  verend  Fathers,  notwithstanding  all  this,  his 
bitter  foes,  impelled  by  great  hatred,  extract  isolated 
and  disconnected  passages  from  his  books,  rejecting 

the  qualifications  or  the  intent  of  them,  or  at  least 
overlooking  them,  not  adverting  to  the  distinctions 
proper  to  be  observed,  and  thus  put  together  against 
him  articles  which  are  false  and  framed  artfully  to 
this  end,  that,  despite  all  charity,  they  may  depose 
him  from  his  office  and  put  him  to  death,  in  violation 
of  the  safe-conduct  openly  granted  him  by  the  empe- 
ror to  secure  him  against  all  these  intrusions  of  his 
enemies  which  produce  in  Bohemia  these  disquie- 
tudes and  contentions  which  the  emperor  so  greatly 
d< sires  to  see  composed  ; — therefore  the  said  nobles 
and  barons  do  petition  that — the  preceding  matters, 
and  the  dishonor  from  them  resulting  to  the  said 
kingdom  and  its  people  being  considered — you  would 
on  your  part  interfere,  and  appoint  method  and  pro- 
cess by  which  the  said  Master  John  Huss  may,  by 
men  enlightened  and  masters  of  Holy  Scripture,  who 
are  here  present  and  shall  be  deputed  for  this  pur- 
pose, be  carefully  heard  upon  all  the  articles  charged 
against  him,  so  that  his  own  meaning  and  that  of  the 
doctors  may  be  declared  along  with  the  distinctions 
proper  to  be  made,  in  which  matters  his  accusers  are 
inconsistent  with  themselves.  Thus,  also,  let  the  de- 
position of  witnesses  be  heard,  many  of  whom  are, 
and  long  have  been,  his  most  bitter  enemies,  whose 
wanton  instigation  would  lead  to  his  condemnation, 
though  held  a  captive  and  unheard  ;  since  from  such 
methods  your  majesty  may  be  more  clearly  informed 


Ch.  XX.]  TIIE    EEQLTEST    DENIED.  531 

in  regard  to  the  truth,  while  he  is  ever  ready  to  sub- 
mit himself  to  the  decision  of  the  most  holy  council. 
For  you  have  been  informed,  through  the  plausible 
lies  and  tricks  of  his  slanderers,  that  Master  John 
Huss  has  obstinately  persisted  for  a  long  time  in  arti- 
cles of  a  most  dangerous  character,  which  representa- 
tion you  will  then  be  able  to  understand  clearly  the 
falsehood  of." 

In  proof  of  this  the  Bohemians  adduce  the  public 
testimonial  of  the  bishop  of  Nazareth,  inquisitor  at 
Prague,  which  we  have  already  seen.  They  then 
petition  the  fathers  of  the  council,  that  inasmuch  as 
Huss  had  not  been  condemned  or  even  convicted,  he 
might  be  released  from  the  chains  and  fetters  by 
which  he  was  grievously  deprived  of  his  freedom, 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  bishops  or  commissioners 
of  the  council  specially  deputed  for  the  purpose,  that 
he  might  have  opportunity  to  recover  strength,  and 
might  more  carefully  be  examined  by  the  said  com- 
missioners. And,  for  greater  security,  the  barons 
and  nobles  pledged  themselves  that  Huss  should  not 
be  allowed  to  escape  from  the  hands  of  the  commis- 
sioners until  the  final  issue  of  the  affair. 

The  paper  of  the  Bohemians  was  read  and  dis- 
cussed by  the  fathers  of  the  council.  Yet,  moderate 
and  even  humble  as  the  request  was,  there  was  no 
disposition  to  grant  it.  But  in  Sigismund's  bosom 
there  was  found  the  policy  of  a  ruler,  if  not  the  jus- 
tice. Such  a  request  from  such  a  source  was  entitled 
to  respect,  and  doubtless  the  emperor  felt  more 
than  suspicious  of  the  interested  motives  of  the  ene- 
mies of  Huss.     It  was  not  without  a  strenuous  effort 


532  LIFE   AND    TIM  IS    OF   JOHN    HUBS.  [Cn.  XX. 

on  his  part  that  the  portion  of  the  request  which 
asked  for  a  public  audience  of  the  reformer  was 
granted.  John  de  Chlum  at  once  hastened  to  an- 
nounce the  welcome  intelligence  to  the  prisoner. 
"To-day,"  he  writes,  "the  king,  assembled  with  the 
deputies  of  all  the  nations,  spoke  of  your  case,  and 
contended  for  a  public  audience.  It  was  finally  and 
definitely  resolved  that  it  should  be  allowed  you. 
Your  friends  are  also  insisting  on  your  removal  to 
some  more  airy  place,  that  you  may  be  refreshed 
and  restored  to  strength." 

The  answer  of  the  council,  as  read  by  the  patriarch 
of  Antioch,  deserves  to  be  given.  It  was,  that  as  to 
the  first  point,  the  protestation  of  Huss,  the  future 
would  show  whether  it  was  true  and  reliable.  As 
to  the  assertion  that  the  adversaries  of  Huss  had  im- 
properly and  wickedly  cited  isolated  passages  from 
his  books,  this  was  to  be  shown  in  the  issue  of  the 
cause.  If  it  was  found  that  Huss  had  been  unjustly 
accused,  then  his  enemies  would  be  overwhelmed 
with  lasting  disgrace.  But  in  regard  to  sureties,  the 
dej^uties  of  the  council  could  not,  with  a  safe  con- 
science, receive  them,  even  though  a  thousand  were 
given  in  behalf  of  a  man  in  whom,  on  no  condition, 
faith  was  to  be  reposed;  but  to  this  they  would 
attend,  that  on  the  fifth  of  the  next  month  (June) 
Huss  should  be  brought  to  Constance,  that  he  should 
have  full  and  free  opportunity  of  speaking  before  the 
council  itself,  and  that  they  would  hear  him  affec- 
tionately and  kindly.  How  well  their  promise  was 
kept  will  be  manifest  in  the  sequel. 

Meanwhile  IIuss  patiently  endured  the  martyrdom 


Ch.  XX.]  ADVICE    OF    CHLUM.  533 

of  his  cruel  imprisonment.  Oppressed  with  chains, 
and  his  health  giving  way  under  the  severity  of  his 
prison  life,  his  purpose  was  still  unshaken  to  witness, 
if  occasion  should  demand  it,  a  good  confession.  In 
the  weakness  of  the  flesh,  the  spirit  triumphed.  His 
noble  friend  Chlum  did  not  forget  to  exhort  him, 
"  In  God's  name,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  truth,  take 
good  care  not  to  desert  the  holy  cause  through  any 
fear  of  losing  this  wretched  life ;  for  it  is  for  your 
great  benefit  that  God  visits  you  by  this  trial." 
But  a  mightier  than  man  was  his  counsellor.  The 
greatness  of  the  cause  in  which  he  was  engaged  filled 
his  thoughts.  He  ardently  anticipated  his  trial,  in 
the  hope  of  an  opportunity  to  vindicate  the  claims  of 
truth.  Though  at  times  disheartened  by  the  malice 
of  his  enemies  that  threatened  to  crush  him  unheard, 
he  seems  yet  to  have  cherished  the  hope  that  some, 
at  least,  would  be  found  in  the  council  to  respond  in 
approval  of  his  views.  In  default  of  this,  he  could 
not  believe  that  the  assembled  representatives  of 
Christendom  would  unite  in  opposing  the  testimony 
of  scripture,  or  rejecting  it  as  the  test  and  standard 
of  doctrine.  How  sadly  he  was  to  be  disappointed 
in  all  this,  we  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  observe. 

All  the  anxieties  of  Huss  for  his  own  person  were 
lost  in  his  deeper  anxiety  for  the  interests  of  a  j)ure 
and  scriptural  Christianity.  His  musings  by  day  and 
even  his  dreams  by  night  constantly  presented  to  his 
view  that  Saviour  whose  example,  unworthy  as  he 
was,  he  gloried  to  imitate.  It  is  not  surprising  that 
in  his  prison  he  should  have  been  visited  by  visions 
and  dreams  which  one  might  easily  be  led  to  regard 


534  LIFE    AND    TOTES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.  [Cu.  XX 

as  prophetic.  One  of  these — that  which  concerned 
the  vain  attempts  of  the  priests  to  efface  the  paint- 
in,.:'-  and  inscriptions  on  the  walls  of  Bethlehem 
chapel — lias  been  already  referred  to.  There  were 
others  of  which  he  makes  mention  in  his  letters,  but 
to  which  he  declares,  himself,  that  he  attached  slight 
importance.1 

"Occupy  your  thoughts  with  your  defence,  rather 
than  with  visions,"  said  John  de  Chlum,  in  a  gentle 
reproof,  which  attested  Lis  own  good  sense  and  his 
anxiety  for  his  friend.  He  deeply  and  sadly  felt  the 
danger  which  impended  over  Huss,  and  could  not 
bear  the  thought  that  such  a  life  should  be  risked  by 
any  neglect  of  preparation,  or  any  over  confidence  of 
the  final  result.  Jerome  was  already  in  prison,  and 
of  his  deliverance  there  was  little  prospect.  It  was 
too  much  that  Huss  also  should  be  lost  to  future 
service,  in  the  cause  of  which  he  and  Jerome  were 
the  ablest  champions. 

Huss  did  not  altogether  neglect  preparation  for  his 
own  defence  ;  but  how  oppressively  discouraging  were 
the  circumstances  in  which  it  was  to  be  made !  His 
imprisonment,  his  harsh  treatment,  his  failing  health, 
his  severe  pain  in  his  teeth,3  as  wrell  as  other  bodily 
ailments,  which  cost  him  so  many  sleepless  nights, 
his  exclusion  from  the  society  of  his  friends,  his  igno- 
rance of  the  various  methods  of  his  enemies  to  preju- 
dice his  cause,  his  inability  to  divine  what  new  changes 
would  be  made  in  the  articles  of  his  accusation,  or 
what  new  articles  might  be  framed,  and  the  depress- 
ing conviction   that   his  prosecutors,  who  had  free 

1  Epis.  xxxiii.  ,J  Epis.  xxxvii. 


Ch.  XX.]  HUSS   AND    JOHN    AT    GOTTLIEEEN.  535 

access  to  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the  council, 
would  spare  no  effort  to  secure  his  condemnation ;  all 
conspired  to  dishearten  him,  and  overwhelm  him  with 
foreboding.  From  time  to  time  his  trial  had  been 
deferred,  and  even  in  his  prison  Paletz  and  Causis, 
who  accompanied  the  judicial  committee  appointed 
to  visit  him,  had  insulted  even  his  helplessness  and 
misfortunes.  They  were  bent,  moreover,  on  depriv- 
ing him  of  the  privilege  of  a  public  audience.  They 
knew  the  power  of  his  eloquence,  and  they  did  not 
wish  to  have  the  experiment  of  it  tried  upon  the 
council.  He  had  been  denied  an  advocate.  They 
would  also  have  him  condemned  unheard.  But  here 
they  were  defeated  by  the  more  just,  if  not  manly 
and  honorable,  policy  of  Sigismund. 

By  one  of  those  strange  series  of  events  which 
characterize  the  processes  of  this  world  even,  as 
providential  retributions,  Huss  was  not  to  leave  his 
prison  at  Gottlieben  until  his  great  antagonist,  John 
XXIII.,  now  deposed  from  the  papacy,  was  immured 
in  the  same  walls.  The  ex-pontiff  had  received,  with 
every  mark  of  contrite  submission,  the  announcement 
of  his  deposition.  For  this  well-played  farce  the 
Jesuit  Maimbourg  does  not  hesitate  to  enroll  him 
among  the  noblest  martyrs  of  the  church,  and  for  his 
self-sacrificing  spirit  place  him  in  merit  by  the  side 
of  St.  Peter  himself.  How  much  he  deserves  such 
eulogy,  the  hypocrisy,  simony,  and  corruptions  of  his 
life  might  enable  any  one  unversed  in  Jesuit  casu- 
istry to  judge.  He  merely  cried  "  quarter  "  when  the 
knife  was  at  his  throat.  The  threat  of  the  council, 
that  further  obstinacy  should  be  met  with  severer 


536  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    JIl'SS.  [Cn.  XX 

penalties,  was  hang  in  terrorem  over  Ins  head.  The 
report  of  his  submission  reached  the  council  on  the 
first  day  of  June,  and,  in  considerate  appreciation  of 
his  ostentatious  humility,  the  holy  fathers  determined 
on  placing  him  in  closer  and  safer  custody.  On  the 
third  day  of  June,  therefore,  he  was  removed  by 
their  order  from  Ratolfcell  to  Gottlieben,  occupying 
a  cell  in  the  same  prison  where  Huss  was  confined. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  the  two  men  met.  It  is 
enough  that  they  now  found  themselves  in  this 
strange  juxtaposition.  The  last  time  that  they  had 
stood  face  to  face,  the  proud,  tyrannical,  and  hypocrit- 
ical pontiff  had  seemed  to  occupy  a  position  superior 
to  any  earthly  tribunal.  Soon  his  selfish  policy 
marked  Huss  as  a  scapegoat  for  his  own  sin.  De- 
nied the  luxury  of  exulting  over  his  victim,  he  spread 
his  complaint  of  the  emperor  over  Europe,  and  howl- 
ed forth  his  rage  that  the  policy  rather  than  the 
justice  of  Sigismund  had  snatched  the  victim  from 
his  tiller  claws.  Now  the  tisrer  himself  was  cashed, 
and  Huss  might,  if  he  had  chosen,  have  enjoyed  the 
disgrace  of  his  foe.  His  own  turn  for  exultation  had 
come.  But  he  chose  rather  to  see  in  this  event  the 
demonstration  of  the  futility  of  his  own  excommuni- 
cation,— a  demonstration  which  was  not  to  lose  its 
effect  upon  the  Bohemian  nation. 

Moralists  might  discover  an  important  lesson  in 
the  contrast  presented  by  these  two  men  confined  in 
the  same  fortress.  One  was  the  coward  tyrant  of 
Christendom,  taking  counsel  of  his  fears,  and  adopt- 
ing in  regard  to  himself  language,  if  true,  as  degrad- 
ing as  it  was  submissive.     The  other,  weak  and  ex- 


Ch.  XX]  THE    CONTRAST.  537 

posed  as  lie  was  to  the  inveterate  malice  of  his  foes, 
had  no  terms  to  offer  but  those  of  submission  to  the 
supremacy  of  truth  alone, — a  supremacy  which  his 
foes  also  must  finally  acknowledge.  One  had  alien- 
ated all  the  friends  he  ever  had.  The  other  had  not 
only  bound  his  former  friends  closer  to  him  by  his 
steadfast  integrity,  but  had  won  the  hearts  of  his 
jailers  to  sympathy,  compassion,  and  admiration. 
There,  in  one  cell,  might  be  seen  the  ex-pontiff,  on 
whose  head  rested  a  weight  of  crime  that  could 
scarce  have  found  its  parallel  in  the  lives  of  the 
Herocls  and  the  Neros — crushed  by  infamy  as  well 
as  by  chains — a  whining  supplicant,  cringing  to  lick 
the  hand  that  inflicted  his  blows — stripped  of  all  his 
honors,  and  his  name  made  the  by-word  of  reproach. 
Here,  in  another,  was  the  victim  of  bigoted  and 
jealous  malice,  and  yet,  with  an  integrity  and  purity 
of  character  on  which  his  bitterest  enemies  could  not 
fix  a  stain,  awaiting  in  the  calm  consciousness  of  his 
innocence  the  assaults  of  calumny — sustained  by 
strength  and  grace  imparted  from  above — turning 
his  prison-cell  into  a  Bethel,  and  with  faith  in  God 
exultant  in  every  prospect,  whether  of  acquittal 
or  of  death.  One  of  these  prisoners  humbles  him- 
self before  men ;  the  other  before  God  only.  One 
represents  Barabbas  ;  the  other,  in  his  patient  endur- 
ance of  injustice,  calumny,  and  scorn,  reminds  us  of 
the  example  of  his  divine  Master. 

The  ex-pontiff  had  few  if  any  to  commiserate  his 
fate.  The  name  of  Huss  will  be  respected  and 
honored  while  truth  has  honors  for  her  martyrs. 

The  spectacle  of  the  dethroned  tyrant  of  Christen- 


538  LIFE    AM)    TTME8    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XX 

dom  excited  wonder,  but  not  pity.     A  chronicle  of 
the  time1  introduces  him  uttering  the  lament: 

"I  who  but  late  was  seated  on  a  throne, 

Must,  dow  in  bitterness  Lament  my  tall; 
In  my  high  place  of  power  I  ruled  alone, 

M\  feel  Hi'-  ki>>  of  homage  bad  from  all. 
Now  t<>  thi'  lowest  deep  of  shame  I'm  hurled, 

A  victim  to  the  penalty  of  crime, 
The  laughing-stock  and  scandal  of  the  world, 

Gazed  at  in  scorn — the  wonder  of  my  time. 
Once  every  land  its  gold  laid  at  my  feet, 

Now  wealth  delights  not,  not  a  friend  remains  ; 
From  me.  cast  down  so  low  from  my  high  scat, 

Let  those  be  warned  whom  glory  false  sustains."  s 

Neither  of  the  prisoners  was  to  remain  at  Gottlie- 
ben.  Even  within  stone  walls  and  carefully  guarded, 
the  ex-pontiff  was  in  too  immediate  proximity  to  the 
council.  He  was  soon  detected  in  his  old  business 
of  intrigue.  There  was  some  danger  lest  the  party 
in  his  favor  might  be  revived.  At  least  it  was  not 
to  be  doubted  that,  inspirited  by  his  countenance, 
his  partisans  might  be  ready  at  the  first  opportunity 
to  obstruct  its  further  proceedings.  He  was  accord- 
ingly committed  by  the  emperor  to  the  charge  of 
the  elector,  and  by  him  conveyed  first  to  Heidelberg, 

1  Engelhusen  Chron.  quoted  byVonder  Hardt,  iv.  299. 
4  The  following  is  the  language  of  the  original  Latin  version : 
"  Qui  modo  Bummua  eram,  guadens  de  nomine  Proesul, 
Tristis  et  ahjeetus  nunc  mea  fata  gemo. 
Excelsus  solio  nuper  reraabar  in  alto 

Cunotaque  gens  pedibua  osoula  prona  dabafc 
Nunc  ego  peenarum  fundo  devolver  in  imo, 
Et  me  deform  em  quemque  videre  piget, 
Omnilius  ex  tenia  aurum  mihi  sponte  ferebat, 

Bed  aeo  gaza  juvat,  Dec  quia  aniieus  ndest. 

CV<lat  in  ezemplum  ounctia  quoa  gloria  tollit, 

Vertice  de  Bummo  qnando  ego  Papa  eado." 


Ch.  XX.]  HUSS    OX    THE    CUP.  539 

and  afterward  to  Manheim,  to  be  kept  in  closer  cus- 
tody. 

Before  the  removal  of  Huss  to  Constance,  his 
friends  sought  the  opportunity  of  obtaining  his  views 
in  regard  to  the  doctrine  of  the  communion  of  the 
cup.1  On  the  very  day,  (May  31,)  therefore,  on 
which  it  was  determined  that  a  public  trial  should 
be  granted  him,  the  Bohemians  requested  him,  through 
their  common  friend  John  de  Chlum,  to  give  a  clear 
and  full  statement  of  his  views  on  this  disputed 
question,  together  with  the  reasons  by  which  they 
were  supported.2  "We  have  to  ask,"  writes  the 
Bohemian  nobleman,  "  of  you,  most  beloved,  that 
you  will  give  us  in  writing  your  deliberate  and  argu- 
mentative opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  communion 
of  the  cup,  if  such  shall  seem  good  to  you,  that  it 
may  be  shown  at  the  proper  time  to  our  friends. 
For  on  this  subject  the  minds  of  the  brethren  have 
been  somewhat  divided,  and  many  have  been  dis- 
turbed." 

Huss  at  once  complied  with  this  request  of  the 
Bohemians.  In  his  reply  to  Chlum,  he  says,  "As  to 
the  sacrament  of  the  cup,  you  have  in  writing  what 
I  wrote  wlien  in  Constance,  with  the  reasons  that  led 
me  to  adopt  the  views  there  presented.  And  I  know 
not  that  I  can  say  anything  more  in  regard  to  this 
sacrament,  except  that  it  is  sustained  by  the  gospel 
and  by  Paul's  epistles,  and  was  observed  in  the  prim- 
itive church.  If  it  may  be,  seek  at  least  permission 
to  have  it  administered  to  those  who  ask  for  it  in  a 
devotional  spirit." 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  291.  2  Epis.  xlvii. 


540  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUSS.  iCu.  XX. 

The  friends  and  the  enemies  of  Huss  now  felt  alike 
that  the  critical  moment  was  at  hand.     On  the  first 

day  of  June,  the  former  presented  to  the  council  a 
document  which  they  had  drawn  up,  showing  that 
Huss  had  come  to  Constance,  provided  with  a  safe- 
conduct,  in  order  to  render  reasons  of  his  faith  on 
every  point  upon  which  he  should  be  called  in  ques- 
tion, and  by  no  means  with  the  intent  obstinately  to 
defend  everything ;  but,  if  he  should  be  better  in- 
formed, resolved,  in  such  case,  to  recant  and  change 
his  views. 

It  was  on  this  same  day  that  the  commission  of 
the  council  visited  Huss  in  his  prison  at  Gottlieben. 
Notwithstanding  the  engagement  of  the  council  and 
the  emperor  that  Huss  should  be  heard,  there  were 
those  who  persisted  in  opposing  the  audience  that 
had  been  j)romised  him,1  and  to  further  their  plans, 
the  calumnious  report  was  spread  abroad  that  a  se- 
dition was  to  burst  forth  upon  his  arrival.  Nothing 
could  be  more  improbable,  although  the  idea  may 
possibly  have  entered  the  heads  of  some  of  the  more 
hot-headed  partisans  of  the  reformer.  Paletz  and 
Causis  accompanied  the  commission.  In  the  secret 
interrogatories  that  took  place,  all  means  were  tried, 
even  to  insult  and  threats,  to  shake  the  constancy 
of  Huss.  His  friends,  who  knew  of  what  materials 
the  deputation  was  composed,  were  not  without  dis- 
quietude in  their  apprehension  of  the  result.  But 
Huss,  debilitated  and  weakened  as  he  was  by  sick- 
ness and  severe  imprisonment,  was  not  to  be  awed 

1  Huss  says  (Epis.  xliii.)  that  he  was     be  allowed  a  hearing  unless  he  paid 
told  by  Ins  enemies  thai  In-  could  not    2,000  ducats  for  expenses 


Ch.  XX.]  JUDICIOUS    ANSWER    OF    IIUSS.  541 

by  terror  any  more  than  seduced  by  promises.  It 
was  the  wish  of  his  friends  that  he  should  refuse  to 
answer  any  question  put  to  him  thus  in  private. 
They  saw  no  security  for  him  but  in  a  prudent  re- 
serve, or  even  absolute  silence.  They  knew  the  vio- 
lence of  his  adversaries,  and  were  fearful  of  its  effect 
upon  a  frame  already  so  enfeebled  by  a  long  and 
harsh  imprisonment.  But,  worn  and  enfeebled  as 
Huss  was,  the  spirit  within  him  that  was  to  brave 
the  fires  of  martyrdom,  was  still  unsubdued.  True 
to  the  calm  constancy  of  his  life,  he  did  not  suffer 
himself  to  be  intimidated,  nor  to  use,  as  he  justly 
might  have  done,  any  severe  language.  In  one  of 
his  letters  he  depicts  the  troublesome  and  annoying 
nature  of  the  inquisition  to  which  he  was  subjected, 
a  harshness  of  proceeding  which  might  well  have 
provoked  angry  retort.  "  Let  my  friends,"  said  he, 
"  be  under  no  alarm  on  the  score  of  my  answers.  I 
firmly  hope  that  what  I  have  said  under  the  roof 
will  yet  be  preached  upon  the  house-tops.  Every 
one  of  the  articles  has  been  presented  to  me  sepa 
rately,  and  the  question  has  been  asked  whether  I 
persisted  in  desiring  to  defend  it.  My  answer  was, 
that  I  would  not  do  so,  but  would  await  the  decision 
of  the  council.  God  is  my  witness  that  no  reply  has 
seemed  to  me  more  suitable,  since  I  had  already 
given  it  under  my  own  hand  that  I  did  not  wish  to 
maintain  anything  obstinately,  but  was  willing  to 
receive  instruction  of  any  one.  Michael  de  Causis 
stood  by,  with  a  paper  in  his  hand,  urging  the  patri- 
arch to  use  force  to  make  me  reply  to  his  questions.1 

1  Epis.  xlviii. 


542  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.  [Cii.  XX. 

The  bishops  then  came  in  and  interrogated  in  their 
turn.  .  .  .  God  has  permitted  Cansis  and  Paletz  to 
rise  up  against  me  for  my  sins.  The  one  examined 
and  remarked  upon  all  my  letters,  and  the  other 
brought  up  conversations  that  had  taken  place  be- 
tween us  many  years  back.  .  .  .  The  patriarch  would 
insist  upon  it  that  I  was  exceedingly  rich,  and  an 
archbishop  even  named  the  very  sum  I  possess, — 
namely,  70,000  florins.  .  .  .  Oh  !  certainly  my  suffer- 
ings to-day  were  great !  One  of  the  bishops  said  to 
me  'You  have  established  a  new  law  ;'  and  another, 
'  You  have  preached  up  all  these  articles.'  My  answer 
simply  wras,  'Why  do  you  overwhelm  me  with  out- 
rage ? ' " 

Berthold  Wildungen,1  one  of  the  deputation  who 
visited  Huss,  has  himself  given  an  account  of  this 
interview,  which,  in  the  main,  agrees  with  that  of 
Huss,  omitting,  howrever,  its  most  odious  features. 
The  number  of  articles  submitted  to  Huss  was  thirty. 
His  declining  to  defend  them,  and  offering  to  submit 
to  the  correction  of  the  council,  was  afterward  used 
against  him  in  the  public  audience.  It  is  evident 
that  he  saw  the  futility  of  any  private  defence  which 
he  might  offer,  and  preferred  that  the  council,  instead 
of  the  deputation,  should  be  the  judge  of  his  views. 
Certainly  no  intention  to  submit  his  convictions,  with- 
out argument  or  instruction  of  his  error,  could  ever 
have  entered  his  mind.  He  was  not  disposed  to 
allow  the  council,  any  more  than  the  pope,  to  usurp 
to  themselves  the  authority  of  the  word  of  God. 
He  merely  referred  himself,  as  he  felt  in  duty  bound, 

1  See  Von  der  Hardt. 


Ch.  XX.]  HIS   SUBMISSION    CONDITIONAL.  543 

to  the  decisions  of  the  council,  based,  as  he  had  the 
right  to  demand  that  they  should  be,  upon  the  plain 
doctrine  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures.  His  friends  were 
disquieted  at  the  report  perversely  spread  abroad  by 
his  enemies,  in  regard  to  his  submission.  They  feared 
that  he  had  already  offered  some  sort  of  retraction. 
But  this  was  not  the  case.  "  I  never  promised,"  he 
says,  in  a  letter  written  a  few  days  later,  "  to  submit 
myself  to  the  council  except  conditionally;  and  at 
several  different  audiences — as  already  previously  in 
public — I  have  protested  that,  as  to  the  demand  that 
I  should  retract,  I  desired  to  submit  myself  to  the 
instruction,  direction,  and  justice  of  the  council,  when- 
ever I  could  be  made  to  see  that  I  had  written, 
taught,  or  maintained  anything  opposed  to  truth." 
This  protestation  was  repeatedly  made  by  Huss,  from 
the  time  when  he  left  Prague  for  Constance  up  to 
the  conclusion  of  his  trial.  As  the  articles  were  now 
read  to  him,  he  gave  the  sense  in  which  they  were 
held,  sometimes  denying  the  one  presented  to  be  the 
expression  of  his  views,  or  pointing  out  the  perver- 
sion to  which  another  had  been  subjected.  To  pre- 
vent any  misstatements  or  alterations,  Huss  reduced 
his  replies  to  writing. 

Among  the  most  influential  opponents  of  Huss 
were  those  members  of  the  council  who  represented 
in  its  sessions  the  university  of  Paris  and  the  royal 
court  of  France.  Of  these  men,  Gerson  was  the 
acknowledged  leader.  Cardinal  D'Ailly,  his  former 
instructor,  sympathized  with  him  on  most  of  the  con- 
troverted questions  of  the  day,  and  from  their  posi- 
tion, as  well  as  the  remark  which  the  former  of  these 


544  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOHN    III  88.         [Gh.    XX. 

men  afterward  made — namely,  that  bad  IIuss  been 
properly  defended  he  would  have  escaped — it  is  to 
be  presumed  that  their  influence  against  the  reformer 
was  decisive  of  his  fate.  And  yet,  to  the  observer 
of  passing  events,  not  initiated  into  a  full  knowledge 
of  the  secret  currents  of  influence  combining  with, 
or  counterworking  one  another  beneath  the  surface, 
such  violent  hostility  as  those  men  manifested  toward 
Huss  is  quite  inexplicable.  In  many  points  they 
agreed  with  the  Bohemian  reformer.  They  had  no 
more  respect  for  the  papal  power,  and  would  have 
paid  no  more  regard  to  its  excommunication,  than 
Huss  himself.  Their  exposures  of  the  iniquity  and 
corruption  of  the  Roman  court  are  as  horrid  and 
startling  as  any  that  were  ever  heard  within  the 
walls  of  Bethlehem  chapel  at  Prague.  It  might 
have  been  supposed  that  these  men,  alike  able, 
learned,  and  indignant  at  the  gross  corruptions  of  the 
church,  sanctioned  and  exemplified  in  the  lives  of  her 
own  dignitaries,  would  have  welcomed  in  Huss  a 
brother  reformer.  But  calumny  had  already  poisoned 
their  minds  against  him.  Rivals  and  enemies  had 
represented  him  to  them  as  a  heretic.  His  partial 
endorsement  of  the  views  of  Wicklifte  had  in  their 
eyes  identified  him  with  that  hated  Englishman.  A 
strong  party,  resolved  to  glut  their  vengeance  upon 
the  latter,  even  at  the  price  of  robbing  his  grave 
and  insulting  his  bones,  thirsted  for  some  living  vic- 
tim, and  swept  strong  minds  around  them  along  in 
the  tide  of  their  own  sympathies.  To  all  this,  how- 
ever, must  be  added  the  fact,  the  weight  of  which 
at  this  day  we  are  scarcely  able  to  appreciate,  that 


Ch.  XX.]  NOMINALISTS    AND    KEALISTS.  545 

scholastic  differences  aggravated  the  animosity  of 
the  Paris  deputation  against  Huss.  The  latter  be- 
longed to  the  school  of  the  Realists,  while  the  former 
were  the  avowed  and  leading  champions  of  the 
school  of  the  Nominalists.  For  full  two  centuries 
from  the  days  of  Roscelin  and  Abelard,  France  had 
been  a  battle-field  for  these  contending  parties.  At 
times  the  result  of  the  conflict  seemed  doubtful. 
Abelard,  who  was  a  Nominalist,  with  all  his  noted 
ability,  fell  before  the  unrelenting  assaults  of  his 
powerful  adversary,  Bernard,  and  was  branded  as  a 
heretic.  But  his  views  survived,  and  continued  to 
spread  until  they  had  made  the  university  of  Paris 
their  strongest  fortress.  In  vain  had  popes  and  coun- 
cils attempted  to  stay  the  tide  of  opinion.  Abelard's 
bones  rested  quietly  in  their  grave,  but  over  his  help- 
less dust  the  battle  was  fought  which  more  than 
avenged  him.  The  Nominalists  gained  at  last  the 
supremacy,  but  the  hard-fought  battle  had  left  behind 
it  deep  scars,  and  bleeding  wounds  that  refused  to 
be  healed.  Alienation  and  bitter  hostility  still  were 
cherished  in  the  minds  of  the  opposing  parties.  They 
who  triumphed — and  Gerson  among  them — doubt- 
less remembered  the  humiliation  of  past  defeats,  and 
it  was  no  unimportant  object  in  their  esteem  that  a 
general  council  for  the  reformation  of  the  church 
should  lend  its  sanction  to  the  views  which  they 
maintained.  Several  of  them,  therefore,  reproved 
in  Huss  the  Realist  as  much  at  least  as  the  heterodox 
preacher.  Scholastic  feuds  were  carried  into  the 
theological  arena,  and  even  men  whose  general  integ- 
rity we  are  bound  to  respect  were  blinded,  in  the  heat 

VOL.  l  35 


546  LITE    AXD    TOTES    OF    SOBS   JIUSS.  [Cn.  XX. 

and  strife  of  party  feelings,  to  the  nature  of  their 
acts.  In  the  person  of  Huss,  Realism  was  virtually 
triumphant  at  Prague;  and  when  he  stood  before  his 
judges,  their  prejudices  were  already  aroused,  and 
hi-  case  was  really  prejudged. 

In  regard  to  Huss,  we  have  no  evidence  that  he 
reciprocated  the  strong  antipathies  or  party  feelings 
of  his  antagonists.  His  philosophy  was  never  made 
prominent,  while  his  course  was  shaped  simply  by 
his  sense  of  duty  and  his  theological  convictions. 
The  cause  of  a  pure  Christianity  excited  in  him  a 
deeper  interest  than  the  dialectics  or  disputations  of 
the  schools.  His  philosophy  did  not  obstruct — it 
may  perhaps  have  promoted — the  practical  bearing 
of  his  words.  His  soul  was  too  full  of  the  great 
truths  of  scripture  to  have  room  left  there  for  the 
play  of  passions  which  are  roused  by  scholastic  par- 
tisanship. 

It  was  in  such  circumstances  as  these  that  Huss 
appeared  before  the  council — a  combination  of  oppos- 
ing influences  arrayed  against  him,  from  the  conspir- 
ing antagonism  of  which  little  was  left  him  to  hope. 
Prejudice  had  built  up,  as  it  were,  between  him  and 
the  conscience  of  the  council,  an  impenetrable  wall 
of  granite,  from  which  argument,  appeal,  and  remon- 
strance alike  recoiled.  This  was  manifest  in  the  first 
steps  of  the  process  taken  by  the  council  against  the 
reformer. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

FIRST  AUDIENCE  OF  HUSS  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL.    SECOND 
AUDIENCE 

Removal  of  Huss  to  Constance.  —  Council  Assembled  to  Consider  his  Case 
in  his  Absence. — Peter,  the  Notary.  —  The  Emperor  Informed. — Forbids 
ant  Hasty  Decision  by  the  Council.  —  Their  Reluctance  to  Obey. — Books 
of  Huss  Sent  to  the  Emperor.  —  First  Appearance  of  Huss  Before  the 
Council.  —  Charges  Read. — Confusion  in  the  Council.  —  Huss  Cannot  be 
Heard. — Luther's  Description.  —  Calmness  of  Huss.  —  Cardinal  of  Ostia. — 
Complaint  of  Huss.  —  He  is  Required  to  Recant.  —  Confusion  such  that 
the  Council  Adjourns.  —  Assembly  of  June  7.  —  Eclipse.  —  Sigismund 
Present. —  His  Weakness. — Articles  Read. —  The  Cup.  —  Transubstantia- 
tion.  —  The  Cardinal  D'Ailly.  —  Philosophical  Subtleties.  —  Nominalists 
and  Realists.  —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  The  English  Doctors.  —  Huss  Dissents 

from  wlckliffe.  —  john  stokes.  — remarks  of  the  cardinal  of  florence. 

Noble  Reply.  —  Zabarella  Rejoins.  —  New  Article  on  Approval  of 
Wickliffe.  —  Whether  Tithes  are  Alms.  —  Statements  of  Huss  as  to  his 
Course.  —  Sbynco.  —  The  Burning  of  the  Books.  —  The  Appeal  of  Huss. — 
He  Justifies  it.  —  Article  on  Appeal  to  Arms.  —  On  the  Discord  Pro- 
duced by  his  Doctrines.  —  Statements  of  Huss.  —  Nason.  —  D'Ailly.  —  The 
University.  —  Nason's  Remarks.  —  Paletz  Confirms  Them.  —  Council  Ad- 
journs.—  Huss  Called  Back.  —  D'Ailly  Seeks  to  Prejudice  the  Emperor. — 
Huss  Replies.  —  Chlum's  Answer. — D'Ailly  Urges  Submission.  —  Sigismund 
on  his  Safe-Conduct. —  Bids  Huss  Submit.  —  His  Reply.  —  Clemency  of  the 
Council.  —  Letters  of  Huss. — Anxiety  About  his  Debts.  —  Few  Friends  of 
Huss  in  the  Council. 

June  1,  1415-June  7,  1415. 

It  was  on  the  fifth  of  June,  1415,  that  Huss  was 
removed  from  the  prison  at  Gottlieben,  where  he  had 
remained  for  more  than  two  months,  and  brought  to 
Constance.  But  even  here  he  was  not  permitted  to 
meet  his  friend,  Jerome.  The  latter  was  confined  in 
the  tower  of  St.  Paul's  Cemetery,  while  the  former 


548  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUSS.         [Ca  XXL 

was   placed   in   the   monastery  of  the  Franciscans, 

where  he  was  to  remain,  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
time  loaded  with  irons,  till  the  hour  of  his  martyr- 
dom. Well  does  the  annalist1  add,  as  he  notes  the 
period  of  this  the  last  imprisonment  of  Huss,  that 
'  he  was  to  take  leave  of  his  cell,  not  of  his  constancy  ; 
of  his  life,  but  not  of  his  faith.'2 

The  council,  however,  contemning  even  the  forms 
of  justice,  did  not  wait  for  his  appearance  before 
they  proceeded  to  take  measures  that  were  meant 
to  be  decisive  of  his  fate.  Several  hours  before  his 
arrival  at  Constance,  and  not  only  in  his  absence  but 
in  that  of  the  emperor,  the  fathers  of  the  council, 
with  the  cardinals  and  bishops,  assembled  in  public 
congregation.  The  place  selected  for  the  assembly 
was  the  monastery  of  the  Franciscans,  in  which  Huss 
was  to  be  confined.  Articles  were  produced  and 
read,  accompanied  with  the  alleged  proofs,  which 
were  said  to  have  been  selected  from  his  books  and 
treatises.  The  object  of  such  a  proceeding,  so  strange- 
ly at  variance  with  the  course  which  they  were  vir- 
tually pledged  to  pursue,  was  sufficiently  obvious.  If 
the  council's  condemnation  of  Huss'  doctrines  could 
not  thus  be  secured,  a  full  opportunity  at  least  was 
allowed  his  enemies  to  ply  their  arts  of  slanderous 
invective  and  false  crimination.  But  among  those 
present  at  the  council,  there  was  one  indignant  spec- 
tator of  this  grossly  unjust  proceeding.  The  good 
notary,  Peter  Maldoniewitz,  the  one  who,  two  weeks 
before,  on  the  arrest  of  Jerome,  had  discovered  the 

1  Von  der  Ilnrdt,  iv.  306.  *  Cnrcerem  non  constantiam,  vitam  non  fidem 
linqueret. 


Cu.  XXL]  THE    EMPEROR    INTERFERES.  549 

secret  prison  in  which  he  was  confined,  and  offered 
him  consolation,  sympathy,  and  kindness,  was  present 
in  his  official  character,  and  gathered,  from  what  he 
heard,1  that  the  doctrines  of  Huss  would  speedily  be 
condemned,  perhaps  before  his  arrival.  He  there- 
fore hastened  to  inform  his  friends  and.  countrymen, 
Chlum  and  Duba,  of  what  the  council  proposed  to  do. 
On  receiving  this  intelligence,  these  men  promptly 
communicated  it  to  the  emperor.  Sigismund  shared 
to  some  extent  the  indignation  of  the  Bohemian 
nobles.  He  dispatched,  on  the  instant,  the  elector 
Louis  of  Bavaria  and  Frederic  burgrave  of  Nurem- 
berg to  the  assembled  members,  seriously  enjoining 
upon  them  not  to  determine  anything  in  the  cause 
of  Huss  until  they  had  heard  him,  and  heard  him, 
moreover,  with  calmness  and  impartiality.  He  di- 
rected them  also  to  send  him  whatever  erroneous 
articles  they  might  detect,  giving  them  to  understand 
that  he  on  his  part  would  submit  them  to  the  judg- 
ment of  good  aud  learned  men. 

Such  a  message  was  far  from  acceptable  to  the 
council.  They  bore  it  ill,  that  having  deposed  a 
pope,  their  own  supremacy  should  not  be  fully  ac- 
knowledged by  the  emperor.  With  the  first  part 
of  his  command  they  were  forced  to  acquiesce,  and 
gave  orders  to  have  Huss  brought  before  them ;  but 
on  the  second  point  they  met  the  emperor's  demand 
by  an  absolute  refusal.  They  declined  to  send  him 
the  erroneous  articles.  To  this  they  were  impelled 
as  well  probably  by  their  fear  of  the  result  if  the 
matter  was  to  be  left  in  his  hands,  as  by  their  res- 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  307.     Mon.  Hussi,  i.  12. 


550  LIFE    AXD    TIMKS    nF    JOHN'    HUSS.  [Ch.  XXI. 

tiveness  under  his  assumed  control.  Meanwhile  Duba 
and  Chlum,  taught  by  experience  to  distrust  the  fair 
dealing  of  the  council,  handed  to  the  princes  whom 
the  emperor  had  sent,  the  several  volumes  of  the 
writings  of  Huss,  from  which  the  articles  objected 
against  him  had  been  extracted.  By  a  reference  to 
these,  the  bad  faith  of  his  adversaries  might  the  more 
readily  be  detected,  or,  if  the  extracts  were  correct, 
they  might  be  verified. 

Huss,  now  removed  from  Gottlieben,  was  brought 
in  the  course  of  the  day  for  the  first  time  before  the 
council.1  The  elector  and  the  burgrave,  having  hand- 
ed in  the  volumes  of  his  writings,  withdrew,  and  left 
Huss  alone  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies.  Exasperated 
as  they  were  by  the  obstacles  thrown  in  their  way 
by  the  emperor,  they  were  not  in  the  best  mood  for 
hearing  a  man  whose  case  they  had  already  pre- 
judged. The  books  of  Huss  were  presented  to  him. 
He  was  asked  if  he  acknowledged  them  as  his.  He 
replied  that  he  did,  promising  at  the  same  time  to 
correct  whatever  error  could  be  pointed  out  in  them. 
"  I  will  rectify,"  said  he,  "  any  mistaken  proposition 
which  any  man  among  you  can  point  out,  with  the 
most  hearty  good-will." 

The  reading  of  the  articles  charged  as  erroneous 
was  then  commenced.  After  one  had  been  read, 
and  Huss  had  shown  a  disposition  to  reply  to  it,  the 
true  spirit  of  the  assembly  broke  forth.  He  had 
scarcely  uttered   the  first   word,  when  there   arose 

1  The  main  authorities  for  the  facts  the  works  of  IIuss,  i.  12-29.   L'Enfant 

pertaining  to  the  trial   of  IIuss   are  has  given  a  fair  and  full  digest  from 

Von  der  Ilardt,  who  is  most  full  and  these  authorities. — Fp.  200-235, 
complete,  and  the  accounts  given  in 


Cu.  XXL]  TUMULT   IN    THE    COUNCIL.  551 

throughout  the  whole  assembly  such  clamor  and  dis- 
turbance that  the  hearing  of  him  was  altogether  out 
of  the  question.  The  scene  was  renewed  as  the  coun- 
cil proceeded  from  article  to  article.  If  the  notary 
Maldoniewitz  is  to  be  believed — and  he  was  present 
at  the  scene,  gazing  upon  it  with  anxious  interest — 
the  proceedings  of  the  assembly  were  characterized 
rather  by  the  ferocity  of  wild  beasts  than  the  grave 
deportment  and  thoughtful  attention  of  Christian 
doctors,  assembled  to  discuss  and  decide  the  gravest 
questions.  At  length,  as  the  storm  lulled  somewhat, 
the  voice  of  Huss  was  heard  appealing  to  the  Sacred 
Scriptures.  This  was  too  much  for  the  patience  of 
the  council.  "That  is  not  the  question,"  was  the  out- 
cry which  burst  forth  from  every  side.  Some  uttered 
accusations  against  the  prisoner,  while  others  laughed 
him  to  scorn.  Any  attempt  which  he  could  make 
to  secure  a  hearing  was  perfectly  futile.  He  ceased 
for  a  moment,  and  his  enemies  began  to  enjoy  their 
triumph.  " He  is  dumb,"  cried  they ;  "it  is  evident 
that  he  has  taught  the  heretical  proposition  contained 
in  the  article."  "  All,"  said  Luther,  in  describing  the 
scene  in  his  own  energetic  language,  "  all  worked 
themselves  into  rage  like  wild  boars ;  the  bristles  of 
their  back  stood  on  end ;  they  bent  their  brows  and 
gnashed  their  teeth  against  John  Huss."  * 

But,  in  the  midst  of  all  the  taunts  and  insults  that 
were  heaped  upon  him,  Huss  was  not  depressed  or 
dismayed.  "  There  were  given  to  me,"  he  says,  "  bold- 
ness and  presence  of  miiid."2     Two  of  the  articles 


1  Luther's  Latin  letter  appended  to        2  Von  der  Hardt.    "  Magno  se  ani- 
the  letters  of  Huss.  mo  fuisse  pneditum." 


n  no 


55 '1  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUSS.         [Cu.  XXT. 

charged  against  him  were  stricken  out.  There  was 
not  evidence  to  sustain  them.  "The  same  fate," 
writes  Huss,  at  the  close  of  the  clay,  "is  augured  for 
many  of  the  others."  One  of  those  probably  which 
were  dropped  was  the  one  that  concerned  the  doc- 
trine of  the  cup.  The  council  readily  perceived  that, 
whatever  might  be  the  views  of  Huss  upon  the  sub- 
ject, he  was  not  the  originator  of  the  innovation  at 
Prague  ;  and  if  he  was  condemned  for  them,  the  sen- 
tence might  strike  further  than  they  desired.  Huss 
justly  complained  of  the  confusion  and  clamor  of  the 
occasion.  Causis  insisted  that  his  books  should  be 
burned.  Yet  there  were  men  more  favorably  in- 
clined. Huss  speaks  well  of  the  cardinal,  Bishop  of 
Ostia,  who  usually  presided  over  the  deliberations 
of  the  council.  He  was  the  son  of  a  poor  peasant  of 
Brogni.  A  swineherd  in  his  youth,  he  was  never 
ashamed  of  his  origin.  By  his  merit  he  had  risen  to 
high  station,  and  in  his  elevation  preserved  a  sympa- 
thy for  the  poor  and  unfortunate.  Huss  speaks  of 
him  as  father,  and  commends  the  kindness  which  he 
experienced  at  his  hands.  One  of  the  Polish  doctors 
also  showed  himself  friendly.  Even  the  Bishop  of 
Leitomischel,  who  had  denounced  Jacobel,  seemed 
somewhat  softened  in  feeling  toward  Huss. 

But  his  friends  were  few  in  number,  and  their 
voices  were  drowned  in  the  clamors  Of  this  judicial 
mob.  No  order  was  preserved.  The  members  of 
the  council  cried  out  against  Huss,  while  they  inter- 
rupted one  another  at  the  top  of  their  voice.  "I 
supposed,"  cried  the  prisoner,  "that  there  had  been 
more  fairness,  kindness,  and  order  in  the  council." 


Ch.  XXL]  AN    AUDIENCE    IMPOSSIBLE.  553 

Upon  this  the  Cardinal  of  Ostia  addressed  Huss: 
"  When  we  saw  you  in  the  tower,  you  spoke  in  a 
more  modest  manner."  "  With  good  reason,"  replied 
Huss,  "for  there  no  one  vociferated  against  me,  and 
now  all  do."  "They  tried,"  says  Huss,  in  speaking 
of  the  scene  at  a  later  period,  "  to  frighten  me  from 
my  constancy  in  the  truth  of  Christ ;  but  they  could 
not  vanquish  the  strength  of  God  in  me.  They  would 
not  deal  with  me  on  the  ground  of  the  authority  of 
the  Sacred  Scriptures,  as  those  noble  ]^rds,  Duba  and 
Chlum,  prepared  as  they  were  to  incur  infamy  for 
the  truth  of  God  while  they  stood  firmly  by  my  side, 
can  testify."  These  men  had  been  authorized  by  the 
emperor  to  be  present  with  Huss  on  his  trial.  With 
what  indignation  must  they  have  heard  the  reply  to 
Huss  when  he  asked  to  be  instructed  in  what  respects 
he  had  erred.  "  As  you  ask  to  be  informed,"  said 
the  presiding  cardinal,  "you  must  first  recant  your 
doctrine,  according  to  the  prescript  of  the  fifty  mas- 
ters in  Sacred  Scripture." 

As  the  clamor  continued  and  increased,  and  the 
eyes  of  Huss,  gazing  over  the  assembly,  met  only  ene- 
mies where  he  had  hoped  to  find  impartial  judges, 
he  was  forced  to  express  his  surprise.  "I  antici- 
pated," said  he,  "  a  different  reception,  and  had  im- 
agined that  I  should  obtain  a  hearing.  I  am  unable 
to  make  myself  audible  over  so  great  a  noise ;  and  I 
am  silent  because  I  am  forced  to  it.  I  would  will- 
ingly speak  were  I  listened  to."  The  more  moderate- 
members  of  the  council  were  disgusted.  The  agita- 
tion and  confusion  were  too  great  for  calm  delibera- 
tion.  A  fair  audience  of  Huss  was  utterly  impossible 


554  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    BUBS.         [Oh.  XXL 

in  the  circumstances.  Those  who  were  anxious  for 
the  reputation  of  the  council  urged  an  adjournment, 
insisting  that  the  case  should  be  deferred  to  another 
occasion.  Their  views  prevailed,  and  the  council 
stood  adjourned  to  the  seventh  of  June. 

The  next  day  upon  which  the  council  met  (June 
Y)  was  ushered  in  by  a  solar  eclipse.  The  sun's  disc 
was  almost  wholly  obscured,  and  the  superstition  of 
the  age  regarded  it  as  a  strange  omen.1  It  was  not 
till  the  eclipse  had  wholly  passed  away,  and  at  about 
one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  that  the  council  reas- 
sembled in  the  hall  of  the  Franciscan  monastery, 
where  they  had  met  before.2  Sigismund  took  good 
care  to  be  present.  The  Bohemian  noblemen  had 
given  him  an  account  of  what  had  taken  place  at 
the  first  audience,  and  conjured  him  to  be  present  at 
the  second  sitting,  to  preserve  order. 
.  Huss  was  led  into  the  assembly  loaded  with  chains, 
and  attended  by  a  numerous  body  of  soldiers.  He 
was  placed  directly  in  front  of  the  emperor,  whose 
imperial  word  had  been  pledged  for  his  security. 
The  feelings  of  Sigismund  on  such  an  occasion  were 
scarcely  to  be  envied.  He  came  now,  undoubtedly, 
in  the  hope  of  saving  the  prisoner  from  condemna- 
tion, and  restraining  the  excessive  zeal  of  his  prose- 
cutors. He  persuaded  himself,  in  all  probability,  that 
his  influence  with  the  council,  and  with  the  prisoner 
also,  would  be  decisive.  But  he  had  failed  rightly 
to  estimate  the  strength  of  religious  conviction  on 
the  part  of  one,  or  of  prejudice  and  venomous  hostil- 
ity on  the  part  of  the  other.     Little  did  he  realize, 

1  L'Eufant,  200.  a  Hon.  Hussi,  12,  13, 


Ch.  XXI.]  A    FALSE    ACCUSATION.  555 

while  he  exulted  over  the  deposition  of  a  pope,  that 
in  the  hands  of  the  council  he  was  himself  to  become 
the  blind  instrument  of  his  own  infamy. 

The  two  bitter  enemies  of  Huss,  Paletz  and  Causis, 
had  neglected  nothing  which  could  contribute  to  se- 
cure his  condemnation.  The  presence  of  the  emperor 
only  incited  them  to  redouble  their  efforts.  Appre- 
hension of  the  shame  of  defeat,  if  their  victim  was 
suffered  to  escape  them,  aggravated  the  bitterness 
of  their  zeal.  The  audience  opened  with  the  reading 
of  the  articles  of  accusation.  They  were  fitly  pre- 
sented, as  they  had  been  mainly  drawn  up  by  Causis. 
In  the  first  of  these  he  sought  to  identify  the  cause 
of  Huss  with  that  of  Wickliffe,  and  thus  overwhelm 
it  in  the  same  obloquy.  "  John  Huss,"  said  he,1 
"  has  taught  in  the  Bethlehem  chapel,  and  in  other 
places  in  the  city  of  Prague,  many  errors  among  the 
people,  some  of  them  drawn  from  the  books  of  Wick- 
liffe, some  of  his  own  getting  up,  and  he  has  diligently 
defended  them,  with  extreme  obstinacy.  In  the  first 
place,  he  has  taught  that  after  the  consecration  and 
the  pronunciation  of  the  words  in  the  Lord's  supper, 
the  material  bread  still  remains,  and  this  is  proved 
by  the  testimony  of  several  witnesses."  The  names 
of  four  of  them,  Protiva,  Pecklo,  Benesius,  and  Broda, 
were  specified.2 

To  this  charge  Huss  replied,  with  a  solemn  adjura- 
tion, that  he  had  never  taught  such  a  doctrine. 
"  Only  this,"  he  would  confess,  "  that  when  the  arch- 
bishop of  Prague  had  wholly  prohibited  the  use  of 
that  expression,  bread,  he    could   not  approve  this 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  308.  s  Mon.  Hussi,  i.  13. 


556  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.         [Cii.  XXI. 

mandate  of  the  archbishop,  inasmuch  as  Christ  in  the 
sixth  chapter  of  John  had  spoken  of  himself  eleven 
times  as  the  bread  of  angels  that  came  down  from 
heaven  to  give  life  to  the  world,  but  that  he  never 
had  spoken  of  material  bread." 

Upon  this  Huss  was  addressed  by  the  Cardinal 
of  Cambray,  wTho  belonged  to  the  school  of  the 
French  theologians,  and  who  like  them  was  embit- 
tered against  the  Realism  of  Huss  on  philosophical 
grounds.  Holding  a  paper  in  his  hand,  which  he 
said  he  had  received  the  day  before,  he  addressed  the 
prisoner:  "  John  Huss,  do  you  hold  that  universals 
are  derived  from  particulars?"1  This  was  a  test 
question  of  philosophy.  Huss  replied  to  it  in  the 
affirmative,  strengthening  himself  with  the  remark, 
that  thus  St.  Anselm  and  others  had  believed.  "It 
follows,  then,"  replied  the  cardinal,  "that  after  the 
consecration,  the  material  substance  of  the  bread  re- 
mains. And  this  point  I  thus  prove :  because  after 
the  consecration,  while  the  bread  is  changed  and 
substantiated  into  the  body  of  Christ,  as  you  now 
say,  either  the  wonted  substance  of  the  material 
bread  remains  there,  or  it  does  not.  If  it  remains, 
the  charge  is  true ;  if  not,  then  it  follows  that  at 
the  cessation  of  the  particular  the  universal  itself 
ceases." 

By  such  reasoning  this  "  hammer  of  heretics,"  as 
he  was  proud  in  his  day  to  be  called,  attempted  to 
smite  down  Huss,  and  force  him  either  to  renounce 
his  philosophy,  or  admit  that  the  material  bread  re- 
mained after  consecration.     His  passions  as  a  parti- 

1  Poni^in'  oniyersalia  a  parte  rei? 


Ch.  XXL]  PHILOSOPHICAL    PKEJUDICE8.  557 

sail  had  thrown  him  into  the  strange  attitude  of  a 
champion  of  orthodoxy,  contending  as  a  philosoph- 
ical polemic.  The  fate  of  Huss  was  made  to  hinge 
upon  the  syllogisms  and  the  technicalities  of  the 
schools.  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  the  more 
than  odium  tlieologicwn  which,  at  that  period,  char- 
acterized the  feelings  mutually  of  the  Nominalists 
and  Realists.  This  bitterness  had  continued  through 
centuries,  the  heirloom  of  successive  generations. 
These  contending  sects  carried  their  fury  so  far  as  to 
charge  each  other  with  the  "sin  against  the  Holy 
Ghost."  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Nominalists,  in 
their  subsequent  letter  to  Louis,  king  of  France,  do 
not  pretend  to  deny 1  that  Huss  fell  a  victim  to  the 
resentment  of  their  sect.  Undoubtedly  this  article 
of  accusation  which  Causis  had  drawn  up,  and  of  the 
falsehood  of  which  he  could  scarcely  have  failed  to 
be  aware,  had  been  introduced  by  a  malignant  in- 
genuity, and  with  the  purpose  to  array  against  Huss 
the  philosophical  prejudices  of  the  whole  French 
deputation.  It  gave  an  opportunity  to  bring  to  bear 
upon  him  all  the  arts  of  their  scholasticism,  and  the 
rigor  of  an  inflexible  and  pitiless  logic.  It  placed 
him  directly  in  conflict  with  the  ablest  and  most 
disciplined  intellects  of  Europe,  and  left  him  at  the 
mercy  of  all  the  sophistical  snares  with  which  they 
might  endeavor  to  entrap  him. 

But  Huss,  believing  as  he  did  in  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation,  was  prepared  by  his  own  belief 
with  an  unanswerable  reply.  In  this  case,  he  admit- 
ted that  the  universal  ceases,  inasmuch  as  transub- 

1  Dugald  Stewart,  i.  94. 


558  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUS3.         [Ch.  XXI 

stantiation  is  a  miracle — the  substance  disappearing 
in  this  case,  though  remaining  in  every  other. 

Upon  this  an  English  doctor  interposed.  He 
wished  to  present  a  new  edition  of  the  cardinal's 
argument,  and  prove,  from  what  Huss  admitted,  that 
material  bread  remains  after  consecration,  thus  con- 
demning him  by  inference — a  course  of  all  others 
most  unmanly  and  odious.  But  Huss  treated  it  as  a 
puerility  with  which  even  the  boys  in  school  were 
familiar,  and  at  once  answered  it.  Another  English 
doctor  now  proposed  to  prove  that  material  bread 
remains  after  consecration,  inasmuch  as  it  is  not  an- 
nihilated. To  this  Huss  replied  that,  although  not 
annihilated,  it  yet  ceased  to  be  bread  in  particular, 
by  its  transubstantiation  into  the  body  of  Christ. 

Here  another  Englishman  interrupted  him,  by  say- 
ing, "In  my  view,  Huss  seems  to  speak  in  the  same 
subtle  way  that  Wickliffe  did.1  For  the  latter  grant- 
ed all  that  the  former  does,  but  held  also  that  mate- 
rial bread  remains  after  consecration,  in  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar.  Moreover,  that  whole  chapter,3 
Firmater  credimus,  he  perverted  so  as  to  confirm  his 
erroneous  opinion."  To  this  Huss  replied,  denying 
that  he  had  spoken  anything  but  with  sincerity  and 
from  conviction.  "Was  then,"  asked  the  English- 
man, "  was  that  body  of  Christ,  which  was  born  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  suffered,  died,  rose  again,  and  is 
seated  at  the  right  hand  of  God  the  Father,  wholly 
and  truly  present  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar?" 
This  was  the  vital  question,  at  least  in  the  view  of 

1  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  13.        5  From  the  decree  establishing  the  doctrino  of tran- 
nubstantiation. 


Ch.  XXI.]  THE   EXGLISII    DOCTOES.  559 

every  Englishman.  WicklifiVs  denial  of  the  doc- 
trine of  transubstantiation  was  the  head  and  front, 
theoretically  at  least,  of  his  offending.  But  Huss 
candidly  and  manfully  disavowed  the  views  which  the 
English  reformer  held  upon  this  point.  Upon  this 
the  minds  of  some  of  the  English  members  of  the 
council  became  somewhat  softened  toward  him. 
They  had,  with  their  characteristic  common  sense, 
little  sympathy  with  the  subtle  and  scholastic  dis- 
tinctions of  the  French  doctors.  If  Huss  was  to  be 
proved  guilty  of  rejecting  the  doctrine  in  question, 
they  wished  the  proof  to  be  such  that  a  plain  man 
could  understand  it.  Probably  few  of  them  could 
fairly  comprehend  the  technicalities  of  the  Nominalist 
philosophy,  or,  if  they  did,  some  at  least  must  have 
regarded  it  with  aversion.  "  What  use,"  exclaimed 
one,  "  of  all  this  disputation  about  universals,  which 
has  nothing  to  do  with  faith  ?  This  man,  as  far  as  I 
can  see,  has  correct  views  in  regard  to  the  sacrament 
of  the  altar." 

All  the  English  doctors  did  not  share  this  opinion. 
The  present  charge  was  a  vital  one  in  their  view, 
and  the  smoke  of  Huss'  funeral-pile  would  be  far 
more  grateful  incense  to  their  nostrils  if  he  could  be 
burned  as  a  disciple  of  their  old  enemy,  Wickliffe. 
Unwilling  even  yet  to  give  up  the  point,  Doctor 
John  Stokes  returned  to  the  charge.  "  I  saw,"  said 
he,  "  at  Prague  a  certain  treatise  ascribed  to  this 
John  Huss,  in  which  it  was  distinctly  stated  that 
after  consecration  the  material  bread  remains  in  the 
sacrament."  "  With  all  due  respect,"  replied  Huss, 
calmly   conscious   of  his   innocence    of  the   charge 


5G0  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.        [di.  XXI. 

brought  against  him,  "  With  all  due  respect,  tins  is 
not  tlif  case." 

Unable  by  these  methods  to  substantiate  any- 
thing against  the  prisoner,  on  this  charge  at  least, 
they  returned  t<>  the  various  testimony  which  had 
been  sworn  against  him.  John  Protiva,1  parish 
priest  of  St.  Clement,  at  Prague,  added  to  his  testi- 
mony, that  Huss  had,  when  the  authority  of  St. 
Gregory  was  adduced  against  him,  spoken  of  that 
holy  man  as  a  jester  or  a  wag.  To  this  Huss  replied, 
that  in  this  matter  injustice  was  done  him.  He  had 
ever  accounted  Gregory  a  most  holy  doctor  of  the 
church. 

Upon  this  the  ardor  of  the  prosecution  somewhat 
abated.  The  course  of  his  enemies  was  perhaps  pro- 
ducing something  of  a  recoil  of  feeling  in  favor  of 
the  prisoner.  The  false  charge,  and  Cardinal  D'A li- 
ly's absurd  attempt  to  prove  it  upon  Huss  by  infer- 
ence, were  enough  upon  reflection  to  excite  sympathy 
amon^  the  more  moderate  members  of  the  council. 

At  this  moment,  when  the  heat  of  the  dispute  had 
somewhat  subsided,  the  cardinal  of  Florence  came 
adroitly  to  the  rescue  of  a  bad  cause.  "  You  know," 
said  he  to  Huss,  "  that  in  the  mouth  of  two  or  three 
witnesses  every  word  must  be  established.  But  now, 
as  you  perceive,  there  are  almost  twenty  men,  of 
great  credit  and  authority,  some  of  whom  heard  you 
themselves,  while  others  testify  from  common  fame 
and  the  reports  of  persons  who  did  hear  you,  whose 
testimony  bears  against  you.     All  give  such  decisive 

1  Protiva  had  occupied  the  pulpit  of  is  not  improbable  that  en  v y  bad  some- 
Bethlehem  chapel  before  Huss,  and  it    thing  to  do  with  Ids  present  course. 


Ch.  XXI.]  A  XOELE  REPLY.  561 

evidence  of  the  truth  of  what  they  testify,  that  we 
can  not  disbelieve  them.  How  you  can  defend  your 
cause  against  so  many,  and  such  eminent  and  reliable 
men,  I  can  not  see."  The  aim  of  the  cardinal  in  this 
assumed  tone  of  moderation  was  obvious.  He  wished 
to  persuade  Huss  to  an  unconditional  recantation,  at 
once,  probably,  to  dispose  of  the  whole  matter,  and, 
out  of  regard  for  the  emperor  and  the  Bohemians, 
to  save  the  prisoner's  life.  But  Huss  was  not  to  be 
thus  entrapped  into  a  violation  of  his  convictions. 
"  I  call,"  replied  he,  "  I  call  God  and  my  own  con- 
science to  witness,  that  I  never  have  taught,  or  even 
thought  of  teaching,  as  these  men  have  dared  to  tes- 
tify in  regard  to  what  they  never  heard.  And  even 
though  there  were  many  more  arrayed  against  me,  I 
make  more  account  of  the  witness  of  the  Lord  my 
God,  and  of  my  own  conscience,  than  I  do  of  the 
judgments  of  all  my  adversaries,  which  I  regard  as 
nothing." 

It  was  a  noble  reply,  worthy  of  the  man  and  of 
the  occasion.  But  the  fathers  of  the  council  could 
not  appreciate  the  spirit  in  which  it  was  uttered. 
Undoubtedly  the  cardinal  of  Florence  spoke  the  feel- 
ings of  the  more  moderate  portion  of  the  council, 
when  he  rejoined,  "  We  cannot  decide  according  to 
your  conscience,  but  we  must  of  necessity  be  satisfied 
with  the  most  clear  and  reliable  testimony  of  these 
witnesses.  Nor  do  they  assert  these  things  against 
you  as  you  say,  impelled  by  some  grudge  or  malice, 
but  fortify  their  testimony  with  the  reasons  alleged 
for  it,  savoring  in  no  respect  of  malice,  and  in  regard 
to  which  there  is  no  room  left  for  doubt.     As  to  you? 

VOL.  I.  36 


562  LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF  JOHN    EUSS.         [Oh.  XXL 

Baying  that  Master  Stephen  Paletz  is  suspected  of 
sinister  designs  by  you,  and  that  lie  lias  craftily  se- 
lected those  articles  from  your  books,  which  will 
hereafter  be  brought  forward,  you  seem  to  me  in  this 
matter  to  do  him  injustice.  In  my  opinion,  he  has 
proceeded  in  this  matter  in  such  good  faith,  that  he 
has  presented  the  objectionable  matter  in  milder 
language  than  you  employed  in  your  books.  I  hear 
moreover,  that  other  excellent  men  are  likewi-<'  sus- 
pected  by  you,  and  you  have  asserted  as  much  in  re- 
gard to  the  chancellor  of  Paris,  (Gerson,)  than  whom 
there  is  not  another  person  in  Christendom  more  emi- 
nent in  merit." 

The  reply  of  Huss  is  not  given,  but  the  language 
of  the  cardinal  was  obviously  as  much  addressed  to 
the  assembly  as  it  was  to  the  prisoner.  "  Should  I 
live,"  says  Huss,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  I  will  reply 
to  the  chancellor  of  Paris ; 1  if  I  die,  God  will  answer 
for  me  at  the  day  of  judgment.2 

The  result  as  to  the  first  article  seems  to  have  been, 
that  it  was,  however  reluctantly,  abandoned. 

The  article  was  next  read  in  which  Huss  was  charged 
with  obstinately  teaching  and  defending  the  errone- 
ous articles  of  Wickliffe,  in  Bohemia.8  The  malice 
in  the  drawing  up  of  this  charge  is  manifest  at  a 


1  Cormcnin  relates  (ii.  100)  that  on  flnmes.     But   ere   a  century  passes 

his  trial.  Buss  was  addressed  byGer-  there  will  spring  from  those  ashes  an 

son,    who    told    him    that    he  "  must  avenger  who  will   proclaim  auew  the 

either  break  or  bend."    To  this  Hubs  truths  I  have  taught,  and  for  which 

replied,  "I   would   rather  thai   tiny  you  would  condemn  Christ  himself, 

should    put   a   mill-stone    about  my  should   he  return  to  earth."     I  find. 

neck,  and  cast  me  from  heaven  into  however,  no  such  account  given  by 

the  sea,  than  deny  the  truth reliable  historians. 

Let  your    infernal    proceedings  take  ■  Epis,  1.  21. 

their  course.     Give  John  Huss  to  the  3  ilou.  llussi,  i.  13. 


Ch.  XXI.]  HUSS    OX    WICKLIFFE.  563 

glance.  "  I  never  have  taught,"  said  Huss,  "  the  er- 
rors of  Wickliffe  or  of  any  other  man.  If  Wickliffe 
scattered  abroad  the  seeds  of  error  in  England,  let 
Englishmen  themselves  look  after  it." 

In  proof  of  this  charge,  however,  it  was  adduced 
in  evidence,  that  he  had  resisted  the  execution  of 
the  sentence  against  WicklinVs  doctrines,  which  was 
first  passed  in  the  council  at  Rome,  and  afterward 
published  at  Prague  by  Archbishop  Sbynco,  upon  the 
advice  of  several  of  the  most  learned  doctors.  "Be- 
cause," replied  Huss,  "  they  were  condemned  in  such 
terms  as  these,  viz:  that  not  one  of  them  was  ac- 
cordant with  Catholic  faith  or  doctrine,  but  was 
either  heretical,  or  erroneous,  or  scandalous ;"  and 
besides,  for  conscience'  sake  he  could  not  consent  to 
such  a  sweeping  assertion,  and  especially  in  view  of 
"WicklinVs  doctrine  that  Pope  Sylvester  and  Con- 
stantine  erred  in  endowing  the  church ;  and  again, 
that  a  pope  or  priest,  in  mortal  sin,  could  not  conse- 
crate or  baptize.  "  This  article,"  said  Huss,  "  I  have 
qualified,  so  as  to  say  that  such  a  one,  because  he  is 
then  in  mortal  sin,  and  is  an  unworthy  minister  of 
the  sacraments  of  God,  consecrates  and  baptizes  un- 
worthily." 

Hereupon  the  accusers  of  Huss,  with  their  wit- 
nesses, insisted  that  this  article  of  Wickliffe  was 
adopted  and  expressed  by  Huss  in  so  many  words, 
in  his  book  against  Paletz.  "  Verily,"  replied  Huss, 
"  I  refuse  not  to  die,  if  you  will  not  find  it  there, 
qualified  just  as  I  have  said." 

The  book  was  brought.  Upon  opening  to  the  pas- 
sage, they  found  it  written  precisely  as  Huss  had 


5G4  LIFK    A\l»    TIMES    OF    JOHN    EUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

stated.  Again  be  added,  that  he  had  not  dared  to 
agree  with  those  who  condemned  the  doctrines  of 
Wickliffe  in  a  lump,  on  account  of  that  article  of  his 
that  tithes  are  purely  alms. 

Upon  this  point  the  cardinal  of  Florence  chose  to 
make  a  stand.1  The  voluntary  bestowal  of  tithes 
was  a  sore  doctrine  to  the  prelates.  Huss  was  met 
by  the  following  syllogism: 

"  Alms  must  be  voluntarily  given,  without  debt  or 
obligation  ;  tithes  are  not  given  voluntarily,  but  from 
debt  and  obligation ;  therefore  they  are  not  alms." 
Huss  replied  by  denying  the  major  proposition,  sus- 
taining himself  by  a  reference  to  Christ's  words,  in 
the  twenty-fifth  of  Matthew,  where  the  rich  are 
obliged  to  give  under  pain  of  everlasting  condem- 
nation. Yet  these  gifts  were  alms,  so  that  alms 
are  given  with  debt  and  obligation.  Here  he  was 
interrupted  by  an  Englisli  bishop.  "If,"  said  he, 
"  all  of  us  are  under  obligation  to  the  performance  of 
the  six  works  of  mercy  there  recited,  it  follows  that 
the  poor  who  have  nothing  to  give  must  be  con- 
demned." To  this  Huss  replied,  that  he  had  spoken 
specifically  of  the  rich,  and  of  those  who  possessed 
the  means  of  charity,  and  had  said  that  they  were 
under  obligation  to  bestow  alms  under  penalty  of 
condemnation.  Proceeding  then  to  speak  of  the 
minor  proposition  of  the  cardinal's  syllogism,  1>\ 
showing  that  tithes  were  at  first  freely  given,  and 
afterward  were  required  by  authority,  he  was  cut 
short  by  the  refusal  of  the  council  to  hear  more 
upon  the  point. 

1  L'Enfant,  204. 


Ch.  XXL]  THE    BURNING    OF   THE    BOOKS.  565 

He  then  proceeded  to  state  other  reasons  why  he 
could  not  with  a  clear  conscience  give  his  consent 
to  the  wholesale  condemnation  of  Wickliffe's  articles, 
asserting,  moreover,  that  none  should  be  condemned 
until  the  reasons  of  such  condemnation,  drawn  from 
Holy  Scripture,  were  first  adduced.  "  And  of  this 
same  opinion,"  said  Huss,  "  were  many  others,  both 
doctors  and  masters  of  the  university  of  Prague.  For 
when  Sbynco,-the  archbishop,  had  commanded  that 
all  the  books  of  Wickliffe,  gathered  up  throughout 
the  whole  city  of  Prague,  should  be  brought  to  him, 
I  myself,  on  handing  to  him  some  of  Wickliffe's 
books,  asked  him  to  detect  and  note  down  any  error 
that  they  might  contain,  that  I  might  publicly  ac- 
knowledge it.  But  the  archbishop,  without  designat- 
ing so  much  as  one,  cast  all  the  books  that  were 
brought  him,  together  with  mine,  into  the  fire.  And 
yet  he  had  received  no  command  to  this  effect.  By 
artful  means1  he  had  unfairly  obtained,  through  the 
bishop  of  Sarepta,  a  bull  from  Alexander  V.,  requir- 
ing that  the  books  of  Wickliffe,  on  the  ground  of 
their  many  errors,  not  one  of  which  was  mentioned, 
should  be  withdrawn  from  general  circulation.  Re- 
lying upon  the  authority  of  this  bull,  the  archbishop 
imagined  that  he  could  easily  bring  the  king  and 
nobles  of  Bohemia  to  give  their  assent  to  the  con- 

1  Cormenin  (His.  of  the  Popes,  ii.  law,  to  second  the  archbishop  in  his 

99)  says  that  Alexander  V.  was  drunk  pursuit  after  those  who  taught  the 

when  he   granted  Sbynco's  request,  doctrines    of    Wickliffe,   whether  in 

"  At  the  conclusion  of  one  of  these  public  or  private ;  he  gave  them  full 

dinners,  the  holy  father,  who  had  drunk  power  and  authority  to  hand  them 

extravagantly,  granted  to  the  depu-  over  to   the  secular  arm  if  it  were 

ties  of  Sbynco  the  bull  which  they  necessary,  to  repress  their  disturb- 

asked  for,  and  designated  four  mas-  ances." 
ters  in  theology,  and  two  in  the  canon 


566  I. Hi;    AND   TIMES    OF   JTOKR    HUBS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

demnation  of  Wickliffe.  But  in  this  matter  he  was 
mistaken.  Nevertheless  he  did  not  fail  to  call  to- 
gether certain  theologians,  to  whom  he  committed 
the  business  of  examining  the  books  of  Wickliffe,  and 
judging  them  according  to  the  canons.  These  the- 
ologians with  one  consent  condemned  them  to  be 
burned.  Upon  the  report  of  this  proceeding,  the 
doctors,  masters,  and  scholars  of  the  university  unan- 
imously (those  theologians  excepted  who  pronounced 
the  condemnation)  petitioned  the  king  for  a  stay  of 
proceedings.  The  king  granted  the  request,  and  sent 
a  deputation  to  the  archbishop  to  inquire  into  the 
matter.  To  this  deputation  the  archbishop  promised 
that  he  would  not  proceed  further  without  the  king's 
decree.  Upon  this,  notwithstanding  his  fixed  purpose 
to  burn  the  books  of  Wickliife  on  the  following  day, 
the  matter  was  passed  over,  and  for  the  time  deferred. 
"  Meanwhile  Alexander  V.  died.  The  archbishop, 
fearing  lest  the  bull  whicli  he  had  received  of  him 
would  prove  no  longer  serviceable,  called  his  adher- 
ents together,  shut  fast  the  gates  of  his  court,  and 
committed  WickliflVs  books  to  the  flames.  To  thi.3 
act  of  injustice  he  added,  moreover,  one  still  more 
outrageous.  On  the  authority  of  Alexander's  bull, 
he  published  an  edict  forbidding  any  man  longer, 
under  pain  of  excommunication,  to  preach  in  the 
chapels.  Upon  this  I  appealed  to  the  pope,  and 
upon  his  death  to  John  XXIII.  who  succeeded  him ; 
and  after  my  case  had  been  pending  for  nearly  two 
years,  and  my  advocates  were  not  admitted  to  a  hear- 
ing in  my  defence,  I  appealed  to  Christ  the  Sovereign 
Judge." 

o 


Ch.  XXI.]  HUSS   JUSTIFIES    HIS    APPEAL.  567 

Here  Huss  paused.  The  question  was  put  to  him 
whether  he  had  received  absolution  from  the  Roman 
pontiff.  He  replied  that  he  had  not.  He  was  then 
asked  whether  it  was  lawful  for  him  to  appeal  to 
Christ.  "  Truly,"  answered  Huss,  "  I  do  here  affirm, 
in  the  presence  of  you  all,  that  there  is  no  appeal 
more  just  or  final  than  that  which  is  made  to  Christ; 
for  appeal  in  the  legal  sense  is  nothing  more  than  to 
implore  the  aid  of  a  higher  judge  for  relief  from  the 
decision  of  an  inferior.  But  what  judge  is  there 
above  Christ  ?  Who  can  discern  more  in  accordance 
with  the  rules  of  justice  and  equity  than  he  whom 
no  deceit  can  draw  into  error?  and  who  can  more 
promptly  aid  the  wretched  and  the  wronged  ? " 

With  a  devout  and  serious  spirit  Huss  had  uttered 
these  words — the  spirit  in  which  his  whole  defence  was 
conducted ;  but  their  utterance  brought  down  upon 
him  at  once  the  j  eers  and  mockery  of  the  whole  council.1 

Another  article  against  Huss  was  then  read.  It 
was  to  the  effect  that,  in  order  to  confirm  the  alle- 
giance of  the  simple  and  unlettered  crowd  among 
whom  he  preached,  to  the  doctrines  of  Wickliffe,  he 
had  ventured  to  relate  what  occurred  in  England, 
when  many  monks  and  learned  men  had  assembled 
in  a  certain  church  to  dispute  against  Wickliffe 
"They  were  unable,"  Huss  was  charged  with  saying, 
"to  convict  him  of  error,  when  suddenly  the  doors 
of  the  church  were  burst  open  by  lightning,  and  the 
enemies  of  Wickliffe*  scarce  escaped  without  harm." 
It  was  added,  moreover,  that  he  had  said  "that  he 
wished  his  soul  misrht  be  where  Wickliffe's  was."    To 

o 
1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  311. 


5G8  LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF   JOIIX    HISS.         [Cii.  XXI. 

this  Huss  answered,  "that  some  twelve  years  before 
the  theological  works  of  Wickliffe  had  been  intro- 
duced into  Bohemia,  and  after  the  perusal  of  some 
of  his  philosophical  writings,  he  had  said  that  they 
afforded  him  great  satisfaction,  and  that  when  he  was 
convinced  of  the  stainless  life  of  Wickliffe,  he  had 
said  that  he  hoped  that  Wickliffe  was  saved ;  yet, 
though  he  doubted  that  he  might  be  condemned, 
he  would  that  his  soul  might  be  where  John  Wick- 
liffe was."  l  The  utterance  of  these  words  was  another 
signal  for  the  outburst  of  jeers  and  derision  from  the 
grave  fathers  of  the  council. 

Another  article  was  then  read.2  Huss  was  charged 
in  this  with  advising  the  people  to  resist,  if  neces- 
sary, the  assaults  of  their  enemies  by  force  of  arms, 
after  the  example  of  Moses;  and  that  on  the  day  fol- 
lowing this  advice,  public  handbills  were  widely  cir- 
culated, to  the  purport  that  each  should  be  armed 
effectually  with  the  sword,  and  that  brother  should 
not  spare  brother  or  nearest  kindred. 

To  this  Huss  replied,  '  that  the  whole  of  it  was  a 
false  accusation  of  his  enemies.  But  he  had  ad- 
monished the  people,  while  preaching  from  the  words 
of  the  apostle  in  regard  to  the  helmet  of  salvation 
and  the  sword  of  the  Spirit,  that  they  should  all 
arm  themselves  with  these  in  the  defence  of  gospel 
truth,  and,  to  avoid  all  chance  of  calumny,  he  had 
carefully  added,  not  with  the  material  sword,  but 
with  that  which  is  the  word  of  God.  But  as  to  the 
public  intimations,  or  the  sword  of  Moses,  there  was 
no  truth  in  it.' 

1  Mon.  Ilussi,  i.  108.  s  L'Enfant,  205.     Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  811. 


Ch.  XXL]  A    STATEMENT    OF    FACTS.  569 

The  next  article  charged — as  supported  by  testi- 
mony— that  many  scandals  had  sprung  up  from  the 
doctrine  of  Huss.  At  first  he  had  sown  discord 
between  the  ecclesiastical  and  political  authorities, 
which  resulted  in  the  persecution  and  spoliation  of 
the  bishops  and  the  clergy ;  and,  moreover,  he  had, 
by  the  discord  introduced  into  the  university  of 
Prague,  effected  its  ruin. 

The  reply  of  Huss  was  a  brief  statement  of  facts  : 
"  None  of  these  things,"  said  he,  "  has  taken  place  by 
any  fault  of  mine.  The  dissension  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  political  authorities  was  a  prior  oc- 
currence. Pope  Gregory  XII.  promised,  upon  his 
election,  that  he  would  lay  down  the  pontificate 
when  the  voice  of  the  cardinals  should  demand  it. 
He  was  elected  on  this  condition.  In  opposition  to 
"Wenzel,  king  of  Bohemia,  also  king  of  the  Romans, 
he  bestowed  the  imperial  title  upon  Robert,  duke  of 
Bavaria.  A  few  years  after  this,  when  Gregory  re- 
fused at  the  instance  of  the  cardinals  to  lay  down 
his  office,  they  sent  letters  to  the  king  of  Bohemia, 
urging  him,  in  common  with  them,  to  refuse  obedi- 
ence to  Gregory.  They  encouraged  him,  moreover, 
to  expect  that  by  the  authority  of  a  new  pontiff 
he  might  be  able  to  recover  the  imperial  dignity. 
Swayed  by  these  motives,  the  king  yielded  to  the 
urgency  of  the  cardinals,  and  refused  obedience  to 
both  Gregory  and  Benedict.  In  this  matter  the 
Archbishop  Sbynco,  along  with  the  clergy,  was 
opposed  to  the  king ;  and  many  of  the  priesthood,  on 
this  account  relinquishing  the  duties  of  their  office, 
left  the  city.     Among  these  was  the  archbishop  him- 


/)70  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    HISS.         [Oh.  XXI. 

self,  who  first  tore  open  the  sepulchre  of  St.  Wences- 
laus,  and,  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  king,  burned 
the  books  of  Wickliffe.  As  a  consequence,  the  king 
readily  allowed  some  of  the  goods  of  these  persona, 
who  had  thus  fled  of  their  own  accord,  to  be  plun- 
dered." 

This  simple  statement  of  unquestionable  facts  was 
a  sufficient  exculpation  of  Huss.  But  to  defeat  the 
favorable  impression,  an  individual  named  Nason,  a 
member  of  the  council,  rose  and  declared  that  wthe 
clergy  refused  the  performance  of  the  divine  offio  is, 
not  because  they  were  unwilling  to  swear  obedience 
to  the  king,  but  because  they  were  stripped  of  their 
property  and  their  privileges.' 

The  cardinal  of  Cambray  volunteered  his  confirm- 
ation of  what  Nason  had  said.  "  It  is  proper  that  I 
should  here  state,"  he  remarked,  "  what  has  just  been 
recalled  to  my  mind.  In  the  same  year  in  which 
these  things  took  place,  I  was  at  a  certain  time  just 
setting  out  upon  my  journey  from  Rome,  when  seve- 
ral Bohemian  prelates  met  me.  I  asked  them  what 
news  they  brought  from  Bohemia.  "A  most  dis- 
graceful transaction  has  happened  there,"  said  they. 
"  The  entire  clergy  have  been  stripped  of  their  priv- 
ileges, and  shamefully  treated." 

Huss  still  affirmed  that  the  case  was  as  he  had 
stated  it.  To  the  other  portion  of  the  article,  ac- 
cusing him  of  the  ruin  of  the  university  of  Prague, 
he  replied  by  maintaining  that  the  German  na- 
tion had  not  left  from  any  fault  of  his.  "The  found- 
er of  the  university,  Charles  IV.,  had  granted  to 
the   Bohemians    three    votes,  and    to    the    German 


Ch.  xxl]  nason's  statement.  571 

nation  one ;  and  when  his  son,  the  present  king,  re- 
stored this  principle  of  its  founder,  the  Germans 
were  aggrieved,  and  of  their  own  accord  left  the 
city,  binding  themselves  by  oaths  and  the  severest 
penalties  never  to  return.  I  admit,  I  confess,  that  I 
approved,  from  patriotic  motives,  this  proceeding  of 
the  king,  to  obey  which  I  was  in  duty  bound.  And 
that  you  need  not  imagine  I  misrepresent  the  facts 
of  the  case,  here  is  Albert  Warentrapp  present,  who 
was  at  that  time  dean  of  the  faculty  of  arts,  and  who 
upon  his  departure  from  the  city,  took  the  same 
oath  that  was  taken  by  the  other  Germans.  He,  if 
he  is  willing  to  state  the  truth,  will  easily  clear  me 
of  this  suspicion." (35) 

Warentrapp  was  about  to  speak,  but  the  council 
was  indisposed  to  hear  him.  Nason,  however,  was 
more  readily  listened  to.  "I  am,"  said  he,  "suffi- 
ciently acquainted  with  this  matter.  At  the  time 
when  these  things  took  place,  I  was  in  the  court  of 
the  king,  where  I  saw  the  masters  of  the  three  na- 
tions, Germans,  Bavarians,  Saxons,  and  Silesians,  with 
whom  the  Polish  was  reckoned,  come  as  supplicants 
to  petition  that  the  right  of  suffrage  which  they  had 
exercised  might  not  be  taken  from  them.  The  king 
promised  that  he  would  see  to  it  that  their  request 
should  be  granted.  But  John  Huss,  with  Jerome 
and  others,  persuaded  the  king  otherwise,  and  this 
too,  although  at  first  he  was  much  provoked  against 
them ;  had  charged  them  with  the  disturbances  that 
had  taken  place,  and  had  even  threatened  to  let  the 
flames  solve  the  matter  for  them.  Be  assured  there- 
fore, most  reverend  fathers,  that  the  king  of  Bohemia 


572  LIFE    AND   HUES    OE   JOHN    BUSS.         [C.i.  XXI. 

never  really  favored  these  men,  whose  audacity  is 
such  that  they  would  not  hesitate  to  meet  me  with 
a  base  reception,  though  lately,  to  a  high  degree,  en- 
joying the  royal  confidence." 

Paletz  did  not  fail  to  seize  upon  an  occasion  so 
favorable  to  add  the  weight  of  his  testimony.  "  Yes," 
said  he,  "  most  reverend  fathers,  not  only  learned 
men  of  other  nations,  but  of  Bohemia  itself,  have 
been  driven  out  by  John  Huss  and  his  counsels,  some 
of  whom  are  yet  in  exile  in  Moravia."  "  How,"  asked 
Huss,  "  can  this  be  true,  when  I  was  not  at  Prague 
at  the  time  when  those  men  you  speak  of  left  ? " 
Their  banishment  had  in  fact  occurred  after  he  had 
withdrawn  from  Prague. 

But  the  council  had  now  grown  weary,  and  it  was 
time  to  adjourn.  Huss  was  left  to  the  charge  of  the 
archbishop  of  Riga,  to  whom  Jerome  also  had  been 
committed.  As  they  were  leading  him  away,  the 
cardinal  of  Cambray  called  him  back.  "John 
Huss,"  said  he,  in  the  hearing  of  Sigismund,  "  when 
you  were  first  brought  before  us,  I  heard  you  say 
that  unless  you  had  chosen  to  come  to  Constance  of 
your  own  accord,  neither  the  king  nor  the  emperor 
could  have  forced  you  to  do  so."  The  object  of  this 
remark  was  obvious.  To  prejudice  the  emperor 
against  Huss  was  to  rob  the  prisoner  of  his  last 
hope  of  justice.  The  plan  of  the  cardinal  was  as  un- 
manly as  it  was  unjust.  Huss  did  not  deny  the 
statement.  "  With  all  respect,  most  reverend  father," 
said  he,  "I  confess  that  I  used  such  language.  For 
unless  I  had  chosen  to  come,  there  are  princes  enough 
in  Bohemia,  who  regard  me   with  the  most  kindly 


Ch.  xxi.]  d'ailly's  objection.  573 

feelings,  who  could  with  the  greatest  ease  have  kept 
me  in  some  secret  and  safe  place,  to  prevent  my 
being  forced  to  come  here,  even  against  the  will  of 
the  king  and  of  the  emperor." 

At  these  words  the  countenance  of  the  cardinal 
changed.  "  Observe,"  said  he,  indignantly,  "  Observe, 
I  pray  you,  the  presumption  of  this  man."  The  re- 
mark was  not  lost  upon  those  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed. A  murmur  of  passionate  comments  arose. 
But  the  brave  Chlum  was  not  the  man  to  leave  Huss 
undefended.  "  John  Huss,"  said  he,  "  has  spoken  the 
truth.  I  agree  with  what  he  has  said ;  for  even  I, 
humble  as  my  power  and  position  are  in  Bohemia, 
could  easily  have  defended  him  for  a  whole  year, 
against  the  power  of  both  these  kings.  How  much 
more  could  more  powerful  lords  with  their  more 
strongly  fortified  castles  have  done  it !  " 

The  cardinal  was  not  prepared  for  this.  "  Let  us 
pass  these  things  over,"  said  he.  "  I  urge  and  advise 
you  to  do  what  you  promised  when  you  were  in  the 
castle, — submit  yourself  to  the  sentence  of  the  council. 
If  you  do  this,  you  will  best  consult  your  safety  and 
standing." 

The  course  which  the  cardinal  advised  was  such, 
doubtless,  as  would  tend  to  propitiate  the  council. 
It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  such  a  solution  of 
the  matter  would  afford  great  relief,  even  to  men 
who  thirsted  for  the  blood  of  Huss,  but  felt  some 
hesitation  to  commit  a  deed  the  consequences  of 
which  might  be  disastrous.  Sigismund  snatched  at 
this  solution.  If  the  prisoner  would  but  admit  the 
virtual  supremacy  of  the  council  in  all  matters  of 


574  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.         [»'u.  XXI. 

faith ;  if  he  would  conciliate  their  offended  dignity 
by  submission,  Sigismund  would  feel  strong  enough 
to  rescue  him  from  the  hands  of  his  foes.  With  this 
view  he  sought  himself  to  enforce  upon  Huss  the  ad- 
vice of  the  cardinal.  To  give  it  more  force,  or  to 
satisfy  his  own  conscience,  he  volunteered  a  refuta- 
tion of  some  of  the  false  reports  that  had  been  cir- 
culated in  regard  to  the  safe-conduct.  "  Although," 
said  he,  "  there  are  those  who  say  that  you  received 
letters  of  public  faith  from  us,  through  your  friends 
and  patrons,  only  after  you  had  been  fifteen  days 
under  arrest,1  yet  we  can  prove,  by  the  testimony  of 
many  princes  and  persons  of  distinction,  that  you 
received  these  letters  from  us  before  you  left  Prague,2 
by  the  hands  of  those  lords,  Wenceslaus  de  Duba 
and  John  De  Chlum,  to  whose  loyal  care  we  com- 
mitted you,  that  you  might  suffer  no  injustice,  but 
that  the  privilege  of  speaking  and  answering  before 
the  council,  in  regard  to  your  faith  and  doctrine, 
might  be  fully  secured  to  you.  And  this,  as  you 
see,  the  most  reverend  lord  cardinals  and  bishops 
have  so  allowed  that  we  are  much  obliged  to  them ; 
although  there  are  some  who  say  that  we  have  no 
right  to  afford  protection  or  countenance  to  one  who 

1  From  this  language  of  the  emperor  some  of  them  admitting  that  the  safe- 
it  is  obvious  that  the  assertion  made  conduct  was  received  by  Huss  fifteen 
by  the  enemies  of  Huss  was  not  merely  days  after  reaching  Constance,  while 
that  he  had  been  fifteen  days  in  Con-  others,  aware  that  this  would  still 
stance  before  receiving  his  safe-con-  leave  the  council  under  the  stigma  of 
duct,  (as  stated  on  pp.  499,  500,)  but  having  contemned  the  imperial  au- 
that  he  did  not  receive  it  till  the  order  thority,  modified  falsehood  to  serve  a 
for  his  liberation  from  the  emperor  purpose,  and  gave  it  the  form  which 
reached  Constance,  some  two  weeks  the  emperor  was  honest  enough  to 
after  his  arrest.     It  is  not  improbable  expose. 

that  various  accounts  of  the  matter  5  In  this  the  emperor  was  mistaken, 

were  given  by  different  individuals,  L'Eufant,  208. 


Ch.  XXI.]    HUSS'  REPLY  TO  THE  EMPEROR.        57 


O  (D 


is  a  heretic,  or  is  even  suspected  of  being  such.  Now, 
therefore,  we  give  you  the  same  advice  as  the  lord 
cardinal,  that  you  defend  nothing  with  obstinacy ; 
but  in  all  those  things  adduced  against  you,  on  credi- 
ble testimony,  that  you  submit  yourself  to  the  au- 
thority of  this  most  holy  council,  with  a  becoming 
obedience.  If  you  pursue  this  course,  we  will  see  to 
it  that  for  our  own  sake,  and  that  of  our  brother  and 
the  whole  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  you  be  discharged 
by  the  council  itself,  with  good  grace,  and  fitting 
penance  and  satisfaction.  Otherwise,  the  leaders  of 
the  council  shall  have  what  they  determine  in  regard 
to  you;  for  we  surely  will  never  countenance  your 
errors  and  stubbornness.  Yea,  with  our  own  hands 
we  will  make  ready  the  fire  for  you,  sooner  than 
suffer  you  to  persist  in  that  stubbornness  which  you 
have  hitherto  shown.  It  is  our  advice  that  you 
choose  to  abide  by  the  judgment  of  the  council." 

Huss  replied  briefly  to  this  address  of  the  emperor, 
by  expressing  his  deep  gratitude  for  the  clemency 
which  he  had  shown  in  regard  to  the  safe-conduct. 

Here  he  was  reminded  that  he  had  said  nothing  in 
regard  to  the  .charge  of  obstinacy.  At  the  instance  of 
Chlum,  he  then  added,  "  I  call  God  to  witness,  most 
indulgent  emperor,  that  I  never  conceived  the  pur- 
pose of  defending  anything  with  extreme  stubbornness, 
and  that  I  came  here  of  my  own  accord  with  this  in- 
tent, that  if  any  one  could  give  me  better  instruction, 
I  would  unhesitatingly  change  my  views."  Upon 
this  the  soldiers  led  Huss  forth  to  take  him  to  his 
prison,  and  the  assembly  dispersed. 

The  language  in  which  Sigismund  addressed  Husa 


57G  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF    JOIIX    HUBS.  [Ca  XXI 

decisively  refutes  the  false  allegations  made  in  the 
council  in  regard  to  the  safe-conduct.  It  was,  how- 
ever,  a  mistake  of  the  emperor  to  suppose  that  Hubs 
received  the  safe-conduct  previously  to  his  leaving 
Prague.  It  was  expedited  on  the  eighteenth  of  Octo- 
ber, and  on  the  third  of  November  Huss  reached 
Constance.  The  document,  as  we  have  seen,  met  him 
on  his  way,  at  Nuremberg.  The  emperor  supposed 
it  had  been  received  by  him  at  Prague ;  and  to  all 
intents  and  purposes  it  was  as  valid  as  it  would  have 
been  if  he  had  received  it  there.  The  false  pretence 
of  the  council  was  thus  refuted. 

In  regard  to  the  clemency  which  Sigismund  as- 
serted had  been  shown  to  Huss  by  the  council,  we 
readily  perceive  that  here  also  he  labored  under  a 
misapprehension.  He  had  probably  taken  but  little 
pains  to  inform  himself  of  the  treatment  of  the  pris- 
oner, and  his  views  in  regard  to  what  an  innocent 
man  might  claim  of  the  council  were  evidently  of 
the  crudest  kind.  If  calumny,  hard  usage,  derision, 
and  insult  were  clemency,  then,  as  the  "  tender  mer- 
cies of  the  wicked,"  they  were  "  cruel  "  indeed. 

The  letters  of  Huss  enable  us  to  follow  him  from 
the  public  scene  of  audience  to  the  solitude  of  his 
cell.  Nothing  that  had  hitherto  been  said  or  done 
had  in  the  least  shaken  the  strength  of  his  convic- 
tions. He  could  but  wonder  at  the  ignorance,  the 
incapacity,  and  prejudice  that  had  been  manifested 
on  the  part  of  the  council.  "  Oh  !  if  a  hearing  were 
granted  me,"  so  he  wrote,  "  in  which  I  could  reply 
to  such  arguments  as  they  might  bring  against  the 
articles  contained  in  my  treatises,  then  do  I  believe 


Ch.  XXI.]  INSISTS    OX    AX    AUDIEXCE.  577 

that  many  of  those  who  cry  out  would  be  compelled 
to  be  dumb.  As  God  in  heaven  wills,  so  let  it  be."  1 
Such  was  the  firm  and  yet  submissive  spirit  of  the 
man,  confident  of  the  justice  of  his  cause,  but  hum- 
bled in  the  dust  before  God.  Again  he  writes,  "  Let  all 
the  Bohemian  knights  apply  to  the  emperor  and  the 
council,  and  demand  that,  as  the  emperor  and  council 
had  promised,  he  might  in  the  next  audience  be  briefly 
allowed  to  state  what  he  had  to  retract,  and  at  the 
same  time  give  his  explanations.  Thus,  if  held  to 
their  own  words,  the  emperor  and  the  council  would 
be  forced  to  yield  this  privilege.  "I  will  then," 
says  Huss,  "  speak  out  the  truth  without  reserve ;  for 
rather  would  I  be  consumed  by  the  fagots,  than 
kept  so  miserably  concealed  by  them ;  for  then  all 
Christendom  would  learn  what  I  finally  said."  Over 
confident,  perhaps,  of  the  result  of  such  an  appeal, 
and  anxious  above  all  for  a  fair  opportunity  to  state 
his  own  case,  Huss  was  willing  to  lay  down  his  life 
as  a  sacrifice  to  the  cause  of  truth.  To  Chlum,  whom 
he  called  his  most  trusty  patron,  he  wrote,  "  May 
God  be  your  rewarder.  I  desire  that  you  should  not 
leave  this  council  till  you  have  seen  the  end."  "  Oh !  " 
says  he,  "  much  would  I  prefer  that  you  should  see 
me  led  to  the  stake,  than  that  I  should  be  kept  so 
treacherously  in  the  dark.  I  still  have  hopes  that 
Almighty  God,  through  the  merits  of  the  saints,  may 
deliver  me  out  of  their  hands."  Here  we  see  his 
evident  anticipations  of  a  fatal  result  of  the  trial, 
enlivened,  however,  with  some  faint  hopes  of  escape, 
and  the  truly  martyr  faith  which  lifted  him  far  above 

1  Epis.  xxxiv. 
VOL.  I.  37 


578  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.         [Cn.  XXT. 

all  human  terrors.  He  felt  that  lie  was  deeply 
wronged  by  the  course  which  the  council  pursued, 
restraining  him  of  the  liberty  of  a  full  and  free  de- 
fence, and  prejudging  his  case  on  the  testimony  of 
his  bitter  and  relentless  foes. 

He  begged  his  friends  to  let  him  know  the  hour 
at  which,  on  the  next  morning,  he  should  be  led  forth 
to  trial.  We  can  readily  imagine  the  prayerful  and 
meditative  preparation  to  which  previous  hours 
would  be  devoted,  while  he  sought  from  heaven  a 
spirit  of  devotion  to  the  cause  of  truth,  and  strength 
to  sustain  him  in  the  hour  of  trial.  He  desired  his 
friends,  moreover,  to  pray  for  him,  that  if  he  must 
await  death  in  the  prison,  he  might  endure  with 
patience.  He  lamented  that  he  had  not  been  able 
to  repay  many  of  them  for  their  services,  and  sent  to 
request  that  they  would  be  content,  and  excuse  him 
on  the  ground  of  his  want  of  ability.  He  knew  not 
who  was  to  repay  those  that  had  lent  him  money  in 
Bohemia,  unless  it  were  the  Master,  Christ,  on  whose 
account  they  had  lent  it  to  him.  Still  he  expresses 
the  wish  that  some  of  the  more  wealthy  would  settle 
up  his  affaire  and  pay  his  poorer  creditors.  What 
a  comment  was  this  on  that  calumnious  insult  which 
had  been  offered  him  at  Gottlieben,  when  an  arch- 
bishop had  named  the  value  of  his  property  as 
70,000  florins,  and  the  patriarch  insisted  that  he  was 
;xceedingly  rich  !  Base  minds  could  not  account  for, 
or  comprehend,  the  conduct  of  Huss  without  ascrib- 
ing it  to  base  motives. 

What  but  the  power  of  faith — what  but  the  pres- 
ence of  his  divine  Master  with  him  in  his  cell,  could 


Ch.  XXL]  TUMULT   IN    THE    COUNCIL.  5f9 

have  sustained  the  spirit  of  the  suffering  Bohemian  ? 
He  had  no  earthly  resource  upon  which  he  niio-ht 
rely,  or  from  which   he   could  draw  comfort  and  en- 
couragement.    The  embittered  malice  of  his  adver- 
saries had  enlisted  nearly  the  whole  strength  of  the 
council  upon  their  side.     Skilfully  had  they  appealed 
to  old  prejudices,  and  strongly  had  they  bound  to- 
gether the  conspiring  elements  of  bigoted  and  par- 
tisan feeling.     If  there  had  been  any  whose  secret 
sympathies  were  on  the  side  of  Huss,  they  were  forced 
to  conceal  them.     But  if  any,  they  were  few  in  num- 
ber.    "They  cry  out,  nearly  all  of  them,"  said  Huss, 
"  like  the  Jews  against  our  Master,  Christ."    Among 
the  whole  multitude  of  the  clergy,  he  knew  of  but 
one  friend,  a  Polish  member,  beside  the  one  father 
who  subsequently  endeavored  to  effect  a  compromise 
between  him  and  the  council. 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

THIRD    AUDIENCE    OF    HUSS    BEFORE    TOE    COUNCIL 
ARTICLES  OF  ACCUSATION. 

Third  Audience  op  IIuss.  —  Thirtt-Nine  Articles.  —  How  Drawn  Up. —  Lan- 
guage in  Regard  to  nis  Recanting.  —  Charged  with  Writing  Falsehoods 
to  Bohemia.  —  The  Book  "On  the  Church."  —  Predestination.  —  No  Out- 
ward Badge  or  Office  Makes  a  Man  a  Member  of  the  Church.  —  Thb 
Reprobate  Never  a  Member  of  the  Church  of  Christ.  —  Judas  Never  a 
True  Disciple. — The  Church  Composed  of  the  Predestinate  Alonk. — 
Peter  Never  the  Head  of  the  CnuRcn  Catholic.  —  The  Pope,  Christ's  or 
Antichrist's  Vicar,  According  to  his  Life.  —  Simonists  and  Wicked  Priests 
Err  as  to  the  Sacraments. —  Papal  Dignitt  an  Imperial  Gift. — No  one 
Without  Revelation  can  sat  he  is  Head  of  ant  Particular  Church. — 
No  Pope,  unless  Predestinated,  the  Head  of  ant  Church. — The  Pope's 
Power  Null  if  his  Life  is  Vile.  —  His  Holiness  and  his  Revenues.  —  The 
Cardinals  no  Successors  of  the  Apostles  except  bt  Holiness.  —  Heretics 
not  to  be  Given  Up  to  the  Secular  Arm.  —  The  Civil  Authoritt  Should 
Constrain  the  Priesthood  to  Do  their  Dutt.  —  Ecclesiastical  not  Scrip- 
tural Obedience. —  Appeal  to  Christ  Against  Excommunication. —  Cardi- 
nal D'Aillt.  —  Evil  Men  do  Evil  Deeds. —  Questions  and  Replies. —  The 
Priests  Bound  to  Preach.  —  Cardinal  of  Florence.  —  Excommunication  no 
Excuse  for  Silence. — Ecclesiastical  Censures  are  of  Antichrist.  —  Inter- 
dict not  to  be  Imposed. 

June  8,  1415. 

The  third  audience  of  IIuss  was  held  iu  the  Fran- 
ciscan monastery  on  June  8th.  The  emperor  was 
present,  and  along  with  IIuss  appeared  his  constant 
friends,  Duba,  Chlum,  and  Peter  the  Notary. 

Upon  the  appearance  of  the  prisoner,  thirty-nine 

-ftrticles-_Ayere  read,  which  were    ostensibly  selected 

from  his  writings.     To  these  were  appended  the  an- 


Ch.  XXII.]  PRISON    EXAMINATION".  581 

ewers  which  he  had  given  thern  at  his  private  exam- 
ination in  prison.  Most  of  these  articles — twenty-six 
out  of  the  whole  number — were  said  to  have  been 
extracted  from  his  book  De  JEcclesia.  Those  pas- 
sages which  had  been  fairly  selected,  Huss  acknowl- 
edged. The  others  had  been  drawn  up  by  Paletz 
in  such  a  manner  that  he  disclaimed  all  responsi- 
bility for  them. 

In  his  prison1  Huss  was  charged  with  having  said 
that  in  case  he  should,  while  at  Constance,  be  obliged 
with  his  mouth  to  retract  any  of  his  doctrines,  it 
would  be  no  retraction  of  the  heart,  inasmuch  as 
what  he  had  preached  was  the  pure  doctrine  of  Jesus 
Christ.  The  reply  of  Huss  was,  that  this  article  was 
a  tissue  of  falsehood,  but  that  he  had  indeed  written 
to  his  friends  at  Prague,  exhorting  them  to  pray  to 
God  in  his  behalf,  and  to  remain  steadfast  in  the  doc- 
trines of  Jesus  Christ,  inasmuch  as  they  could  not 
but  know  that  he  had  never  taught  the  errors  charged 
upon  him  by  his  enemies,  nor  must  they  be  troubled 
if  it  should  so  happen  that  he  should  be  crushed 
under  the  false  testimony  of  his  enemies. 

They  reproached  him  again  for  having  written  to 
Bohemia  that  the  pope  and  emperor  had  granted 
him  an  honorable  reception,  and  had  sent  two  bish- 
ops to  engage  him  in  their  interests.  "  It  is  a  mani- 
fest falsehood,"  said  Huss,  "  for  how  could  I  have 
written  to  Bohemia  that  I  had  been  well  received  of 
the  pope  and  the  emperor,  when  on  my  arrival  at 
Constance  I  wrote  back  that  it  was  not  known  where 
the  emperor  was,  and  when  I  had  been  three  weeks 

1  L'Enfant,  209.    Mon.  Hussi,  i.  15.     Von  der  Hardt,  iy.  314. 


582  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HISS.        [Cu.  XXII. 

in  prison  before  he  arrived  ?  What  great  reason  had 
I  for  writing  Lack  from  ray  prison  to  Bohemia  that 
I  had  been  highly  honored  at  Constance  ?  It  is 
plainly  a  sarcasm  spread  by  my  enemies,  who  think 
that  I  have  been  too  highly  honored  by  being  im- 
prisoned." 

The  following  articles1  are  those  which  had  been 
first  presented  to  Huss  in  his  prison,  and  which  were 
now  exhibited  against  him  in  the  council.  The  order 
and  arrangement  of  them  had  been  somewhat  changed, 
some  things  having  been  added  and  some  struck  out. 
Huss  had  drawn  up  a  copy  of  them,  with  his  answers 
to  each,  previous  to  his  appearance  before  the  council. 

"  I,  John  Huss,  unworthy  minister  of  Jesus  Christ, 
master  of  arts,  aud  bachelor  of  divinity,  do  confess 
that  I  have  written  a  certain  small  treatise  bearing 
the  title,  "  Of  the  Church?  a  copy  of  which  was 
shown  me,  in  the  presence  of  notaries,  by  the  three 
commissioners  of  the  council,  the  patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, the  bishop  of  Castile,  and  the  bishop  of 
Lebus,  the  which  conirnissioners,  in  reproof  of  the 
said  treatise,  delivered  unto  me  certain  articles,  say- 
ing that  they  were  drawn  out  of  the  said  treatise, 
and  were  written  in  the  same.  Of  which  articles, 
the  first  is : 

"  1.  'There  is  but  one  holy  Catholic  church,  which 
embraces  all  the  predestinate.'  This  proposition  I 
confess  to  be  mine,  and  it  is  confirmed  by  the  com- 
ment of  St.  Augustine  upon  the  Gospel  of  John. 

"  2.  '  St.  Paul  was  never  any  member  of  the  devil, 

1  Given  in  almost  the  same  language     Martyrs,  and  in  the  worke  of  Ilusa, 
by  Von  tier   Hardt,   L'Enfant,   Fox's    i.  15-26. 


Ch.  XXII.]  PKEDESTIXATTON.  583 

although  he  did  many  things  like  those  committed 
by  the  enemies  of  the  church.  And  St.  Peter  in  like 
manner  fell  into  the  horrible  sin  of  perjury  and  de- 
nial of  his  Master,  by  the  permission  of  God,  that  he 
might  the  more  firmly  and  steadfastly  rise  again,  and 
be  confirmed ! '  My  answer  is,  this  proposition  is  suf- 
ficiently proved  in  the  book  itself.  For  it  is  expedi- 
ent that  the  predestinate  should  fall  into  such  sins. 
Here  it  is  plain  that  there  are  two  ways  of  separat- 
ing from  the  church.  The  first  is  not  to  perdition, 
as  is  the  case  with  the  elect.  The  other  is  to  per- 
dition, by  which  certain  heretics  are,  by  deadly  sin, 
divided  from  the  church.  And  yet,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  they  may  return  to  the  fold  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  as  he  says  in  John  x.,  '  Other  sheep  I  have 
which  are  not  of  this  fold.'  The  same  thing  is  also 
proved  by  Augustine  on  John,  and  in  his  ninth  dist. 
on  penitence. 

"  3.  '  No  part  or  member  of  the  church  is  ever  en- 
tirely separated  from  the  body,  because  the  grace  of 
predestination  which  binds  it  thereto  does  not  fail.' 
My  answer  is,  this  proposition  is  found  in  the  book  in 
these  words :  '  As  the  reprobate  of  the  church  go 
forth  out  of  the  same,  yet  were  they  never  members 
thereof,  since  no  part  of  it  may  finally  fall  away,  in- 
asmuch as  the  grace  of  predestination  which  binds  it 
thereto  fails  not.'  This  is  proved  by  the  thirteenth 
chapter  of  First  Corinthians,  and  the  eighth  chapter 
to  the  Romans.  '  All  things  work  together  for  good 
to  them  that  love  God.'  And  '  nothing  shall  sepa- 
rate us  from  the  love  of  Christ.'  All  which  is  more 
fully  treated  of  in  the  book  itself. 


5S4  T.I  I M   AM)   TXME8    OF   JOHN    HTJSS.       [Ce.  XXH, 

"4.  'The  predestinate, although  not  nowinastate 

of  grace,  according  to  strict  justice,  is  vrt  ever  a 
member  of  the  holy  Catholic  church.'  I  answer,  this 
is  an  error,  if  it  is  to  be  understood  of  every  one 
that  is  predestinate.  For  in  the  book  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fifth  chapter,  speaking  of  the  ways  of 
belonging  to  the  church,  it  stands  written,  'there  are 
some  in  the  church  only  by  an  inadequate  faith,  and 
others  according  to  predestination,  as  Christians  pre- 
destinate, now  in  sin,  but  who  shall  return  into  a 
state  of  grace.' 

"  5.  'There  is  no  place  of  dignity,  nor  any  human 
election,  nor  any  outward  sign,  that  makes  one  a 
member  of  the  holy  Catholic  church.'  Answer.  This 
proposition  is  thus  expressed  in  the  book.  'These 
sophistries  will  be  detected  by  considering  what  it  is 
to  be  in  the  church,  and  what  it  is  to  be  a  member 
or  part  of  the  church ;  and  this  membership  is  pro- 
duced by  predestination,  which  secures  grace  in  the 
present  and  glory  in  the  future  world  ;  and  not  by 
any  place  of  dignity,  any  human  election  or  outward 
sign.  For  the  traitor  Iscariot,  notwithstanding  his 
election  by  Christ,  and  the  temporal  gifts  which 
were  granted  him  for  the  office  of  an  apostle,  and 
notwithstanding  his  being  reputed  a  true  apostle  of 
Christ  by  the  people,  yet  never  was  a  true  disciple, 
but  only  a  wolf  in  sheep's  clothing,  as  Augustine  as- 
serts.' 

"6.  'A  reprobate  man  is  never  a  member  of  holy 
mother  church.'  Answer.  This  passage  is  contained 
in  the  book  of  the  church,  and  it  is  there  sustained 
at  length  by  the  thirty-sixth  Psalm,  the  fifth  chapter 


Ch.  .XXII.]        JUDAS    NEVER    A   TRUE   DISCIPLE.  585 

of  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  by  St.  Bernard, 
who  says,  that  the  church  of  Jesus  Christ  is  his  own 
body,  more  plainly  than  that  which  he  delivered  up 
to  death.  Moreover,  in  the  fifth  chapter  of  my  book 
I  have  said,  '  All  will  grant  that  the  holy  church  is 
the  Lord's  threshing  floor,  in  which,  according  to 
faith,  the  good  and  bad,  the  predestinate  and  the 
reprobate,  the  chaff  and  the  wheat,  are  found,  ac- 
cording to  the  exposition  of  St.  Augustine.' 

"  7.  '  Judas  was  never  a  true  disciple  of  Jesus  Christ.' 
Answer.  I  do  confess  it.  It  is  proved  by  the  fifth  ar- 
ticle above  laid  down,  and  by  Augustine  on  penitence, 
dist.  fourth,  where  he  treats  of  that  passage  in  the 
second  chapter  of  John's  first  Epistle, '  they  went  out 
from  us,  for  they  were  not  of  us.'  '  He  knew,'  says 
he,  '  from  the  beginning  who  they  were  that  believed 
on  him,  and  who  should  betray  him,  and  said :  there- 
fore I  said  to  you  before,  no  one  cometh  unto  me, 
except  it  be  given  him  of  my  Father ;  and  after  this 
many  of  his  disciples  left  him.'  These  are  called 
disciples  in  the  language  of  the  gospel,  and  yet  they 
were  not  truly  such,  for  they  did  not  abide  in  his 
word,  as  he  said,  '  If  ye  shall  abide  in  my  word,  then 
are  ye  my  disciples.'  Inasmuch  as  they  did  not  per- 
severe as  true  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  are  not, 
however  they  seem,  truly  sons  of  God.  They  are 
not  such  with  him,  who  knows  what  they  shall  be, 
and  discerns  the  evil  from  the  good.  Such  is  the 
language  of  St.  Augustine.  It  is  equally  plain  that 
Judas  could  not  be  a  true  disciple  of  Christ  while  he 
continued  in  his  avarice.  For  the  Saviour  himself 
had  said,  when  Judas  was  present,   as   I  suppose, 


586  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    H0B8.       [Cn.  XXII. 

1  Unless  a  man  shall  renounce  all  that  he  hath,  he 
cannot  be  my  disciple.'  Inasmuch,  therefore,  as 
Judas  did  not  renounce  all,  according  to  the  intent 
of  Christ,  and  so  follow  him,  because  he  was  a  thief 
and  a  traitor,  (John  vi.  12,)  it  is  plain  from  the  words 
of  Christ  that  Judas  was  not  a  true  but  a  false  dis- 
ciple. For  which  reason,  Augustine,  (upon  John,) 
showing  how  the  sheep  hear  Christ,  says,  'But  what 
hearers,  suppose  we,  are  sheep  ?  Judas  heard,  but 
he  was  a  wolf ;  he  followed  the  shepherd,  but,  dis- 
guised in  sheep's  clothing,  sought  to  betray  the  shep- 
herd.' 

"  8.  '  The  body  of  the  predestinate,  whether  in  a 
state  of  grace  or  not,  compose  the  holy  church,  which 
has  neither  spot  nor  wrinkle,  but  is  pure  and  immac- 
ulate, and  is  called  by  Jesus  Christ,  his  own.'  This 
article  Huss  acknowledged,  and  cited  the  words  of  his 
book  in  which  they  were  contained.  'The  church, 
in  the  third  place,  is  understood  and  taken  for  the 
whole  body  of  the  faithful,  whether  they  be  in  a 
state  of  grace  according  to  present  righteousness  or 
not.  And  this  thus  becomes  an  article  of  faith,  con- 
cerning which  Paul  speaks  in  Eph.  v.,  "  Christ  loved 
the  church,  and  gave  himself  for  it,"  etc.  What 
believer  can  doubt,  let  us  ask,  but  that  the  church 
here  signifies  all  the  predestinate,  of  whom  we  must 
believe  the  Catholic  church  is  composed — the  spouse 
of  Christ,  finally  to  be  presented  holy  and  without 
spot.  Whence  that  holy  Catholic  church  is  objec- 
tively an  article  of  faith,  in  which  we  are  bound 
firmly  to  believe,  according  to  the  symbol,  "I  be- 
lieve the  holy  Catholic  church ;"  and  of  this  church 


Ch. xxii.]  who  is  Christ's  vicar?  587 

do  Saints  Augustine,  Gregory,  Jerome,  and  others 
speak.' 

"  9.  '  Peter  never  was,  nor  is  he,  the  head  of  the 
holy  Catholic  church.'  Answer.  This  proposition  is 
deduced  from  the  words  of  my  book  as  follows :  '  It 
is  granted,  indeed,  that  Peter,  from  the  corner-stone 
of  the  church  (a  petra  ecclesioe)  which  is  Christ,  had 
humility,  poverty,  firmness  of  faith,  and  consequent 
blessedness,  not  that  by  those  words  of  scripture, 
"  Upon  this  rock  (Petram)  I  will  build  my  church," 
Christ  means  to  build  his  whole  church  militant  upon 
the  person  of  Peter ;  for  on  the  Hock,  which  is  Christ, 
from  which  Peter  received  his  strength  of  faith, 
Christ  would  build  his  own  church,  since  Christ  is 
the  head  and  foundation  of  the  whole  church, — not 
Peter.' 

"10.  '  If  he  who  is  called  Christ's  vicar,  follows 
Christ  in  his  life,  then  is  he  his  vicar ;  but  if  he  walks 
in  an  opposite  course,  then  is  he  Antichrist's  agent, 
contrary  to  Peter  and  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
the  vicar  of  Judas  Iscariot.'  Answer.  The  words  of 
my  book  are,  '  If  now  he  that  is  called  Peter's  vicar 
walks  in  these  aforesaid  paths  of  purity  and  virtue, 
we  believe  that  he  is  truly  his  vicar,  and  chief  pon- 
tiff of  the  church  which  he  rules.  But  if  he  pursues 
opposite  courses,  then  is  he  the  agent  of  Antichrist, 
contrary  to  Peter  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.' 
Hence  Bernard,  in  his  letter  to  Pope  Eugenius, 
writes,  '  Thou  delightest  and  walkest  in  great  pride 
and  arrogance,  and  art  surrounded  by  all  various 
splendor.  What  benefit  do  the  sheep  receive  ?  If 
I  durst  say  it,  these  are  rather  the  pastures  of  devils 


588  I. UK    A.\I>   TIMES   OF  JOHN    HUBS.       [Ch.  XXIL 

than  of  s1km'|>.  This  was  not  the  practice  of  Peter, 
neither  <li<l  Paul  grow  thus  wanton.  In  these  matters 
you  have  succeeded  not  Peter,  but  Constantine.'  So 
speaks  Bernard.  Then  follows  in  my  book,  'If  in  his 
morals  he  lives  the  reverse  of  Peter,  and  gloats  on 
mammon,  then  is  he  the  vicar  of  Judas  Iscariot,  who 
loved  the  wages  of  iniquity,  selling  his  Lord  and 
Master,  Christ.'" 

At  the  reading  of  this  last  clause,  the  bishops  and 
doctors  tossed  their  heads  in  proud  derision,  and  ex- 
changed looks  with  one  another  that  expressed  their 
feelings  better  than  words. 

"  11.  'All  simonists,  and  priests  of  a  dissolute  life, 
do  hold  false  oj^inions  in  regard  to  the  seven  sacra- 
ments, in  regard  to  the  keys  and  offices  of  the  church, 
the  censures,  the  rites  and  ceremonies,  the  worship- 
ping of  relics,  indulgences,  and  the  orders  of  the 
church.'  Answer.  The  words  of  my  book  are,  '  This 
abuse  of  power  do  they  practice,  who  sell  and  buy 
and  acquire,  by  simoniacal  methods,  the  sacred  or- 
ders of  the  church,  making  importunate  exactions 
for  the  sacraments,  living  in  avarice,  lust,  luxury,  or 
whatsoever  is  shameful,  and  thus  polluting  the  priest- 
hood. For  although  in  words  they  profess  that  they 
know  God,  yet  in  deeds  they  deny  him,  and  con- 
sequently do  not  truly  believe  in  God,  and,  as  dis- 
obedient children,  hold  a  false  opinion  of  the  sacra- 
ments of  the  church.  And  this  is  most  evident,  inas- 
much as  all  such  despise  the  name  of  God,  according 
to  that  saying  of  Malachi,  "Unto  you,  O  priests,  be 
it  spoken,  which  do  despise  my  name." ' 

"12.    'The  papal  dignity  was  derived  from   the 


Ch.  XXII.]  ENDOWMENT   OF   THE   POPE.  589 

Rom  an  emperors.'  Answer.  My  words  are,  'the  pre- 
eminence and  endowment  of  the  pope  emanated 
from  the  imperial  power.  And  this  is  proved  by 
the  ninety-sixth  "  distinction ; "  for  Constantine  grant- 
ed this  privilege  to  the  Roman  pontiff,  which  was 
confirmed  by  other  emperors,  so  that  as  Augustus 
was  above  other  kings,  so  the  Roman  pontiff  before 
other  bishops  should  be  called  specially  the  father 
of  the  church,  and  this  in  regard  to  outward  adorn- 
ment and  splendor  and  benefactions  of  the  church. 
Notwithstanding  which,  the  papal  dignity  has  its 
source  immediately  in  Christ  in  respect  to  the  spirit- 
ual administration  and  rule  of  the  church.'" 

Here  the  reading  was  interrupted  by  the  cardinal  of 
Cambray.  Turning  to  Huss,  he  said,  "Yet  in  the  time 
of  Constantine  the  general  council  of  Nice  was  held, 
in  which  the  highest  place  was  given  to  the  bishop 
of  Rome,  although,  for  honor's  sake,  ascribed  to  the 
emperor.  Why,  then,  do  not  you,  John  Huss,  say 
that  the  papal  dignity  was  derived  from  the  council 
instead  of  the  emperor  ?  "  Huss  replied,  that  he  at- 
tributed the  elevation  of  the  popes  to  Constantine 
only  so  far  as  the  donation  of  this  emperor  was  con- 
cerned. 

"13.  'No  one  may  reasonably  affirm  without  rev- 
elation, either  of  himself  or  of  any  other,  that  he  is 
the  head  of  a  particular  church.'  Answer.  I  con- 
fess this  to  be  in  any  book,  where  it  immediately 
follows,  '  Although  in  a  holy  life  he  may  hope  and 
trust  that  he  is  a  member  of  the  holy  Catholic  church, 
the  spouse  of  Christ;  yet,  according  to  the  saying 
of  the  preacher,  "No  man  knoweth  whether  he  be 


590  I. II  i:    AND   TIMES   OS  JOHN   HUBS.       [«'n.  XXII. 

worthy,  and  have  deserved  grace  and  favor,  or  hatred." 
And  Luke  xvii.,  "  When  ye  have  done  all  ye  can,  say 
that  ye  are  unprofitable  servants. "  ' 

"  14.  '  It  ought  not  to  be  believed  that  the  pope, 
whatsoever  he  be,  may  be  the  head  of  any  particular 
church,  unless  he  be  predestinated  and  ordained  of 
God.'  Answer.  I  admit  it.  And  thus  it  is  proved : 
otherwise,  a  Christian  must  needs  believe  and  confess 
a  falsehood  when  saying  that  such  or  such  a  one  is 
the  chief  of  such  a  church,  while  the  church  may  be 
deceived,  as  was  the  case  in  Agnes.  The  same  thing 
also  appears  from  St.  Augustine.1 

"  15.  'The  pope's  power  is  null  and -void,  unless  in 
life  and  morals  he  be  conformed  to  Christ  or  to 
Peter.'  Answer.  My  words  are,  '  that  one  who  is 
thus  a  vicar  is  bound  to  discharge  the  part  and  fill 
the  place  of  his  superior,  from  whom  he  has  received 
vicarious  power ;  he  should,  therefore,  be  conformed 
in  life  and  morals  to  him  whose  place  he  occupies. 
For,  otherwise,  the  authority  he  claims  is  null  and 
void,  unless  there  be  this  conformity,  and  thus  with 
it  the  authority  of  him  who  appoints.' " 

And  John  Huss  here  added  before  the  council  in 
explanation,  that  he  regarded  the  power  of  such  a 
pope  as  did  not  reflect  the  life  of  Christ,  frustrate 
and  void,  with  regard  to  the  merit  and  reward  that 

1  Both  this  article  and  the  answer  bear  the  outward  office  and  dignity 

are  somewhat  obscure.     The  reply,  as  of  the  pontificate,  who  was  not  really 

given  by  Fox,  has  no  application  what-  to  be  regarded  or  obeyed.     The  case 

ever.     Huss  undoubtedly  wished  to  he  cited  silenced  all  cavil ;  the  story 

maintain,  from  this  case  of  the  female  of  Agnes  was  not  then  rejected,  and 

pope  Agnes — a  case  which  the  council  the  grave  fit  hers  of  the  council  were 

seems  not  even  to  have  disputed  or  constrained  to  let  the  article  pass  in 

(juestioncd  in  the  least — that  oncmight  silence. 


Ch.  XXII.]  REMARKS    OF   GERS0X.  591 

should  attend  it,  but  not  as  respects  the  office  itself. 
"But  where,"  asked  several,  "is  this  gloss  in  your 
book  ? "  "  In  my  treatise  against  Stephen  Paletz  you 
will  find  it,"  replied  Huss.  Upon  this  the  members 
of  the  council  exchanged  smiles  of  derision. 

"16.  'The  pope  is  accounted  most  holy,  not  be- 
cause he  is  the  vicar  of  St.  Peter,  but  because  he  has 
great  revenues.'  Answer.  In  this  my  words  have 
been  perverted  and  mistaken;  for  thus  I  wrote, 
'  He  is  not  most  holy  because  he  is  the  vicar  of  Christ, 
or  because  he  has  large  revenues,  but  if  he  be  the 
follower  of  Jesus  Christ  in  humility,  gentleness,  pa- 
tience, labor,  and  above  all,  charity.' 

"  17.  'The  cardinals  are  not  the  manifest  and  true 
successors  of  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ,  unless  they 
live  after  the  apostolic  pattern,  observing  the  com- 
mandments and  counsels  of  Jesus  Christ.'  Answer.  It 
is  so  stated  in  my  book,  and  the  proof  of  it  is  this :  '  If 
they  climb  up  any  other  way  than  by  that  first  door, 
Jesus  Christ,  then  are  they  thieves  and  robbers.' ' 

Here  the  cardinal  of  Cambray  interrupted  the 
reading.  "  Behold,"  said  he,  "  in  respect  to  this  and 
other  articles  already  read,  he  has  written  things  in 
his  book  more  detestable  than  anything  which  the 
articles  contain.  Truly,  John  Huss,  you  have  not 
observed  discretion  in  your  preaching  and  in  your 
writings.  Should  you  not  have  adapted  your  ser- 
mons to  your  audience  ?  For  what  need  or  use  was 
there  of  preaching  to  the  people  against  the  cardinals 
when  none  of  them  were  present  ?  It  had  been  bet- 
ter to  have  told  them  their  faults  to  their  face  than 
scandalously  proclaim  them  to  the  laity."     The  car- 


592  LIFE   AND   HME8    Of   JOHN    HUBS.       [Ch.  XXIi. 

dinal  did  not  presume  to  deny  tlie  truth  of  the  article. 
His  own  writings  as  well  as  speeches  had  been  as 
unsparing  in  regard  to  the  whole  Roman  court  as 
those  of  IIuss.  The  whole  charge  was  thus  reduced 
by  him  virtually  to  one  of  imprudence.  To  this  IIuss 
replied,  "  Most  reverend  father,  there  were  then 
present  at  my  sermons  priests  and  other  learned  men, 
and  for  their  sake,  and  to  bid  them  beware,  my  words 
were  spoken."  "You  do  an  evil  thing,"  said  the 
cardinal,  "  for  by  this  sort  of  sermons  you  tend  to 
spread  disturbance  in  the  church." 

"18.  '  No  heretic  after  ecclesiastical  censure  should 
be  given  up  to  the  secular  arm,  to  be  subjected  to 
capital  punishment.'0'6*  Answer.  My  words  are,  'There 
should  be  shame  for  their  cruel  proceedings,  specially 
as  Jesus  Christ,  Bishop  of  both  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments,  would  not  judge  the  disobedient  by  civil 
judgment,  or  put  them  to  death.'  This  is  plain  from 
the  twelfth  chapter  of  Luke,  from  the  second  and 
eighth  of  John  in  regard  to  the  woman  taken  in 
adultery,  and  from  Matthew  xviii.,  'If  thy  brother 
shall  sin  against  thee,'  etc.  So,  therefore,  I  say  that 
he  who  is  a  heretic  ou<jdit  first  to  be  instructed 
kindly,  justly,  and  humbly,  from  the  Sacred  Scrip- 
tures, and  reasons  drawn  therefrom — the  course  pur- 
sued by  Augustine  and  others  who  disputed  with 
heretics.  But  if  there  are  those  who  utterly  refuse 
to  desist  from  their  errors  after  all  suitable  instruc- 
tion has  been  given,  then  I  say  that  they  should  be 
subjected  to  corporeal  punishment." 

Even  this  degree  of  toleration,  short  of  what  is  now 
universally  demanded,  was  too  far  in  advance  of  the 


Ch.  XXII.]  A   NEW    CHAEGE    OF    IIEEEST.  593 

age  to  be  allowed.  The  good  sense  of  Huss,  and  the 
kindly  and  humane  spirit  in  him  which  had  been  cher- 
ished by  the  study  of  Christian  truth,  would  not  allow 
him  to  approve  any  harsh  methods  of  dealing  with 
men  charged  with  error.  But  this  noble  advance  be- 
yond the  bigotry  of  his  age  was  the  occasion  of  a  new 
charge  of  heresy.  While  Huss  was  stating  his  views, 
one  of  his  books  was  taken  up  by  his  judges,  who 
turned  to  a  certain  paragraph  in  which  he  inveighed 
against  those  who  deliver  over  a  heretic  not  yet  con- 
victed to  the  secular  arm,  saying,  that  "they  are 
like  the  chief  priests,  scribes,  and  Pharisees,  who  said, 
as  they  delivered  over  Christ  to  Pilate,  '  It  is  not  law- 
ful for  us  to  put  any  one  to  death ;'  and  yet,  accord- 
ing to  Christ  himself,  who  said,  'therefore  he  who 
betrayed  me  to  thee  hath  the  greater  sin,'  they  were 
greater  murderers  than  Pilate  himself."  The  read- 
ing of  this  passage  produced  much  commotion  in  the 
council.  Indisputably  true  and  just  as  the  sentiment 
was,  it  seemed  to  be  placing  a  bar  between  the  bigots 
of  the  council  and  their  destined  victim.  It  was  a 
picture  of  the  very  course  which  they  intended  to 
pursue,  presented  in  an  odious  but  true  light.  Turn- 
ing to  Huss,  some  asked,  "Who  are  they  that  are 
like  the  Pharisees  ? "  a  question  equivalent,  doubtless, 
to  that  of  the  traitor  asking  at  the  last  supper,  Is  it 
If  But  Huss  was  at  no  loss  for  a  reply ;  "All  those," 
said  he,  "  who  give  up  to  the  civil  sword  any  inno- 
cent man,  as  the  scribes  and  Pharisees  did  Christ." 
"  No,  no ! "  cried  they ;  "  but  you  here  speak  of  the 
doctors  themselves."  Upon  this  the  bishop  of  Cam- 
bray  repeated  his  stale  attempt  to  work  upon  the 
vol.  i.  38 


59-1  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOBS    HUBS.       [Cu.  XXII. 

prejudices  «>f  the  council.  "Surely,"  said  he,  "they 
who  drew  up  the  articles  have  proceeded  with  great 
gentleness,  for  his  writings  contain  things  more  atro- 
cious still."  Such  was  the  expressive  comment  of 
one  of  the  most  enlightened  and  able  cardinals  of  the 
church,  on  a  doctrine  which  at  the  present  day  no 
man,  unless  steeped  in  inquisitorial  bigotry,  ventures 
to  dispute. 

"19.  'The  nobles  of  the  world  should  constrain 
the  priests  to  the  observance  of  the  law  of  Christ.' 
Answer.  My  words  are,  '  Those  of  our  party,  in  the 
fourth  place,  do  insist  and  preach  that  the  church 
militant  is  composed  of  parts,  according  as  Christ  has 
ordained,  viz.,  of  the  priests  of  Christ  who  truly  keep 
his  law,  and  of  the  nobles  of  the  world,  who  should 
constrain  to  the  observance  of  Christ's  ordinances, 
and  of  the  common  people  also,  ministering  to  each 
of  these  parts  according  to  the  law  of  Christ.' 

"20.  '  Ecclesiastical  obedience  is  an  obedience  in- 
vented by  the  priests  of  the  church,  without  any  ex- 
press authority  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures.'  Answer. 
I  confess  to  these  words  as  written  in  my  book.  '  It 
is  to  be  remarked  that  obedience  is  threefold — spir- 
itual, civil,  and  ecclesiastical.  The  spiritual  is  that 
which  is  due  simply  on  the  ground  of  the  law  of 
God,  according  to  which  the  apostles  lived,  and  all 
Christians  are  bound  to  live.  The  civil  is  that  which 
is  due  to  the  laws  of  the  state.  The  ecclesiastical  is 
that  which  has  been  devised  by  the  priests  of  the 
church  without  the  express  authority  of  scripture. 
The  first  kind  of  obedience  wholly  excludes  from 
itself  all  evil,  both  on  the  part  of  him  who  commands 


Ch.  XXII.]  APPEAL   TO    CHRIST.  595 

and  him  who  obeys ;  according  to  Deut.  xxiv.,  "  Thou 
shalt  do  whatsoever  the  priests  of  the  house  of  Levi 
shall  teach  you,  according  as  I  have  commanded 
them." ' 

"21.  'He  that  is  excommunicated  by  the  pope,  yet 
who,  declining  the  judgment  of  the  pope  and  general 
council,  appeals  to  Christ,  is  preserved  safe  from  the 
harm  of  all  excommunication.'  Answer.  This  prop- 
osition I  do  not  acknowledge,  but  I  did  complain  in 
my  book  of  the  many  aggravated  charges  brought 
against  me  and  mine,  and  that  I  had  been  refused  an 
audience  in  the  papal  court.  For  when  I  had  ap- 
pealed from  one  pope  to  his  successor,  it  was  of  no 
advantage  to  me,  and  to  appeal  from  the  pope  to  the 
council  would  be  too  tedious  an  affair,  and  attempt- 
ing an  uncertain  security  against  the  charge.  For 
this  reason  I  finally  appealed  to  Jesus  Christ,  the 
Head  of  the  church.  For  he  is  so  much  the  more  to 
be  preferred  to  the  pope  in  deciding  causes,  inasmuch 
as  he  cannot  err,  nor  deny  justice  to  him  who  asks  it 
righteously,  nor,  in  accordance  with  his  own  estab- 
lished law,  can  he  condemn  an  innocent  man." 

Here  the  cardinal  of  Cambray  addressed  Huss : 
"  Would  you  be  above  Paul,  who  appealed  to  the 
emperor  and  not  to  Christ  % "  "  And  am  I,"  replied 
Huss,  "  though  I  were  the  first  to  do  this  thiug,  to 
be  accounted  a  heretic  ?  And  yet  Paul  did  not  ap- 
peal to  the  emperor  of  his  own  motion,  but  through 
the  revealed  will  of  Christ  who  appeared  to  him  and 
said,  '  Be  thou  firm  and  constant,  for  thou  must  needs 
go  to  Rome  ! ' "  Huss  went  on  to  repeat  the  substance 
of  his  views  in  regard  to  appealing  to  Christ,  but 


596  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.       [Ch.  XX IL 

his  statements  were  met  by  the  open  derision  of  the 

council. 

"22.  'The  deeds  of  an  evil  man  are"  evil,  of  a  vir- 
tuous  man,  virtuous.'      Answer.    My  words  are,  'It 
is  further  to  be  remarked,  that   human   actions   are 
directly  divided  into  two  classes,  virtuous  and  vicious. 
This  is  evident  inasmuch  as,  if  a  man  is  virtuous  and 
performs  any  act,  the  act  is  virtuous ;  and  if  he   is 
vicious,  whatever  he  does  is  vicious.      Because    as 
vice,  which  is  called  crime,  that  is,  mortal  sin,  infects 
universally  the  acts  of  its  subject,  that  is,  man, — so 
virtue  vivifies  all  the  acts  of  the  virtuous  man,  inso- 
much that,  being  in  a  state  of  grace,  he  is  said  to  be 
prayerful  and  deserving,  even  while  he  sleeps,  as  in 
some   way  still   working,  as  says  Augustine,  as  well 
as   Gregory  and  others.     And  this  is  evident  from 
Luke  vi.,  "If  thine  eye,"  that  is,  thine  intention,  "  is 
single,"  undepraved  by  the  blinding  power  of  sin, 
"  thy  whole  body,"  that  is,  the  sum  of  thy  actions, 
"  shall  be  full  of  light,"  or  pleasing  to  God.    "  But  if 
thine   eye  be  evil,  thy  whole  body  shall  be  full  of 
darkness."     And  2   Cor.  x.,  "Do  all  things  to  the 
glory  of  God."     And  1  Corinthians,  in  the  last  chap- 
ter :  "  Let  all  your  deeds  be  done  in  charity."  Whence 
the  whole  course  of  life,  through  charity,  become 
virtuous,  and,  without  charity,  becomes  vicious.    And 
this  may  be  proved  from   Deut.  xxiii.,  where  God 
Bays  to  his  people,  that  if   they  will  keep  his  com- 
mandments, they  shall  be  blessed  in  the  house  and 
in  the  field,  going  out  and  coming  in,  lying  down  and 
rising  up.     But  if  they  will  not  keep  them,  they  shall 
be  cursed  in  all  these  things.     The  same  thing  is  evi- 


Ch.  XXII.]       TWO    CLASSES    OF   HUMAN    ACTION.  597 

dent  from  Augustine  upon  the  Psalm,  where  he  infers 
that  the  good  man  glorifies  God  in  whatever  he  does. 
And  when  Gregory  says  that  the  sleep  of  the  saints 
is  not  without  merit,  how  much  more  that  action 
which  proceeds  from  the  purpose  of  the  will,  and 
which  consequently  is  virtuous  ?  On  the  other  hand, 
in  regard  to  him  who  is  in  a  state  of  criminality,  that 
holds  good  which  took  place  under  the  law, — whatever 
he  shall  touch  shall  be  unclean.  On  this,  moreover? 
that  passage  bears  which  was  above  cited  from  Mal- 
achi.  Gregory  the  First,  in  ques.,  says, "  We  therefore 
pollute  the  bread  when  we  unworthily  approach  the 
altar,  and  we  drink  the  pure  blood  while  ourselves 
steeped  in  impurity."  Augustine,  upon  Psalm  cxlvi., 
says,  "  If  by  the  excess  of  voracity  beyond  the  due 
bound  of  nature,  you  neglect  to  restrain  yourself 
and  choke  yourself  with  drunkenness,  however  loudly 
your  tongue  may  sound  the  praise  of  God's  grace, 
you  life  blasphemes  against  him." ' " 

When  this  article  had  been  read,  the  cardinal  of 
Cambray  rejoined,  "  But  scripture  says  that  '  we  all 
sin ;'  and  again,  '  if  we  shall  say  we  have  no  sin,  we 
deceive  ourselves,  •  and  the  truth  is  not  in  us.' " 
"  But,"  said  Huss,  "  scripture  there  speaks  of  venial 
sins,  which  do  not  exclude  necessarily  virtuous  habits, 
but  are  tolerated  along  with  them."  Here  a  certain 
master,  an  Englishman  named  William,  interposed : 
"But  these  sins  are  not  tolerated  along  with  those 
habits  by  any  principle  morally  good."  Huss  cited 
again  the  passage  from  Augustine  on  the  cxlvi.  Psalm. 
"  But  what,"  cried  they  all  at  once,  "  has  that  to  do 
with  it?" 


598  LITE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUBS.        [Hi.  XXII. 

"23.  'A  priest  of  Christ  living  according  to  Lis 
law,  having  a  knowledge  of  scripture  and  a  gift  for 
edifying  the  people,  ought  to  preach,  notwithstanding 
any  pretended  excommunication.  And  again,  if  a  pope 
or  other  prelate  commands  a  priest  in  such  circumstan- 
ces not  to  preach,  he  ought  not  to  obey  the  command.1 
Answer.  My  words  are  these:  'Notwithstanding 
any  pretended  excommunication,  whether  threatened 
or  inflicted,  a  Christian  should  keep  the  command- 
ments of  Christ/  This  is  plain  from  the  language  of 
Peter  and  other  apostles  when  they  say,  '  We  ought 
to  obey  God  rather  than  men.'  From  this  it  follows, 
that  a  priest  of  Christ  who  lives  according  to  his  law, 
having  fitness  by  knowledge  of  scripture,  etc.,  ought 
to  preach  notwithstanding  any  pretended  excommu- 
nication. This  is  evident,  inasmuch  as  (Acts  v.) 
priests  are  commanded  to  preach  the  word  of  God. 
We,  I  say,  have  been  commanded  of  God  to  preach 
and  testify  to  the  people.  This  is  evident  also  from 
many  other  passages  from  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  and 
from  the  holy  fathers  which  were  cited  in  my  book. 
The  second  part  of  the  article  follows  in  my  book  in 
these  words :  '  From  this  it  is  plain,  that  ft  >r  a  priest  to 
preach,  and  for  the  rich  to  give  alms,  are  not  matters 
of  choice,  but  command.  It  is  plain,  moreover,  that 
if  a  pope  or  other  prelate  should  forbid  a  priest  in 
such  circumstances  to  preach,  or  a  rich  man  to  give 
alms,  the  subject  of  command  should  not  obey.'" 

lluss  added,  moreover,  "  In  order  that  you  may 
rightly  understand  me,  a  pretended  excommunica- 
tion, as  I  call  it,  is  one  that  I  regard  as  unjust  and 
discordant  to  the  rules  to  be  observed,  as  well  as 


Ch.  XXII.]  ON"    EXCOMMUNICATION.  599 

\ 

opposed  to  the  commands  of  God.  A  priest  fitted  to 
preach  successfully,  should  not  on  account  of  it  cease 
to  preach,  or  be  in  fear  of  damnation." 

The  members  of  the  council  then  objected  to  him 
that  he  had  called  such  an  excommunication  a  bene- 
diction. "  And  in  truth,"  replied  Huss,  "  I  say  the 
same  thing  now,  that  excommunication,  by  which  any 
one  is  unjustly  excommunicate,  is  a  benediction  to 
him  in  the  sight  of  God,  according  to  that  language 
of  the  prophet,  'I  will  curse  your  blessings;'  and 
again,  '  they  shall  curse,  but  thou  shalt  bless.' " 

Upon  this  the  cardinal  of  Florence,  who  kept  a 
notary  at  his  side  to  minute  down  whatever  he 
should  direct,  said  to  Huss,  "  Yet  there  are  canons 
which  show  that  even  an  unjust  excommunication  is 
to  be  dreaded."  "It  is  true,"  said  Huss,  " for  I  re- 
member that  there  are  laid  down  eight  causes  why 
excommunication  should  be  dreaded."  "No  more 
than  that  ? "  asked  the  cardinal.  "  It  may  well  be 
that  there  are .  more,"  answered  Huss  ;  and  here  the 
discussion  on  this  point  rested. 

"24.  'Every  one  who  receives  by  special  com- 
mandment the  office  of  preacher,  and  thus  enters 
upon  the  priesthood,  should  keep  the  charge  com- 
mitted to  him,  notwithstanding  a  pretended  excom- 
munication.' Answer.  My  words  are  these :  '  From 
what  has  been  said,  therefore,  it  is  plain  that  who- 
ever, by  special  command,  shall  take  the  office  of 
preacher,  and  enter  upon  the  priesthood,  should  obey 
the  charge  given  him,  notwithstanding  a  pretended 
excommunication.'  And  again,  '  With  no  Catholic 
should  it  be  suffered  to  be  brought  into  question, 


600  LIFE   AND    TIMES   OF   JOHN    EUSS.       [Cu.  XXII. 

that  a  man  sufficiently  instructed  is  bound  to  advise 
the  ignorant,  to  teach  those  that  are  in  doubt,  to  cor- 
rect the  lawless,  to  avenge  the  injured,  as  well  as  dis- 
charge other  works  of  mercy.  Since,  moreover,  he 
wli<>  is  sufficiently  provided  to  minister  alms  for  the 
body  is  bound  to  do  it,  much  more  does  this  hold 
true  (Matt,  xxv.)  with  respect  to  spiritual  alms.' 

"25. 'Ecclesiastical  censures  are  such  as  are  of 
Antichrist,  which  the  clergy  has  deyised  to  exalt 
itself  and  enslave  the  people ;  if  the  laity  will  not 
obey  the  clergy  in  their  every  wish,  they  multiply 
their  avarice,  protect  malice,  and  prepare  the  way 
for  Antichrist.  But  it  is  plain  proof  that  these  cen- 
sures proceed  from  Antichrist,  which  in  their  pro- 
cesses are  called  fulminations,  in  which  the  clergy 
proceed  especially  against  those  who  make  bare  the 
iniquity  of  Antichrist,  usurping  to  themselves,  to 
the  highest  degree,  the  ecclesiastical  powers.  These 
things  are  found  in  the  last  chapter  of  the  book  on 
the  church.'  Answer.  I  deny  the  form  of  statement. 
Yet  this  subject  is  fully  laid  down  in  chap,  xxiii." 

During  the  examination,  members  of  the  council — 
some  of  them  at  least — were  busy  in  searching  out 
not  only  the  passages  referred  to,  but  others  of  a 
confirmatory  character.  Some  bearing  upon  the  last 
article  were  discovered,  undoubtedly  pointed  out  by 
the  more  bitter  enemies  of  Huss,  which  were  re- 
garded as  still  more  paradoxical  and  offensive  than 
what  had  been  cited.  These  also  were  read,  thus 
bringing  out  against  IIuss  passages  which  he  had  no 
opportunity  to  verify  or  examine.  "Surely,"  ex- 
claimed  the   cardinal   of  Cambray,  as  the  passages 


Ch.  XXII.]  ON   INTEKDICT.  601 

were  read,  "  tliese  things  are  much  more  aggravated 
and  scandalous  than  those  recited  in  the  articles." 

"26.  'Interdict  ought  not  to  be  imposed  upon  a 
people,  inasmuch  as  Christ,  the  highest  priest,  nei- 
ther on  account  of  John  the  Baptist,  nor  for  any  in- 
juries that  were  offered  to  himself,  imposed  an  inter- 
dict.' Answer.  These  are  my  words :  '  For  I  complain 
that  for  one  priest's  sake  an  interdict  is  imposed,  and 
thus  all  the  good  cease  from  praising  God.  But 
Christ,  the  highest  priest,  when  that  prophet,  than 
whom  a  greater  has  not  been  born  of  women,  was 
detained  in  prison,  did  not  impose  an  interdict.  Nor 
when  Herod  had  beheaded  him,  nay  when  he  him- 
self was  stripped,  beaten,  blasphemed  by  the  soldiers, 
scribes,  Pharisees,  etc.,  not  even  then  did  he  inflict 
his  curse,  but  he  prayed  for  them,  just  as  he  had 
taught  his  disciples  to  do  in  Matt.  v.  ;  and  following 
out  this  doctrine,  the  first  vicar  of  Christ  said,  1  Pet. 
ii.,  "  In  this  are  ye  called,  because  Christ  suffered  for 
us,  leaving  us  an  example  that  we  should  follow  in 
his  steps,  who,  when  he  was  cursed,  cursed  not  again." 
And  Paul,  (Horn,  xii.,)  pursuing  the  same  thought, 
says,  "  Bless  them  that  hate  you." ' " 

Numerous  were  the  passages  which  had  been  se- 
lected from  the  writings  of  Huss,  which  were  ar- 
raigned as  objectionable.  But  the  attention  of  the 
council  was  now  directed  to  the  articles  extracted 
from  the  treatise  against  Paletz. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

THIRD    AUDIENCE    CONTINUED. 

Seven  Articles  from  the  Treatise  op  Huss  Against  Paletz.  —  A  Pope  or 
Prelate  in  Deadly  Sin  is,  ipso  facto,  no  Pope  or  Prelate.  —  Embarrass- 
ing Subject  for  tue  Council.  —  Tub  Grace  of  Predestination  Unites  the 
Church  and  each  of  its  Members  to  its  Head.  —  A  Wicked  Pope  a  Son  of 
Perdition. — A  Wicked  Pope  or  Prelate  is  no  Pastor,  but  a  Thief  and  a 
Robber.  —  Objections. —  The  Pope  not  "Most  Holy."  —  A  Pope'  Legiti- 
mately Elected,  if  of  Evil  Life,  Enters  not  by  the  Door.  —  Paletz's  Re- 
marks. —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  The  Condemnation  of  the  Forty-five  Articles 
of  Wickliffe  Unjust. — Six  Articles  from  the  Treatise  Against  Stanis- 
laus.—  A  Majority  of  Electoral  Votes  Cannot  Make  a  Man  Christ's  Vic- 
ar.—  A  Reprobate  Pope  is  not  the  Head  of  the  Church. —  Christ  Suf- 
ficient to  Rule  His  Church. — Remarks  of  Huss  upon  it.  —  Peter  was  not 
Universal  Pastor.  —  The  Apostles  Ruled  the  Chuch  without  a  Pope. — 
Remark  of  an  Englishman. — How  to  Deal  with  Huss.  —  Conclusions. — 
Cardinal  D'Ailly  Addresses  Huss.  —  Some  Reluctant  to  Doom  Huss  to  the 
Flames.  —  He  is  Urged  to  Submit.  —  The  English  Deputation.  —  Gerson. — 
Jliss  States  his  Purpose  and  Desire.  —  Cardinal  D'Ailly  Perverts  its 
Meaning  and  Demands  Submission.  —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  Pleads  Conscience. — 
The  Emperor's  Advice. —  Terms  of  Submission. —  Reply  of  Hiss.  —  De- 
mand Repeated.  —  The  Priest  in  Silk  Cassock. —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  Paletz. — 
The  other  Works  of  Huss.  —  His  Conscientiousness.  —  Insists  on  a  Further 
Hearing.  —  Slanderous  Interpretation  of  a  Sentence  of  the  Pope.  —  Ex- 
haustion of  Huss. — False  Charge  in  Regard  to  the  Three  Men  Beheaded 
at  Prague. —  Paletz.  —  Paletz  and  Nason  on  the  Inflammatory  Sermons 
of  Huss.  —  TnE  Oxford  Letter.  —  Pause  in  the  Proceedings.  —  Protestation 
of  Paletz.  —  Of  Causis. — Of  Huss.  —  Remark  of  Cardinal  D'Ailly. —  Dis- 
position of  Paletz.  —  The  Council  Adjourns.  —  Ciilum  Cheers  Huss. — Con- 
clusions and  Policy  of  the  Emperor. 

Juke  8,  1415. 

From  the  treatise  of  Huss  against  Paletz  seven 
articles  were  extracted,  which  were  now  exhibited, 
(June  8,)  along  with  the  others,  against  the  prisoner. 


Ch.  XXIII.]    THE  EMPEEOR'S  ATTEXTIOX  CALLED.  603 

1.  "  If  pope,  bishop,  or  prelate  be  in  mortal  sin, 
then  is  he  no  longer  pope,  bishop,  or  prelate."  An- 
swer. "  This  article  I  acknowledge,  and  refer  you  to 
Saints  Augustine,  Jerome,  Chrysostom,  Gregory,  Cyp- 
rian, and  Bernard,  who  further  say  that  he  who  is 
in  a  state  of  mortal  sin  is  not  a  true  Christian,  much 
less  pope  or  bishop.  Of  whom  it  is  said,  Amos  viii., 
'They  have  reigned,  yet  not  by  me ;  they  became 
princes,  and  I  knew  them  not.'  But  yet  we  grant 
that  a  wicked  pope,  bishop,  or  priest  is  an  unworthy 
minister  of  the  sacrament,  through  whom  God  bap- 
tizes, consecrates,  or  otherwise  works  to  the  benefit 
of  the  church.  And  this  point  is  more  largely 
handled  in  the  book,  with  reference  to  the  authority 
of  the  holy  doctors.  Yea,  he  who  is  in  mortal  sin  is 
not  worthily  king  before  God,  as  is  plain  from 
1  Kings  xv.,  where  God,  by  Samuel,  declares  to 
Saul,  'Because  thou  hast  rejected  my  word,  I  will 
reject  thee  from  being  king.'" 

While  this  article  was  undergoing  discussion,  the 
emperor  was  standing  in  the  recess  of  a  window  of 
the  building,  in  conference  with  the  Elector  Pala- 
tine and  the  Burgrave  of  Nuremberg.  Their  conver- 
sation was  in  regard  to  Huss.  The  prejudices  of  the 
emperor  had  been  already  excited  to  an  unusual  de- 
gree, and  he  at  length  let  fall  the  expression  that 
there  never  was  a  more  dangerous  heretic.  It  was 
at  this  moment  that  Huss  was  speaking  in  regard  to 
the  unworthy  king  of  Israel,  and  the  occasion  it 
afforded  for  confirming  the  prejudices  of  the  emperor 
was  one  which  the  council  was  not  willing  to  lose. 
He  was  therefore  called,  and  Huss  was  bid  to  repeat 


604  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF   JOHN'    HUBS.      [»'h.  XXIIT. 

what  lie  had  just  said.  He  at  once  complied,  mak- 
ing a  slight  correction.  The  emperor,  to  the  disap- 
pointment of  the  enemies  of  Hubs,  quietly  replied, 
"  There  is  no  man  who  lives  without  sin."  The  Car- 
dinal of  Cambray,  however,  showed  more  excitement 
and  passion.  In  an  angry  tone  he  cried  out,  "Was 
it  not  enough  that,  contemning  the  ecclesiastical 
state,  you  have  tried  to  spread  confusion  through  it 
by  your  writings  and  teachings  ?  Now,  it  seems, 
you  are  attempting  to  cast  down  kings  from  their 
dignities."  Paletz,  moreover,  felt  himself  called  upon 
to  maintain  his  own  ground.  He  began  to  cite  au- 
thorities by  which  he  would  prove  that  Saul  was 
still  kinsr  even  when  he  had  heard  the  words  of 

o 

Samuel,  and  that  on  this  ground  David  had  forbid- 
den any  one  to  slay  him — not  on  account  of  his  per- 
sonal holiness,  for  he  bad  none,  but  on  account  of 
his  anointing  as  king.  Huss  commenced  his  reply 
by  quoting  Cyprian  as  saying  that  he  could  by  no 
means  claim  the  Christian  name  who  did  not  resem- 
ble Christ  in  his  conduct.  "  But,"  exclaimed  Paletz, 
"  see  how  he  stultifies  himself  in  saying  what  is  noth- 
ing to  the  purpose.  For  even  though  any  one  be 
not  a  true  Christian,  is  he  not  therefore  a  true  pope, 
bishop,  or  king,  inasmuch  as  these  are  but  the  titles 
of  offices,  while  Christian  is  a  name  implying  moral 
worth?  And  so  any  one  may  be  a  true  pope, 
bishop,  or  king,  even  though  he  be  not  a  true  Chris- 
tian." But  here  again  Paletz  found  himself  going 
too  far.  The  old  doctrine  of  the  church,  which  war- 
ranted the  crusades,  ami  added  one  of  its  most 
precious  jewels  to  the  crown  of  papal  prerogative, 


Ch.  XXIII.]  A    WICKED    POPE.  605 

was  that  an  infidel  king  had  no  authority  from  God 
to  reign,  and  that  he  might  justly  be  deposed.  How 
then  could  one  not  a  Christian  retain  his  office  ? 
But  Huss  was  as  ready  to  meet  Paletz  with  the 
tongue  as  with  the  pen.  An  illustration  of  the  mat- 
ter occurred  to  him  which  he  promptly  used.  "  If, 
then,"  said  he,  with  admirable  tact,  and  with  a  logic 
pertinent  to  the  matter  in  hand — "If,  then,  John 
XXIII.  was  true  pope,  why  did  you  depose  him  from 
his  office  ? "  The  question  was  one  to  embarrass  the 
council,  and  the  emperor  came  to  its  relief.  "  But 
the  masters  of  the  council,"  said  he,  "  did  of  late 
agree  on  this  very  point,  that  he  was  true  pope,  but 
on  account  of  his  notorious  wickedness,  by  which  he 
scandalized  the  holy  church  of  God  and  wasted  its 
energies,  he  was  deposed  from  his  office."  It  would 
have  been  impolitic  for  Huss  to  argue  with  an  em- 
peror. And  yet  it  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to 
have  exposed  the  double  edge  of  his  argument, 
worthy  of  commendation  in  after  days  by  Jesuit 
murderers  of  kings,  as  well  as  Puritan  judges  that 
passed  sentence  on  an  English  monarch.  John  Ger- 
son,  at  least,  charged  to  secure  from  the  council  the 
condemnation  of  the  regicide  principles  of  John 
Petit,  might  well  have  listened  uneasily  to  the  impe- 
rial logic.  But  the  authority  of  the  speaker  forbade 
all  comment. 

2.  uThe  grace  of  predestination  is  the  bond  by 
which  the  body  of  the  church  and  each  of  its  mem- 
bers is  indissolubly  united  to  its  head."  Answer. 
"I  confess  to  this,  that  it  is  my  doctrine,  and  it  is 
proved  by  the  text  from  Rom.  viii.,  '  Who  shall  sep- 


606  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN    HUS8.      [Cn.  XXIII. 

arate  us  from  the  love  of  Christ  ? '  And  John  x., 
'  My  sheep  hear  my  voice,  and  I  know  them,  and  I 
give  unto  them  eternal  life,  and  they  shall  never 
perish,  neither  shall  any  one  pluck  them  out  of  my 
Father's  hand.'  This  connection  of  the  body  of  the 
church  with  Christ  its  Head  is  spiritual,  not  carnal. 
I  understand  by  the  church  the  body  of  the  predes- 
tinate." 

No  reply  seems  to  have  been  offered  to  this  arti- 
cle. The  doctrine  which  it  contained  is  one  on 
which  the  church  of  Rome,  and  in  all  probability  the 
council,  were  divided.  Any  attempt  at  discussing  it 
might  have  seriously  affected  the  unanimity  of  the 
proceedings. 

3.  "  If  a  pope  is  wicked,  or,  more,  a  reprobate, 
then,  like  the  apostle  Judas,  he  is  a  devil,  a  thief, 
and  a  son  of  perdition,  not  the  head  of  the  holy 
church  militant ;  since  he  is  not,  in  fact,  a  member  of 
the  militant  church."  Answer.  "  My  words  are  as  fol- 
lows :  '  If  a  pope  is  wicked,  and  especially  if  he  be  a 
reprobate,  then  is  he  as  Judas  was,  a  devil,  a  thief, 
and  a  son  of  perdition.  How,  then,  is  he  the  head 
of  the  holy  church  militant,  when  he  is  not  even  a 
'member  of  the  holy  church  militant  ?  For  if  he  be  a 
member  of  the  holy  church,  then  would  he  be  a 
member  of  Christ ;  and  if  a  member  of  Christ,  then 
would  he  cleave  to  Christ  through  the  grace  of 
predestination  and  present  righteousness,  and  he 
would  be  of  one  spirit  with  God,  as  the  apostle 
reasons,  (1  Cor.  vi.,)  where  he  says,  '  Know  ye  not 
your  bodies  are  the  members  of  Christ?" 

4.  "  A  pope  or  prelate  who  is  wicked  or  reprobate 


Ch.  XXIII.]       THE    POPE HOW    "  MOST   HOLY."  607 

is  not  truly  a  pastor,  but  a  thief  and  robber."  An- 
swer. "  The  text  of  my  book  is  as  follows :  '  If  he  be 
wicked,  then  is  he  a  hireling,  of  whom  Christ  says, 
"He  is  not  the  shepherd,  neither  are  the  sheep  his  ; 
therefore,  when  he  seeth  the  wolf  coming,  he  fleeth, 
and  leaveth  the  sheep."  And  so  indeed  every  wicked 
and  reprobate  one  does ;  such  a  wicked  and  repro- 
bate pope  or  prelate,  therefore,  is  not  a  shepherd, 
but  is  truly  a  thief  and  robber,'  as  is  more  fully 
shown  in  the  book." 

Huss  perceived  the  ease  with  which  his  enemies 
might  pervert  the  meaning  of  his  words,  and  thus 
renew  against  him  the  charge  which  had  excited 
the  anger  of  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray.  He  there- 
fore added  the  remark — "I  limit  all  that  I  have 
said  in  regard  to  such  persons  to  the  question  of 
their  worthiness,  and  it  is  in  this  sense  that  they 
are  not  truly  or  properly  popes  or  shepherds  in  the 
sight  of  God.  But  as  it  respects  the  mere  office  or 
standing  among  men,  they  are  popes,  pastors,  priests." 
Upon  this,  a  monk  who  sat  behind  where  Huss 
was  standing,  and  who,  clothed  throughout  in  silk, 
could  have  little  fancied  the  simplicity  of  the  primi- 
tive pastors,  arose  to  speak.  "  My  masters,"  said  he, 
"  see  to  it  that  Huss  do  not  deceive  himself  and  you 
by  such  glosses  as  these.  For  perhaps  they  are  not 
in  his  book.  For  I  lately  had  a  dispute  with  him 
on  those  articles,  in  which  I  said  myself  that  a  wicked 
pope  is  not  true  pope  as  respects  worthiness,  but  as 
respects  office  he  is.  He  is  now  therefore  making 
use  of  those  glosses  which  he  has  heard  from  me.  He 
does  not  draw  them  out  of  his  own  book."      "  But," 


COS  LIFE    AND    TIMKS    OF    JOHM    HUBS.      [Ch.  XXIII. 

said  IIuss,  turning  round  to  address  the  monk  in 
person,  "  did  you  not  hear  that  so  it  was  read  out  of 
iuy  book?  And  this  very  matter  is  clearly  illus- 
trated in  the  case  of  John  XXIIL,  who  may  be  seen 
as  he  was,  whether  true  pope  or  true  thief  and  rob- 
ber." But  the  point  was  a  sore  one  to  the  council. 
They  were  forced  into  a  position  which  the  friends 
of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  could  accept  more  readily 
than  Gerson  might  like.  The  cardinals  and  bishops, 
turning  one  to  another,  as  if  to  give  mutual  assur- 
ance, said  that  John  XXIIL  was  true  pope,  and 
treated  Huss  with  derision. 

5.  "  The  pope  is  not,  nor  ought  to  be  called  Most 
Holy,  even  as  respects  office,  for  on  this  ground  a 
king  also  might  be  called  most  holy.  Even  torturers, 
lictors,  and  devils  might,  for  the  same  reason,  be 
called  most  holy."  Answer.  "My  words  are  differ- 
ent. I  spoke  thus:  'The  objector  must  needs  say 
that  if  any  one  is  most  holy  father,  then  he  most 
holily  observes  that  paternity  ;  and  if  he  is  most 
wicked  father,  then  he  keeps  that  paternity.  Like- 
wise, if  he  is  most  holy  bishop,  he  is  best  bishop ; 
and  when  he  says  that  pope  is  the  name  of  office, 
then  it  follows  that  that  man,  a  pope  wicked  and 
reprobate,  is  a  most  holy  man,  and  consequently,  as 
respects  that  office,  is  best.  And  since  any  one  can- 
not be  best,  as  it  respects  office,  unless  he  discharge 
that  office  in  the  best  manner,  it  follows  that  a  wicked 
and  reprobate  pope  does  not  discharge  the  duties  of 
his  office  in  the  best  manner.  For  he  cannot  dis- 
charge them  so,  unless  he  is  morally  good.  Matt.  xii. 
"How  can  ye  speak  good,  when  ye  yourselves  are 


Ch.  XXIIL]  CASE    OF    JUDAS   DISCUSSED.  609 

evil  ? " '  And  then  it  is  added  afterward,  'And  if  by 
reason  of  his  office  the  pope  is  called  most  holy,  why, 
by  reason  of  his  office,  should  not  the  king  be  called 
most  holy,  since,  according  to  Augustine,  the  king 
represents  the  Deity  of  Christ,  as  the  priest  does  his 
humanity.  And  why  should  not  judges,  yea,  execu- 
tioners, etc.,  not  be  called  holy,  when  they  hold  the 
office  of  ministering  to  the  church  of  Jesus  Christ  ? ' 
These,  with  many  things  beside  to  the  same  purpose, 
are  to  be  found  in  the  book.  And  I  do  not  know," 
added  Huss,  "  the  ground  on  which  I  should  call  the 
pope  most  holy,  when  of  Christ  only  it  is  said,  '  Thou 
alone  art  holy ;  thou  art  Lord  alone,  etc. ; '  with 
great  reason  would  I  call  Him  Most  Holy." 

To  the  remarks  of  Huss  on  this  point,  no  reply 
appears  to  have  been  made  by  any  member  of  the 
council. 

6.  "  If  a  pope  lives  in  a  manner  opposed  to  Christ, 
even  though  lawfully  and  canonically  elected  as  it 
respects  human  choice,  yet  has  he  climbed  up  some 
other  way  than  by  Christ."  Answer.  "  The  language 
I  used  is  this  :  'If  the  pope  lives  in  a  manner  opposed 
to  Christ,  in  pride,  avarice,  etc.,  how  is  it  that  he 
does  not  climb  up  into  the  sheepfold  by  some  other 
way  than  the  humble  door,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  ? 
And  granting,  as  you  say,  that  he  might  ascend  by 
lawful  election,  which  I  call  election  made  first  of  all 
by  God,  he  would  not  stand  in  his  office  by  the  author- 
ity of  the  common  human  ordinance,  so  as  to  climb 
up  some  other  way.  Now,  Judas  Iscariot  was  order- 
ly and  lawfully  elected  to  the  office  of  bishop,  as 
Christ  says  in  John  vi.,  and  yet  he  climbed  up  some 
vol.  i.  39 


610  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    of    JOHN    HUBS.      [Ch.  XXIII 

other  way  into  the  sheepfold,  and  was  a  tliit.'f,  a 
devil,  and  a  son  of  perdition.  Did  he  not  ascend  up 
some  other  way  when  the  Saviour  said  of  him,  "He 
who  eateth  my  bread  shall  lift  up  his  heel  against 
me?"  The  same  thing  is  proved  by  the  letter  of 
Bernard  to  pope  Eugenius.' " 

Paletz  hitherto  seems  for  the  most  part  to  have 
listened  quietly.  But  his  equanimity  was  now  dis- 
turbed. The  old  spirit  of  controversy  was  awak- 
ened anew,  and  the  disputant  and  the  persecutor 
were  one.  "See,"  cried  he,  "see  this  madness  and 
folly!  For  what  can  be  more  mad  than  to  say 
Judas  was  elected  by  Christ,  and  yet  climbed  up 
some  other  way  than  by  Christ  ? "  "  But  yet,"  re- 
plied Huss,  "both  are  true.  He  was  elected  by 
Christ,  and  yet  climbed  up  some  other  way,  for 
he  wras  a  thief,  a  devil,  and  a  son  of  perdition." 
"But,"  asked  Paletz,  "cannot  one  be  orderly  and 
lawfully  elected  to  the  papacy  or  the  episcopate,  and 
afterward  lead  an  unchristian  life  ?  In  such  a  case 
he  would  not  climb  up  some  other  way."  "  I  say," 
answered  Huss,  "  that  whoever  enters  upon  the  epis- 
copate, or  like  offices,  through  simony,  not  with  the 
purpose  of  laboring  in  the  church  of  God,  but  of 
living  in  delicacy,  pleasure,  luxury,  and  pride,  such  a 
one  climbs  up  some  other  way,  and,  according  to  the 
gospel,  is  a  thief  and  a  robber." 

7.  "The  condemnation  of  the  forty-five  articles  of 
Wiekliffe  is  unreasonable  and  unjust,  and  the  ground 
alleged  for  it  is  fictitious,  viz.,  that  none  of  them  is 
catholic,  but  each  of  them  is  heretical,  erroneous, 
or   scandalous."      Answer.    "In  my  book  I  wrote 


Ch.  XXIII.]       HOW    A   POPE    IS    PETER'S    VICAE.  611 

thus :  '  The  forty-five  articles  of  Wickliffe  were 
condemned  on  the  ground  that  no  one  of  them 
was  catholic,  but  each  of  them  either  heretical,  or 
erroneous,  or  scandalous.  O  doctor !  where  is  your 
proof?  You  feign  a  cause  for  the  condemnation 
which  you  do  not  prove,'  and  more  in  the  treatise  to 
the  same  effect." 

Then  said  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray,  "  John  Huss, 
you  said  that  you  would  not  defend  any  of  Wick- 
liffe's  errors ;  and  now  it  is  plain,  from  your  books, 
that  you  have  publicly  advocated  his  articles."  "  Most 
reverend  father,"  replied  Huss,  "  I  say  the  same  thing 
now  that  I  said  before — that  I  will  not  defend  the 
errors  of  John  Wickliffe,  or  of  any  other  man.  But 
inasmuch  as  it  seemed  to  me  to  be  against  conscience 
to  consent  to  their  unqualified  condemnation  without 
proof  against  them  from  scripture,  on  this  account  I 
was  not  willing  to  consent  to  their  condemnation ; 
and  because,  moreover,  the  ground  of  it,  which  is  of 
a  complex  nature,  cannot  be  verified  of  each  of  them 
in  its  several  parts." 

Six  other  articles  charged  against  Huss  were  now 
adduced.  They  contained  selections  from  his  treatise 
against  Stanislaus.     They  were  as  follows  : 

1.  "The  fact  that  the  electors,  or  a  majority  of 
them,  give  their  consent  viva  voce,  according  to  the 
practised  usage,  to  the  choice  of  any  person,  does  not 
legitimately  elect  him,  or  prove  that  he  is  on  this 
account  the  plain  and  true  successor  of  Christ,  or 
Peter's  vicar  in  the  apostolic  office,  but  only  his  more 
abundant  labors  to  the  proper  good  of  the  church, 
while  he  has  from  God  a  grace  more  eminent  for  this 


612  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [Cu.  XXIIL 

end."  Answer.  "  In  my  book  it  La  as  follows :  'It  stands 
in  the  power  of  unworthy  eleetora  to  choose  a  woman 
to  an  ecclesiastical  office,  as  is  plain  from  the  case  of 

Agnes,  called  pope  Joan,  who  occupied  the  papacy 
for  two  years  and  more.  Yea,  it  is  in  their  power  to 
elect  a  robber,  thief,  or  devil,  and  consequently  they 
may  elect  Antichrist !  And  it  is  in  their  power  to 
elect,-  through  motives  of  love,  avarice,  or  hatred,  a 
person  to  whom  God  cannot  grant  approval  And 
thus  it  is  plain  that,  not  from  the  simple  fact  that 
the  electors,  or  a  majority  of  them,  viva  voce,  give 
their  assent  to  any  person,  according  to  human  usage, 
is  this  person,  on  such  grounds,  legitimately  elected, 
nor  is  he  therefore  the  evident  successor  or  vicar  of 
the  apostle  Peter,  or  of  any  one  else  in  ecclesiastical 
office.  Therefore  they  who  in  a  manner  most  ac- 
cordant with  scripture,  yet  without  the  direction  of 
revelation,  proceed  to  the  matter  of  election,  pro- 
nounce in  favor  of  him  that  is  elected  only  on 
probable  grounds.  Whence,  whether  the  choice  of 
the  electors  be  good  or  ill,  it  is  the  works  of  the 
elected  which  we  must  credit,  for  according  as  any 
one  in  a  worthy  manner  promotes  the  welfare  of  the 
church,  he  has  the  grace  from  God,  the  more  abun- 
dantly bestowed  to  this  very  end.' " 

2.  "  A  reprobate  pope  is  not  the  head  of  the  holy 
church  of  God."  Answer.  "As  I  wrote  in  my  book, 
'I  should  be  glad  to  receive  a  satisfactory  reason 
from  the  doctor,  why  that  question  is  of  an  infidel 
nature,  viz.,  if  the  pope  is  reprobate,  how  is  he  the 
head  of  the  holy  church?  The  truth  cannot  suffer 
by  argument.     Was  it  reasoning  against  the  faith 


Ch.  XXIII.]  OP   A   REPROBATE   POPE.  613 

when  Christ  asked  of  the  scribes  and  Pharisees, 
Matt,  xii.,  "  Ye  generation  of  vipers,  how  can  ye,  being 
evil,  speak  that  which  is  good  ? "  And  now,  behold, 
I  ask  the  scribes,  if  the  pope  is  reprobate  and  of 
viper  brood,  how  is  he  the  head  of  the  holy  church? 
Let  the  scribes  and  Pharisees  answer, — those,  namely, 
who  exercised  a  controlling  influence  in  the  council 
at  Prague.  For  it  is  more  possible  that  a  reprobate 
should  speak  that  which  is  good,  since  he  may  be  at 
present  in  a  state  favoring  it,  than  be  the  head  of 
the  holy  church  of  God.  Moreover,  the  Saviour, 
John  v.,  in  arguing  with  the  Jews,  asked,  "How 
can  ye  believe,  who  receive  glory  one  of  another,  and 
seek  not  the  glory  which  cometh  from  God  only  ? " 
And  I,  in  like  manner,  ask,  How  can  a  pope,  if  he  be 
reprobate,  be  the  head  of  the  church  of  God,  while 
he  receives  glory  from  the  world,  and  seeks  not  the 
glory  that  comes  from  God  only  ?  For  it  is  more 
possible  that  a  reprobate  pope  should  believe,  than 
that  he  should  be  the  head  of  the  church  of  God 
when  he  receives  glory  from  the  world.' " 

3.  "  There  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  to  make  it 
appear  that  there  should  be  but  one  head  in  spiritual 
matters,  ruling  over  the  church,  yet  ever  conversant 
with  the  church  militant.1'  Answer.  "  I  confess  it. 
For  what  a  consequence  is  this !  The  king  of  Bo- 
hemia is  the  head  of  the  Bohemian  realm,  therefore 
the  pope  is  the  head  of  the  whole  church  militant. 
For  Christ  in  spiritual  matters  is  the  head,  ruling 
the  church  militant,  much  more  necessarily  than  the 
emperor  must  needs  rule  in  temporal  matters.  Inas- 
much as  Christ,  who  sits  at  the  right  hand  of  the 


614  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    HUBS.      [Cn.  XXIII. 

Father,  must  necessarily  rule  over  the  church  mili- 
tant as  its  supreme  head,  and  there  is  no  sign  of  evi- 
dence that  there  must  be  one  head  in  spiritual  mat- 
ters ruling  the  church,  who  is  ever  to  be  conversant 
with  the  church  militant,  unless  some  infidel  would 
heretically  assert  that  the  church  militant  should 
have  here  a  permanently  abiding  city,  nor  seek  one 
to  come.  And  further,  it  is  made  plain  in  the  book 
how  illogical  is  the  proof  from  analogy  of  a  reprobate 
pope  being  the  head  of  the  church,  to  a  reprobate 
kiuir  being  the  head  of  the  Bohemian  realm." 

4.  "  Christ  would  rule  his  church  better  by  means 
of  his  true  disciples  scattered  through  the  world, 
without  such  monstrous  heads."  Answer.  "In  the 
book  it  is  as  follows :  '  And  though  the  doctor  say 
that  the  body  of  the  church  is  sometimes  headless 
(acephalous),  we  nevertheless  truly  believe  Jesus 
Christ  to  be  head  over  all  his  church,  unfailingly 
ruling  it,  infusing  into  it  energy  and  sensibility  even 
to  the  day  of  judgment.  Nor  can  the  doctor  give 
a  reason  why  the  church  in  the  time  of  Agnes,  for 
two  years  and  five  months,  was  without  a  head,  living, 
in  respect  to  many  of  the  members  of  Christ  in  a 
state  of  grace ;  but  for  the  same  reason  it  might  also 
be  without  a  head  for  a  long  course  of  years,  since 
Christ,  without  these  monstrous  heads,  might  better 
rule  his  church  by  means  of  his  true  disciples  scat- 
tered throughout  the  world.1 " 

Upon  this  there  was  a  shout, — "  Now, behold,  he  is 
turning  prophet ! "  Members  of  the  council  took  occa- 
sion t<>  sneer  at  the  prisoner,  and  ridicule  his  words. 

Undisturbed  by  the  interruption,  IIuss  proceeded. 


Ch.  XXIII.]     the  chuech  without  a  pope.  615 

"But  I  say  that  the  church  iu  the  times  of  the 
apostles  was  infinitely  better  ruled  than  it  is  now. 
And  where  is  the  inconsistency,  or  indignity  to 
Christ,  in  saying  that  he  would  rule  the  church  bet- 
ter— without  those  monstrous  heads  that  there  were, 
but  just  now — through  his  own  true  disciples?  And 
at  present  we  have  no  such  head  at  all,  and  yet 
Christ  does  not  fail  to  rule  his  church." 

The  argument  of  Huss  was  irrefutable  by  those  to 
whom  it  was  addressed.  It  was,  therefore,  treated 
with — not  argument,  but — derision. 

5.  "Peter  was  not  universal  pastor  or  shepherd 
of  the  sheep  of  Christ;  much  less  is  the  pope  of  Koine." 
Answer.  "  Such  was  not  the  language  which  I  em- 
ployed. In  my  book  it  is  as  follows :  '  It  is  plain,  in 
the  second  place,  from -the  words  of  Christ,  that  he 
did  not  define  the  whole  world  to  Peter  for  his  juris- 
diction, nor  so  much  as  a  single  province,  and  in  like 
manner  neither  to  the  other  apostles.  Some  of  them, 
nevertheless,  preached  the  gospel  through  many  re- 
gions, others  in  more  limited  districts,  passing  from 
place  to  place.  This  was  the  case  with  Paul,  who 
labored  more  than  they  all,  and  who  visited  in  per- 
son, and  converted  many  provinces.  Whence  to  each 
of  the  apostles,  or  his  vicar,  as  much  people  or  terri- 
tory was  committed  as  they  converted  or  confirmed 
in  the  Christian  faith.  So  much  might  suffice,  and 
there  was  no  restriction  of  jurisdiction  save  from 
their  own  insufficiency.' " 

6.  "  The  apostles  and  faithful  priests  of  the  Lord 
have  ably  ruled  the  church  in  all  things  necessary  to 
salvation,  before  the  office  of  the  pope  was  introduced." 


61G  LIFE    AM)    TIMKS    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [Cb.  XXIII. 

"And  so  too  might  they  possibly   do  still,  even  if 
there  were  no  pope  to  the'  clay  of  judgment,"  said 

Huss. 

Here  again  the  cry  was,  on  the  part  of  the  council, 
"  Lo,  he  is  turning  prophet !  " 

But  Huss  calmly  proceeded.  "  Yes,  it  is  true," 
said  he,  "  that  the  apostles  ably  ruled  the  church  be- 
fore the  introduction  of  the  papacy,  and  assuredly  to 
belter  purpose  than  it  is  ruled  now.  And  their 
faithful  followers  might  do  the  same.  And,  behold, 
now  we  have  no  pope,  and  perhaps  this  state  of 
things  may  yet  continue  a  year,  or  even  more." 

This  article  disposed  of,  a  certain  Englishman, 
turning  to  Huss,  addressed  h'im  thus  :  "  John  Huss," 
said  he,  mixing  a  personal  taunt  with  a  skilfully  de- 
vised accusation,  "  you  pride  yourself  upon  these 
writings,  claiming  to  be  their  author,  but  these  views 
are  those  of  John  Wickliffe,  rather  than  yours." 

Thus  closed  the  reading  of  the  articles  of  accusa- 
tion laid  to  the  charge  of  Huss.  A  discussion  now 
arose  in  the  council  in  regard  to  the  steps  to  be 
taken  with  the  prisoner.  At  last  the  method  of  pro- 
cedure to  be  pursued  was  resolved  upon.  Three 
positions  were  taken  in  regard  to  Huss.  In  the  first 
place,  he  was  to  confess  that  he  had  erred  ;  secondly, 
he  was  required  to  promise  that  he  would  never 
teach  again  the  same  doctrines ;  and  thirdly,  he 
should  be  required  to  recant  the  articles  charged 
against  him. 

The  Cardinal  of  Cambray  now  addressed  Huss. 
"You  have  heard,"  said  he,  "of  how  many  atrocious 
crimes  you  are  accused.     It  is  your  duty  now  to  con- 


Ch.  XXIII.]  ADVICE   OF   D'AILLY.  61 7 

sider  what  course  you  will  take.  Two  proposals  are 
submitted  to  you  by  the  council,  one  or  the  other  of 
which  you  must  accept.  The  first  is,  that  you  sup- 
pliantly  give  in  your  submission  to  the  judgment  and 
sentence  of  the  council,  and  endure,  without  remon- 
strance, whatever  shall  be  determined  in  regard  to 
you  by  the  common  voice.  If  you  shall  take  this 
course,  we  shall,  out  of  regard  to  the  honor  of  his 
most  merciful  majesty,  the  emperor  here  present,  and 
his  brother,  the  king  of  Bohemia,  as  well  as  for  your 
own  sake  and  your  salvation,  proceed  toward  you 
with  all  due  kindness  and  humanity.  But  if  you 
still  purpose  to  defend  some  of  these  articles  which 
have  been  laid  before  us,  and  demand  a  further  au- 
dience, we  will  not  deny  you  the  privilege.  But  you 
should  reflect  that  here  are  so  many  men,  and  of 
such  learning,  and  have  such  strong  and  efficient  ar- 
guments to  urge  against  your  articles,  that  I  fear  lest 
any  further  wish  to  defend  them  could  be  carried  out 
only  at  your  great  inconvenience  and  danger.  I  say 
this  to  you  by  way  of  admonition,  and  not  as  a  judge." 
Undoubtedly  the  cardinal  spoke  the  policy  of  the 
council  when  he  advised  Huss  to  submit.  There 
were  some  things  in  the  prospect  of  burning  such  a 
man  not  altogether  agreeable.  It  might  not  tend  to 
quiet  the  troubles  of  Bohemia.  It  would  be  un- 
doubtedly somewhat  distasteful  to  the  emperor.  It 
would  be  more  for  the  glory  of  the  council  to  have 
a  man  like  Huss  acknowledge,  to  his  own  confusion, 
its  orthodox  supremacy  and  judicial  infallibility.  The 
show  of  moderation  in  the  cardinal's  advice  to  Huss 
must,  however,  have  appeared  in  the  prisoner's  eyes 


618  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUBS.      [Ca.  XXIIL 

as  the  bitterest  irony.  He  could  see,  as  well  as  the 
cardinal,  that  liis  enemies  in  the  council  were  in  the 
immense  majority,  and  that  it  was  useless  to  discuss 
further  with  men,  "  enlightened  "  as  they  were  by  the 
common  interest  they  had  in  suppressing  a  danger- 
ous assailant.  His  own  apprehensions  by  this  time 
must  have  taught  him  to  prepare  for  submission  to 
the  council,  or  for  martyrdom. 

When  the  cardinal  had  given  his  advice,  others 
seized  the  occasion  to  ur^e  Huss  to  submission.  Some 
of  them,  doubtless,  were  led  to  do  this  by  a  genuine 
sympathy  for  the  prisoner,  and  a  conviction  that, 
with  all  his  errors,  as  they  viewed  them,  he  was  a 
man  of  honest  intention  and  real  ability.  Many  of 
the  English  deputation  undoubtedly  thirsted  for  his 
blood,  and  the  taste  already  acquired  by  them  in  the 
execution  of  the  writ  de  lieretico  comburendo,  would 
have  been  gratified  by  another  sacrifice  that  should 
testify  their  abhorrence  of  Wicklifre.  But  there  were 
others  who,  in  listening  to  Huss,  must  have  been  dis- 
armed of  their  prejudices.  Gerson  had  been  one  of 
the  bitterest  in  his  invectives  against  him,  but  his 
voice  was  not  heard  again  on  his  trial ;  he  listened 
and  reflected  on  what  he  heard :  and  it  is  a  just  com- 
ment on  the  change  that  must  have  been  wrought  in 
his  feelings,  that  he  afterward  publicly  declared  that 
if  Huss  had  been  properly  defended  he  would  not 
have  been  condemned. 

To  these  exhortations  addressed  to  him,  Huss  was 
not  indifferent.  He  had  not  the  false  pride  that 
would  lead  him  to  a  stubborn  persistence  in  any  doc- 
trine or  position  which  he  could  be  convinced  was 


Ch.  XXIII. j  EEPLY    OF    HUSS.  619 

false.  In  a  submissive  tone,  and  a  maimer  corre- 
sponding to  his  words,  he  said,  "  Most  reverend 
fathers,  I  have  already  said,  repeatedly,  that  I  came 
here  freely,  of  my  own  choice,  not  to  defend  anything 
with  stubbornness,  but  if  in  any  point  whatsoever 
my  views  were  incorrect,  to  submit  to  be  instructed 
with  a  cheerful  readiness.  I  ask,  therefore,  that  I 
may  have  further  opportunity  to  declare  my  views, 
in  behalf  of  which,  ujuless  I  bring  plain  and  sufficient 
proof,  I  will  readily  submit  to  your  direction  in  all 
respects,  as  you  require."  Upon  this,  some  member 
of  the  council  shouted,  at  the  top  of  his  voice, 
"  Notice  the  sophistry  of  his  words.  Direction,  he 
says,  not  correction  or  decision.1''  "Yes,"  replied 
Huss,  "  as  you  wish  it, — direction,  correction,  or  de- 
cision ;  I  protest  before  God  that  I  spoke  in  all  sin- 
cerity of  mind." 

"  Well,  then,"  said  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray,  mis- 
translating— perhaps  intentionally — the  language  of 
Huss,  "since  you  subject  yourself  to  the  instruction 
and  favor  of  the  council,  this  is  the  decree  approved, 
first,  by  sixty  doctors,  of  whom  some  have  left, 
though  their  place  has  been  supplied  by  others,  and 
then  by  the  whole  council,  without  an  opposing 
voice :  first,  that  you  confess  that  you  have  erred  in 
those  articles  which  have  been  alleged  against  you ; 
then  that  you  promise,  on  oath,  not  to  think  or  teach 
any  of  those  errors  for  the  future ;  and  finally,  that 
you  publicly  recant  all  those  articles." 

Many  members  of  the  council  beside  the  cardinal, 
urged  Huss  to  pursue  this  course.  It  remained  to  be 
seen  what  effect  these  various  persuasions  would  have 


620  LIFE    AND    HHE8    OE   JOHN    HU88.      [Cu.  XXIII. 

upon  his  mind.  "  Again,  I  say,"  he  replied,  to  the 
exhortations  addressed  hi  in,  "  that  I  am  ready  to  be 
instructed  and  set  right  by  the  council.  But  in  the 
name  of  him  who  is  the  God  of  us  all,  I  ask  and  be- 
seech of  you  this  one  thing,  that  I  may  not  be  forced 
to  that  which,  my  conscience  repugnant  to  it,  I  cannot 
do  under  peril  of  the  loss  of  my  soul — recant,  by 
oath,  all  the  articles  charged  against  me.  For  I  re- 
member reading,  in  a  book  of  Catholic  authority,  that 
to  abjure  is  to  renounce  an  error  previously  held. 
Since,  then,  many  articles  have  been  charged  against 
me  which  it  never  entered  my  mind  to  hold  or 
teach,  how  can  I  on  oath  renounce  them  ?  But  in 
respect  to  those  articles  which  are  indeed  mine,  if 
any  one  will  instruct  me  to  different  conclusions,  I 
wTill  readily  yield  to  your  demand." 

What  unprejudiced  judge  could  fail  to  see  and 
approve  the  justice  of  the  prisoner's  request  ?  With 
no  show  of  stubbornness,  with  the  humility  of  one 
who  only  sought  to  kuow  the  truth,  he  asks  the  least 
with  which  his  conscience  will  allow  him  to  be  con- 
tent. 

But  the  emperor's  conscience  was  more  elastic. 
Confident  that,  to  save  his  life,  a  man  might  strain 
some  points,  he  attempted  to  reason  Huss  out  of  his 
position ;  and  the  reasons  of  an  emperor  are  equiva- 
lent to  a  command.  A  lion's  paw  may  at  first  rest 
upon  its  victim  with  a  velvet  pressure,  but  it  only 
hides  his  bloody  claws. 

"  How  is  it,"  asked  Sigismund,  "  that  you  cannot 
renounce  these  articles  that  are  falsely  charged  against 
you,  as  you  say?     I  should  have  no  objection  to  re- 


Ch.  XXIIL]  teems  of  submission.  621 

nouncing  all  errors  whatsoever.  Neither  does  it 
thence  directly  follow  that  I  have  held  any  error." 
The  reply  of  Huss  indicated  good  sense  and  conscien- 
tiousness, as  well  as  respect  for  the  emperor.  "Most 
merciful  emperor,"  said  he,  "  the  word  has  a  very  dif- 
ferent signification  from  that  in  which  your  majesty 
has  used  it." 

"In  that  case,"  said  the  Cardinal  Zabarella,  of 
Florence,  "a  written  form  of  abjuration  shall  be  pre- 
sented you,  sufficiently  mild  and  proper.  You  will 
then  easily  be  able  to  consider  whether  you  will 
adopt  it  or  not." 

Without  allowing  Huss  opportunity  to  reply,  the 
emperor  repeated  the  terms  which  had  been  laid 
down  by  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray.  "You  have 
heard,"  he  said,  "  the  two  ways  that  have  been  pre- 
sented to  you  for  settling  this  matter :  First,  that 
you  publicly  renounce  those  errors  of  yours  that  have 
now  been  plainly  condemned,  and  subscribe  to  the 
decision  of  the  council ;  in  which  case  you  shall  ex- 
perience marks  of  favor.  But  if  you  persist  in  de- 
fending your  opinions,  the  council  will  probably 
determine  to  proceed  in  your  case  according  to  the 
laws  of  heresy." 

"  Most  merciful  emperor,"  said  Huss,  "  I  refuse  not 
my  consent  to  anything  whatsoever  that  the  council 
shall  decree  concerning  me.  I  only  except  this  much, 
that  I  may  not  sin  against  God  and  my  conscience, 
and  say  that  I  have  professed  and  taught  those  errors 
which  it  never  entered  my  mind  to  teach  or  profess 
But  I  beseech  of  you,  if  it  may  be,  that  you  will 
grant  me  the  further  privilege  of  declaring  my  views, 


G22  i.i i  1:    and   IDfES   of  JOHN   urss.     [Ch.  XXIII. 

that  I  may  answer,  so  far  as  is  proper,  in  respect  to 
those  points  that  have  been  objected  against  me, 
especially  on  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical  offices." 

Upon  this,  several  of  the  council  began  anew  to 
urge  upon  him  to  submit.  It  was  the  same  story 
over  and  over  again.  They  wished  no  further  dis- 
cussion. "  You  are  of  age,"  said  the  emperor,  some- 
what provoked  at  the  persistence  of  Huss  in  demand- 
ing to  be  heard  further ;  "  you  can  easily  comprehend 
what  I  told  you  yesterday,  and  here  again  to-day. 
We  are  forced  to  believe  testimony  most  worthy  of 
our  faith.  For  if  scripture  says,  in  the  mouth  of  one 
or  two  witnesses  every  word  shall  be  established, 
how  much  more  by  the  testimony  of  so  many  men, 
and  persons  of  such  standing  as  those  who  have  tes- 
tified against  you  !  If  you  are  wise,  therefore,  you 
will  accept  the  penance  which  the  council  shall  im- 
pose, with  a  contrite  heart,  and  renounce  your  evi- 
dent errors,  promising  on  oath  that  you  will  hereaf- 
ter hold  and  teach  the  contrary.  But  if  you  will 
not,  there  are  laws  by  which  you  will  be  judged  by 
the  council."  To  enforce  the  intimation  of  severity 
contained  in  the  last  clause  of  the  emperor's  words, 
an  aged  Polish  bishop  added,  "  The  laws  in  regard  to 
heretics  are  plain  enough  in  defining  the  penalty 
which  must  be  inflicted." 

Still  Huss  persisted  in  his  former  purpose.  He 
could  not  recant  conscientiously  all  the  articles 
charged  against  him;  for  some  he  had  never  held. 
He  wished  to  be  heard  further.  This  just  request, 
which  they  were  reluctant  altogether  to  deny,  irri- 
tated them,  and  they  cried  out  that  he  was  obstinate. 


Ch  XXIII.]  PALETZ'    QUESTION.  623 

This  exasperation  of  the  feelings  of  the  council  per- 
mitted those  who  were  implacable  in  their  hostility, 
a  further  opportunity  to  exaggerate  the  dangerous 
character  of  Huss.  A  priest,  in  his  silk  cassock,  and 
otherwise  splendidly  dressed,  called  out,  "  He  should 
on  no  condition  be  allowed  the  privilege  of  recant- 
ing; for  he  wrote  to  his  friends,  that  though  his 
tongue  might  swear,  he  would  still  retain  his  mind 
unsworn.     No  credit  is  therefore  to  be  allowed  him." 

To  this  calumny  Huss  calmly  replied,  in  language 
such  as  he  had  used  before,  that  he  was  not  conscious 
to  himself  of  holding  any  error.  "  But,"  said  Paletz, 
"  of  what  use  is  this  your  protest,  asserting  that  you 
will  defend  no  error,  and  especially  Wickliffe,  and 
yet  you  do  defend  him  ? "  And  with  these  words 
Paletz  adduced  nine  articles  of  Wickliffe  in  testi- 
mony, and  publicly  read  them.  "  When  I  and  Mas- 
ter Stanislaus,"  said  he,  "  in  the  presence  of  Ernest, 
Duke  of  Austria,  preached  against  these  articles  at 
Prague,  Huss  defended  them,  not  only  in  his  sermons, 
but  in  his  published  works,  which,  if  you  (turning  to 
Huss)  will  not  exhibit,  we  will."  To  this  the  empe- 
ror assented. 

"  I  have  no  objection,"  said  Huss,  "  to  your  pre- 
senting not  these  only,  but  also  my  other  books." 

To  one  who  had  regarded  merely  his  own  safety, 
the  course  which  Huss  chose  to  pursue  would  doubt- 
less seem  unwise.  It  was  evident  that  the  council 
had  heard  enough  for  their  own  satisfaction.  They 
had  now  sat  for  several  hours,  and  had  grown  weary 
of  the  discussion.  But  the  devotion  of  Huss  to  his 
own  conscientious  views  of  truth  forbade  his  acqui- 


624  LIFE    AM>   XXME8   OF   JoIIN    HUBS.      [<  n.  XXIII. 

escenee  in  the  proposal  of  submission.  His  life  was 
a  matter  of  inferior  importance,  in  his  esteem,  to  the 
establishment  and  spread  of  correct  views  of  the  doc- 
trines which  he  taught.  He  moreover  felt,  undoubt- 
ed!}7, that  he  might  justly  claim  of  the  council,  and 
of  the  emperor  in  virtue  of  his  promise,  a  full  and 
patient  hearing.  His  trial  for  heresy  was,  in  fact,  a 
trial  for  his  life,  and  he  should  at  least  have  the 
privilege  of  a  full  defence. 

But  his  request  to  be  further  heard,  instead  of 
being  granted  with  a  lenient  and  judicious  kindness, 
was  met  by  the  effort  to  bring  up  against  him,  and 
overwhelm  him  with,  new  charges.  Not  content 
with  what  had  been  drawn  up — with  at  least  some 
show  of  system — by  the  commission  of  the  council, 
individuals  came  forward,  each  presenting  some  sep- 
arate charge. 

Anions;  these  new  articles  was  one  in  which-  Huss 
was  charged  with  having  slanderously  interpreted 
some  sentence  of  the  pope.  Huss  denied  having 
made,  or  even  seen  it,  till  it  had  been  shown  him  in 
prison  by  the  commission.  "  Who  was  the  author 
of  it,  then  ? "  he  was  asked.  Huss  answered  that  he 
did  not  know,  although  he  had  heard  that  Master 
Jessenitz  was  the  author.  "  But  what,"  they  asked 
again,  "  are  your  views  of  the  interpretation  ?  "  "  How 
can  I  say,"  replied  Huss,  "  when,  as  I  told  you,  I  never 
saw  it  except  so  far  as  I  have  heard  of  it  from  you  I  " 

With  such  a  cross-fire  of  questions  they  persevered 
for  some  time  in  their  efforts  to  embarrass  Huss.  It 
was  persecution  of  the  most  cruel  and  severe  kind. 
lie  had  now  been  subjected  for  several  horn's  to  the 


Ch.  XXIII.]  THE   THREE    "  SAINTS."  625 

ordeal  of  examination.  He  had  passed  the  previous 
night  with  scarcely  a  moment's  rest  from  pain  in  his 
teeth.  His  health  had  suffered  from  his  long  impris- 
onment ;  and  here  he  was,  surrounded  by  a  whole  as- 
sembly embittered  against  him,  in  which  he  could 
scarce  discern  a  single  friendly  face.  It  is  surprising 
that  he  should  have  so  far  been  able  to  command  his 
faculties  as  to  reply  at  all  to  the  ensnaring  questions 
addressed  to  him.  Still  his  enemies  persevered  in 
trying  to  overwhelm  him  with  accusations. 

Another  article  was  read,  in  which  it  was  stated, 
in  regard  to  the  three  men  that  had  been  beheaded 
at  Prague,  that  they  had  been  led  by  the  doctrines 
of  Huss  to  treat  the  pontifical  letters  with  contempt ; 
and  that  by  Huss,  with  studied  pomps  and  honors, 
they  had  been  exalted  and  preferred  in  one  of  his 
public  harangues  to  the  rank  of  saints.  Nason,  a 
former  courtier  of  Wenzel,  of  whom  mention  has 
been  already  made,  arose  and  affirmed  that  the  arti- 
cle was  true,  adding  that  he  himself  was  present  at 
the  time  when  the  king  of  Bohemia  had  given  orders 
that  these  blasphemers  should  be  punished. 

"  The  statements,"  said  Huss,  "  are  false,  both  that 
the  king  gave  the  command,  and  that  I  had  them 
pompously  borne  to  their  burial,  since,  in  fact,  I  was 
not  present  on  the  occasion.  You  are  therefore  at 
the  same  time  doing  injustice  to  the  king  and  to  my- 
self." Paletz  arose  to  refute  this  statement  of  Huss, 
although  careful  not  to  give  it  a  direct  denial.  "  It 
was  forbidden,"  said  he,  "that  any  one  should  speak 
against  the  pontifical  bull.  This  was  enjoined  by  the 
edict  of  the  king.  Those  three  men  did  speak  against 
vol.  i.  40 


020  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HXJS8.      [Ch.  XXIII. 

the  pontifical  Lull.  For  this  reason,  by  virtue  of  the 
royal  edict,  they  were  beheaded." 

The  views  which  IIu^  really  held  upon  the  sub- 
ject, he  did  no1 — -nor,  had  he  wished,  was  he  able  to — 
disguise.  They  are  found  fully  stated  in  his  book, 
"  De  Ecclesia:" — "I  suppose  they  had  read  the 
Prophet  Daniel,  where  it  is  said,  'They  that  under- 
stand among  the  people  shall  instruct  many,  yet 
they  shall  fall  by  the  sword  and  by  flame,  by  captiv- 
ity and  by  spoil,  many  days,  .  .  .  and  many  shall 
cleave  unto  them  with  flatteries.'"  And  afterward, 
"How  is  this  fulfilled  in  the  case  of  these  three  lav- 
men,  who,  not  consenting  to,  but  contradicting  the 
falsehoods  of  Antichrist,  exposed  their  lives,  and 
many  did  cleave  to  them  by  flatteries,  who,  fright- 
ened by  the  threats  of  Antichrist,  turned  and  fled, 
and  went  away  backward." 

This  passage  could  leave  no  doubt  of  the  real 
views  of  Huss  as  to  the  papal  bull,  or  the  injustice  of 
the  execution  of  the  three  men.  After  its  reading, 
there  was  silence  for  a  short  time,  the  members  of 
the  council  exchanging  looks  of  surprise.  Paletz  and 
Nason  were  among  the  first  to  speak,  and  prosecute 
the  advantage  they  seemed  to  have  gained.  They 
stated  that  Huss,  in  his  public  address,  had  so  in- 
flamed the  people  against  the  magistracy,  that  a  great 
multitude  of  the  citizens  openly  opposed  them,  and 
went  so  far  as  to  say  that  they,  like  the  three  that 
had  been  executed,  were  prepared  to  die  for  the 
truth,  and  this  tumult  had  with  difficulty  been  qui- 
eted by  the  gentleness  of  the  king. 

Several  Englishmen  now  presented  a  copy  of  a  let- 


Ch.  XXIII.]  TWO    LETTERS.  627 

ter  which  they  said  had  been  forged  at  Prague,  pur- 
porting to  have  come  from  the  University  of  Oxford, 
and  stated  that  this  had  been  read  to  the  people  at 
the  suggestion  of  Huss,  in  order  to  commend  John 
Wickliffe  to  the  citizens.  The  letter  was  read  in  the 
council  by  the  Englishman,  who  then  turned  to  Huss 
and  asked  him  whether  he  had  publicly  rehearsed  it 
to  the  people. 

Huss  confessed  that  he  had  done  it,  inasmuch  as  it 
had  been  brought  to  Prague  by  two  scholastics,  under 
the  seal  of  the  university. 

"  Who  were  these  scholastics  ?  "  they  asked. 

"  That  friend  of  mine,"  said  Huss,  pointing  to  Pa- 
letz,  who,  unfortunately  for  himself,  had  in  the  mat- 
ter been  intimately  associated  with  Huss — "  That 
friend  of  mine  knows  one  of  them  as  well  as  I  do. 
With  the  other  I  have  no  acquaintance  whatever." 

"  But  where  is  he  ? "  they  asked  again.  "  I  have 
heard,"  said  Huss,  "  that  he  died  on  his  return  to 
England."  Paletz  felt  that  silence  on  his  part  in  re- 
gard to  the  other  scholastic  would  be  impolitic. 
"He  was  not  an  Englishman,  but  a  Bohemian,  and 
he  brought  with  him  a  bit  of  Wickliffe's  tombstone, 
which  these  persons,  who  follow  his  doctrines,  worship 
as  though  it  were  some  sacred  relic.  It  is  plain,  there- 
fore, with  what  design  this  whole  thing  was  executed, 
and  that  the  entire  responsibility  rests  upon  Huss." 

Upon  this  the  Englishmen  produced  another  let- 
ter, under  the  seal  of  the  university,  of  a  tenor 
directly  opposite  to  that  of  the  former ;  but  this 
mode  of  proceeding,  which  brought  forward  no  spe- 
cific doctrine  which  Huss  could  explain,  or  in  regard 


628  LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF   JOHN    HUSS.      [Oh.  XXTTT. 

to  which  he  could  ask  to  be  set  right,  could  afford 
him  little  satisfaction.  lie  was  altogether  too  much 
exhausted,  even  had  he  been  disposed,  to  defend 
himself.     In  regard  to  the  contradictory  letters  of 

the  University  of  Oxford,  there  can  be  but  slight 
grounds  for  questioning  them.  Both  probably  were 
genuine,  inconsistent  as  their  contents  were.  There 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that,  long  after  the  death  of 
Wickliffe,  his  views  had  a  stronghold  in  the  univer- 
sity. Archbishop  Arundel  affirms  that  Oxford  was 
a  vine  that  brought  forth  wild  and  sour  grapes.  Of 
these  the  fathers  had  eaten,  and  the  children's  teeth 
had  been  set  on  edge.  In  consequence  of  this,. the 
whole  province  of  Canterbury  was  represented  as 
tainted  with  novel  and  damnable  Lollardism,  to  the 
intolerable  and  notorious  scandal  of  the  university. 
We  can  see  nothing,  therefore,  improbable  in  suppos- 
ing that,  in  some  period  when  the  views  of  Wickliffe 
were  more  than  usually  popular,  his  friends  may  have 
seized  the  occasion  to  employ  the  seal  of  the  univer- 
sity to  attest  their  public  acceptance.  There  is  other 
collateral  evidence  to  support  this  conclusion.  But 
however  this  may  be,  Huss  at  least  did  not  design  to 
make  any  reply  to  the  accusation,  whether  it  was  that 
he  felt  too  exhausted,  and  wished  to  reserve  what  little, 
strength  still  remained  for  a  more  important  object, 
or  that  he  scorned  to  notice  an  imputation  so  incon- 
sistent with  his  principles,  or  so  injurious  to  his  char- 
acter, or  possibly  so  weak  and  unimportant  in  itself. 
After  the  Englishmen  had  finished,  there  was  a 
general  pause.  Huss  would  have  been  more  than 
mortal  if  he  had  been  still  ready  to  proceed  after 


Cn.  XXIII.]  PROTEST    OF    HUSs'    ACC USEES.  629 

all  the  fatigue  and  assaults  to  which  he  had  been 
subjected  ;  and  even  his  accusers,  numerous  as  they 
were,  seemed  to  have  exhausted  all  their  ammuni- 
tion of  accusation.  The  council  were  evidently  at  a 
loss  what  to  do.  They  were  not  quite  ready  to  take 
the  final  step.  They  paused,  hesitating,  on  the  brink 
of  a  decision  the  results  of  which  might  be  such  as 
their  forecast  would  not  choose  to  fathom. 

At  this  fitting  moment  Paletz  arose,  and  solemnly 
protested,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  his  imperial 
majesty,  and  the  most  reverend  fathers,  cardinals, 
bishops,  etc.,  that  "  in  this  accusation  against  John 
Huss  he  had  not  been  moved  by  any  hatred  or  mal- 
ice toward  him,  but  only  to  be  faithful  to  the  oath 
which  he  took  with  his  doctoral  degree,  that  he 
would  be  the  unrelenting  antagonist  of  every  error 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  holy  Catholic  church."  As  if 
to  crown  the  suspicious  solemnity  of  the  act  by  the 
ludicrously  horrid,  his  associate,  the  wretched  vil- 
lain Michael  de  Causis,  arose,  and  went  through  the 
same  form  of  solemn  protest. 

"  But  I,"  said  Huss,  conscious  of  his  integrity,  and 
undoubtedly  indignant  at  the  sacrilegious  villainy  of 
Michael  de  Causis — "  But  I  commend  all  this  matter 
to  the  Judge  in  heaven,  who  will  judge  the  cause  of 
both  parties  with  impartial  justice."  Who  does  not 
feel  that  the  prisoner  occupied  a  far  more  enviable 
position  than  one  at  least  of  his  accusers,  whom  we 
cannot,  by  any  stretch  of  faith,  acquit  of  perjury  ? 

The  Cardinal  of  Cambray,  in  a  tone  of  affected 
moderation,  addressed  the  council.  "  I  cannot  enough 
admire,"  said  he,  "  the  gentleness  and  humanity  of 


G30  LIFE    AM)    TIMES    OF    JOHN    BUSS.      [Cii.  XXIIL 

Master  Paletz,  which  he  lias  shown  in  laying  down 
the  articles  against  John  IIuss;  for,  certainly,  there 
are  things  in  his  books  more  atrocious  a>  we  have 
heard."  The  cardinal  might  have  understood  what 
he  called  "  gentleness "  better,  if  he  had  but  fully 
been  acquainted  with  the  facts  of  the  former  intimacy 
between  IIuss  and  Paletz.  The  last,  undoubtedly,  had 
sought  merely  to  lay  down  such  points  as  he  could 
prove,  and  not  be  worsted  in  argument  before  the 
council  by  a  former  rival,  with  whose  ability,  in  their 
past  controversies,  he  had  become  fully  acquainted. 
Paletz,  probably,  with  all  his  animosity,  merely  sought 
the  humiliation  and  not  the  life  of  IIuss;  and  his 
general  course  and  character  were  respectable  by  the 
side  of  his  villain-associate.  We  can  readily  believe 
that  his  own  partisan  spirit  had  carried  him  away  so 
far  that  he  really  believed  himself  sincere  in  his 
efforts. 

The  day  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.  The  coun- 
cil as  well  as  the  prisoner  must  by  this  time  have 
been  thoroughly  exhausted.  Further  proceedings 
were  deferred  to  the  next  day.  The  council  ad- 
journed, and  IIuss  was  given  in  charge  of  his  keeper, 
the  bishop  of  Riga,  to  be  placed  in  prison  and  kept 
under  guard. 

One  at  least  of  his  friends  followed  him.  It  was 
the  faithful  John  de  Chlum,  who  knew  well  how  se- 
verely he  had  been  tried,  and  how  much  he  needed 
the  sympathy  and  strength  of  friendly  counsel.  Few 
were  the  words  that  he  could  seize  the  opportunity 
of  addressing  to  the  poor,  exhausted  prisoner ;  but 
they  were  words  of  cheer,  and  Huss  welcomed  the 


Ch.  XXIII.]  ADDRESS    OF   THE    EMPEROR.  Gol 

consolation  they  afforded,  so  genial  after  the  tempests 
that  had  assailed  him,  so  needed  in  this  the  hour  of 
his  loneliness  and  desertion. 

As  the  assembly  broke  up,  the  emperor  gathered 
the  more  prominent  officers  and  members  of  the 
council  around  him,  and  addressed  them  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  trial.  "  You  have  heard  the  many  and 
aggravated  charges  against  John  Huss,  sustained  not 
only  by  strong  testimony,  but,  moreover,  also  by  his 
own  confession,  each  of  which,  in  my  judgment,  is  de- 
serving of  death  by  fire.  In  case,  however,  he  shall 
comply  with  what  is  required  of  him,  let  him  be  for- 
bidden to  teach,  or  preach,  or  reside  in  Bohemia.  For 
it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  if  he  should  be  again  al- 
lowed to  preach,  and  especially  in  Bohemia,  but  that, 
trusting  in  the  graciousness  and  favor  of  his  followers 
there,  he  may  return  to  his  former  views.  And, 
moreover,  he  may  also  scatter  new  errors  abroad 
among  the  common  people,  in  which  case  the  last 
error  would  be  worse  than  the  first.  I  think,  more- 
over, that  his  condemned  articles  should  be  sent  to 
my  brother  the  king  of  Bohemia,  to  Poland,  and  to 
other  regions  where  the  minds  of  men  have  become 
imbued  with  his  doctrines,  together  with  the  edict 
that  whoever  shall  continue  to  hold  those  views  shall 
be  punished  by  the  combined  power  of  the  secular 
and  spiritual  arm.  Thus  this  mischief  may  possibly 
be  met,  if  the  branches  along  with  the  root  be  torn 
up  thoroughly.  But  let  the  bishops  and  other  pre- 
lates who  have  labored  in  these  regions  to  extirpate 
this  heresy,  be  commended,  by  the  unanimous  suf- 
frage of  the  council,  to  the  kings  and  princes  in  whose 


632  LIIK    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN'    HUBS.      [«'».  X  X 1 1 1 

allegiance  they  are.  Finally,  it'  any  intimate  friends 
of  John  IIu<s  arc  found  here  at  Constance,  let  them 
also  be  held  in  Bevere  restraint,  and  especially  his 
disciple  Jerome."  "But,"  said  several,  "it  is  onr 
hope  that  when  the  master  is  punished,  the  disciple 
will  show  himself  more  pliable." 

The  emperor  could  no  longer  be  regarded  by  Huss 
with  hope  or  confidence,  lie  had  taken  the  side  of 
his  enemies.  There  was  much  brought  out  on  the 
trial  to  alienate  his  feelings  from  the  prisoner.  Un- 
doubtedly, moreover,  the  emperor  saw  that  the  de- 
monstrations of  public  feeling  in  the  council  were 
such  as  warned  him  against  placing  himself  in  its 
way.  Instead,  therefore,  of  struggling  against  the 
current — a  vain  effort  that  would  only  prejudice  the 
success  of  his  own  favorite  schemes — he  determined 
to  put  himself  at  its  head,  and  at  once  lead  and  con- 
trol it.  From  his  words  it  is  obvious  that  he  did  not 
contemplate,  notwithstanding  the  violence  of  some 
members  of  the  council,  the  fatal  issue  of  these  pro- 
ceedings, lie  did  not  expect  that  Huss  would  be 
put  to  death,  but  only  silenced.  Undoubtedly  he 
hoped  that  by  leading  the  current  of  feeling  it  would 
be  in  his  power  to  interpose  at  the  right  moment,  and 
adjust  the  whole  matter  according  to  the  dictates  of 
his  imperial  wisdom.  He  was  but  feebly  aware,  even 
\r\\  how  strong  and  resistless  —slave  of  his  policy  as 
he  was — were  the  chains  of  influence  in  which  he  was 
himself  bound.  He  had  allowed  the  council  to  be 
hounded  on  after  their  victim,  and  it  passed  his  power 
to  call  them  back. 

EXD  OF  VOL.  I. 


DATE  DUE 

Ml1"1",'  "  ' 

^ 

'&rT~w"*T^ 

CAYLORD 

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